This paper is aimed to explore the question of how the Great Games poses different socio economic, political and security challenges to regional countries especially Central Asia, Afghanistan and Pakistan. As Afghanistan is bordered with Central Asia which is the chessboard of big power since 19 th century due to its position of huge amount of natural resources and strategic location. Different proxy wars in region especially in Afghanistan by regional and extra regional countries to project their strategic interests, which changed the dynamics of the social, economic and political stability of regional countries. This power politics in the region created a lot of internal and external challenges for Today's financial stalemate of the region, political instability, ethnic diversification, disunity, religious extremism, terrorism, worst law and order situation and lack of power sharing are the results of great games and competing interests of regional and extra regional powers in the region. The involvement of US, NATO and ISAF and their influx of billions of dollars in the form of aid has significantly improved Afghanistan's economic circumstances but the social, political and security situation remain the same.
{"title":"Great Games and Competing Interests of Regional and Extra-regional Players Competing Interests of Regional and Extra-regional Players","authors":"Sajid Ali, Muhammad Naeem, Muhammad Fahim Khan","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3668557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3668557","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is aimed to explore the question of how the Great Games poses different socio economic, political and security challenges to regional countries especially Central Asia, Afghanistan and Pakistan. As Afghanistan is bordered with Central Asia which is the chessboard of big power since 19 th century due to its position of huge amount of natural resources and strategic location. Different proxy wars in region especially in Afghanistan by regional and extra regional countries to project their strategic interests, which changed the dynamics of the social, economic and political stability of regional countries. This power politics in the region created a lot of internal and external challenges for Today's financial stalemate of the region, political instability, ethnic diversification, disunity, religious extremism, terrorism, worst law and order situation and lack of power sharing are the results of great games and competing interests of regional and extra regional powers in the region. The involvement of US, NATO and ISAF and their influx of billions of dollars in the form of aid has significantly improved Afghanistan's economic circumstances but the social, political and security situation remain the same.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124971584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-12DOI: 10.18601/16577558.n31.07
Debora Fagaburu
Este artículo propone un marco analítico/metodológico para orientar el estudio de la Cooperación Sur-Sur al Desarrollo (CSSD) en zonas de frontera y su vinculación con la modalidad descentralizada. Particularmente en América Latina, la CSSD se caracteriza por ser técnica e intergubernamental, la cual busca generar y fortalecer las capacidades nacionales. Su fin último es apoyar el proceso de desarrollo socio-económico, pero este “camino” puede verse obstaculizado ante la inexistencia de una participación activa de las unidades sub-nacionales de gobierno y de otros actores locales, como la sociedad civil del territorio. A partir del Programa Escuelas Bilingües de Frontera, implementado inicialmente por Argentina y Brasil, se demuestra que una experiencia de CSSD transfronteriza también puede ser descentralizada, se puede ampliar al ámbito multilateral y arrojar beneficios compartidos sostenibles, con un rol protagónico de los actores locales.
{"title":"La CSS al desarrollo transfronterizo: El caso del programa escuelas Bilingües de Frontera (SSC to Cross-Border Development: The Case of ‘Programa Escuelas Bilingües De Frontera’)","authors":"Debora Fagaburu","doi":"10.18601/16577558.n31.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18601/16577558.n31.07","url":null,"abstract":"Este artículo propone un marco analítico/metodológico para orientar el estudio de la Cooperación Sur-Sur al Desarrollo (CSSD) en zonas de frontera y su vinculación con la modalidad descentralizada. Particularmente en América Latina, la CSSD se caracteriza por ser técnica e intergubernamental, la cual busca generar y fortalecer las capacidades nacionales. Su fin último es apoyar el proceso de desarrollo socio-económico, pero este “camino” puede verse obstaculizado ante la inexistencia de una participación activa de las unidades sub-nacionales de gobierno y de otros actores locales, como la sociedad civil del territorio. A partir del Programa Escuelas Bilingües de Frontera, implementado inicialmente por Argentina y Brasil, se demuestra que una experiencia de CSSD transfronteriza también puede ser descentralizada, se puede ampliar al ámbito multilateral y arrojar beneficios compartidos sostenibles, con un rol protagónico de los actores locales.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128789521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-12DOI: 10.18601/16577558.n31.09
Pedro Manuel Rodríguez Suárez
Este artículo analiza las relaciones entre el Reino Unido y la Unión Europea (UE), desde la ardua incorporación británica en la entonces Comunidad Europea hasta el fenómeno del Brexit. En este orden de ideas, este ensayo posee tres objetivos cardinales. El primero, evalúa las variables que han estado presentes a través de la historia en relación con el histórico distanciamiento británico vis-á-vis el proceso de integración del viejo continente. El segundo, analiza desde una perspectiva histórica las administraciones de los ex primeros ministros británicos y sus intereses en relación con la membresía del Reino Unido en la UE. El tercer y último objetivo, crea un escenario hipotético inherente a las consecuencias que eventualmente podrían presentarse para el Reino Unido y la UE en relación con el eventual fin de la membresía británica de la UE.
{"title":"El Brexit y el Futuro de Europa (Brexit and the Future of Europe)","authors":"Pedro Manuel Rodríguez Suárez","doi":"10.18601/16577558.n31.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18601/16577558.n31.09","url":null,"abstract":"Este artículo analiza las relaciones entre el Reino Unido y la Unión Europea (UE), desde la ardua incorporación británica en la entonces Comunidad Europea hasta el fenómeno del Brexit. En este orden de ideas, este ensayo posee tres objetivos cardinales. El primero, evalúa las variables que han estado presentes a través de la historia en relación con el histórico distanciamiento británico vis-á-vis el proceso de integración del viejo continente. El segundo, analiza desde una perspectiva histórica las administraciones de los ex primeros ministros británicos y sus intereses en relación con la membresía del Reino Unido en la UE. El tercer y último objetivo, crea un escenario hipotético inherente a las consecuencias que eventualmente podrían presentarse para el Reino Unido y la UE en relación con el eventual fin de la membresía británica de la UE.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"107 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116461265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract I study a model of electoral competition where two parties that care about both the spoils of office and policy compete by announcing policy platforms. Parties are characterized by their valence on the one hand and by their policy platforms on the other. Unlike in the extant literature, I assume that valence and policy are complements (instead of substitutes) from the voter's perspective. I generally characterize electoral equilibrium and show that in such a framework increasing one or both parties' valence level(s) leads to policy moderation. To the contrary, if both parties have minimal valence policy platforms are maximally polarized. The model hence uncovers valence as an important determinant of political polarization.
{"title":"Valence, Complementarities, and Political Polarization","authors":"Philipp Denter","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3495110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3495110","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract I study a model of electoral competition where two parties that care about both the spoils of office and policy compete by announcing policy platforms. Parties are characterized by their valence on the one hand and by their policy platforms on the other. Unlike in the extant literature, I assume that valence and policy are complements (instead of substitutes) from the voter's perspective. I generally characterize electoral equilibrium and show that in such a framework increasing one or both parties' valence level(s) leads to policy moderation. To the contrary, if both parties have minimal valence policy platforms are maximally polarized. The model hence uncovers valence as an important determinant of political polarization.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126113010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We consider an ad-financed media firm that chooses the ideological location of its news and targets consumers who can share the news with their followers on online social media. After studying how a targeted consumer's incentive to share the news is shaped by the network structure of her followers, we study the firm's strategy to maximize the breadth of news sharing and find that when the mean (respectively, the variance) of followers' ideological locations is a convex (respectively, concave) function of a direct consumer's location, the firm is likely to produce polarized news.
{"title":"Homophily in Social Media and News Polarization","authors":"Luis Abreu, Doh-Shin Jeon","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3468416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3468416","url":null,"abstract":"We consider an ad-financed media firm that chooses the ideological location of its news and targets consumers who can share the news with their followers on online social media. After studying how a targeted consumer's incentive to share the news is shaped by the network structure of her followers, we study the firm's strategy to maximize the breadth of news sharing and find that when the mean (respectively, the variance) of followers' ideological locations is a convex (respectively, concave) function of a direct consumer's location, the firm is likely to produce polarized news.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117274352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I study the change in polarization in the U.S. Senate from the period 1947-1966 to 1995-2014. I use a decomposition approach to quantify how much of the increase in polarization over that period can be explained by the representation relationship with all voters versus the representation relationship with copartisans. The decomposition also identifies the portion that arose from voters changing positions and how much arose from politicians changing how responsive they are to voters. I find that the representation relationship explains a majority of the increase in polarization. Further, I find that Republicans have become more conservative because they have become more responsive to the positions of their copartisan base. Copartisan subconstituencies matter for representation and are a source of increased polarization.The data also shows Democrats have contributed to polarization because the overall electorate in their districts have become more socially liberal.
{"title":"Partisan Subconstituencies and Polarization in the U.S.","authors":"Daniel M. Butler","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3449455","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3449455","url":null,"abstract":"I study the change in polarization in the U.S. Senate from the period 1947-1966 to 1995-2014. I use a decomposition approach to quantify how much of the increase in polarization over that period can be explained by the representation relationship with all voters versus the representation relationship with copartisans. The decomposition also identifies the portion that arose from voters changing positions and how much arose from politicians changing how responsive they are to voters. I find that the representation relationship explains a majority of the increase in polarization. Further, I find that Republicans have become more conservative because they have become more responsive to the positions of their copartisan base. Copartisan subconstituencies matter for representation and are a source of increased polarization.The data also shows Democrats have contributed to polarization because the overall electorate in their districts have become more socially liberal.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130055755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How do the Internet and social media affect political outcomes? We review empirical evidence from the recent political economy literature, focusing primarily on work that considers traits that distinguish the Internet and social media from traditional off-line media, such as low barriers to entry and reliance on user-generated content. We discuss the main results about the effects of the Internet in general, and social media in particular, on voting, street protests, attitudes toward government, political polarization, xenophobia, and politicians’ behavior. We also review evidence on the role of social media in the dissemination of fake news, and we summarize results about the strategies employed by autocratic regimes to censor the Internet and to use social media for surveillance and propaganda. We conclude by highlighting open questions about how the Internet and social media shape politics in democracies and autocracies.
{"title":"Political Effects of the Internet and Social Media","authors":"R. Enikolopov, M. Petrova, E. Zhuravskaya","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3439957","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3439957","url":null,"abstract":"How do the Internet and social media affect political outcomes? We review empirical evidence from the recent political economy literature, focusing primarily on work that considers traits that distinguish the Internet and social media from traditional off-line media, such as low barriers to entry and reliance on user-generated content. We discuss the main results about the effects of the Internet in general, and social media in particular, on voting, street protests, attitudes toward government, political polarization, xenophobia, and politicians’ behavior. We also review evidence on the role of social media in the dissemination of fake news, and we summarize results about the strategies employed by autocratic regimes to censor the Internet and to use social media for surveillance and propaganda. We conclude by highlighting open questions about how the Internet and social media shape politics in democracies and autocracies.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121666531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract We study a political contest where two candidates advertise on a platform to persuade voters to vote in their favor. Voters a priori favor one of the candidates. The extent of a candidate’s favorability can be ascertained by a data intermediary who can decide to sell this information to one, both or neither of the candidates. We contrast the intermediary’s incentives for selling information with the platform’s incentives for maximizing candidates’ advertising expenditures, and show that the two are always at conflict. Our findings suggest that tensions may exist between social-media platforms, which often generate data that an intermediary may collect, and an intermediary whose data sale choice can lower the platform’s profit from advertisements. We characterize conditions under which the intermediary can influence the outcome of the contest.
{"title":"Advertising and Voter Data in Asymmetric Political Contests","authors":"Priyanka Sharma, Liad Wagman","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3242301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3242301","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We study a political contest where two candidates advertise on a platform to persuade voters to vote in their favor. Voters a priori favor one of the candidates. The extent of a candidate’s favorability can be ascertained by a data intermediary who can decide to sell this information to one, both or neither of the candidates. We contrast the intermediary’s incentives for selling information with the platform’s incentives for maximizing candidates’ advertising expenditures, and show that the two are always at conflict. Our findings suggest that tensions may exist between social-media platforms, which often generate data that an intermediary may collect, and an intermediary whose data sale choice can lower the platform’s profit from advertisements. We characterize conditions under which the intermediary can influence the outcome of the contest.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"146 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124674100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Personal happiness, economic and social behavior and organizational behavior are widely concerned. New concepts and tools are defined such as ability income, expected income, expected difference, and income gap. With these new tools, this paper provides an in-depth analysis of common social and economic issues: statistics on the gap between rich and poor, midlife crisis, lifelong learning, layoff, happiness-income paradox, U-shaped curve of happiness, pension systems, seniority-wage system, and so on. The happiness does not depend on the actual income, but mainly depends on expected difference. Income gap increases the cost of the organization.
{"title":"Effect of Income Gap: Happiness, Cost and Midlife Crisis","authors":"Luping Wang","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3428809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3428809","url":null,"abstract":"Personal happiness, economic and social behavior and organizational behavior are widely concerned. New concepts and tools are defined such as ability income, expected income, expected difference, and income gap. With these new tools, this paper provides an in-depth analysis of common social and economic issues: statistics on the gap between rich and poor, midlife crisis, lifelong learning, layoff, happiness-income paradox, U-shaped curve of happiness, pension systems, seniority-wage system, and so on. The happiness does not depend on the actual income, but mainly depends on expected difference. Income gap increases the cost of the organization.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128582230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper presents results of content analyses of 69 public collective positions of Bulgarian intellectuals, published in the internet media in the period of 2005-2019. The research question is what the image of the Bulgarian intellectuals in the mirror of their public collective positions is. Theoretical roots of the research are in the sociology of intellectuals and sociology of interventions. It is built on the works on intellectuals and intellectual field of the classic sociologists from XX century, as well as their new millennium successors. This study poses a number of questions for further research.
{"title":"Bulgarian Intellectuals in the Mirror of Their Collective Public Positions (2005-2019)","authors":"Katia Mihailova","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3807157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3807157","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents results of content analyses of 69 public collective positions of Bulgarian intellectuals, published in the internet media in the period of 2005-2019. The research question is what the image of the Bulgarian intellectuals in the mirror of their public collective positions is. Theoretical roots of the research are in the sociology of intellectuals and sociology of interventions. It is built on the works on intellectuals and intellectual field of the classic sociologists from XX century, as well as their new millennium successors. This study poses a number of questions for further research.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125127605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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