We study the desirability of limits on the public debt and of political turnover in an economy where incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimal level due to rent-seeking motives. Parties alternate in office and cannot commit to future policies, but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same. In contrast to the received literature, we find that strict limits on government borrowing can exacerbate political economy distortions by making a political compromise unsustainable. This tends to happen when political turnover is limited. Conversely, a tight limit on the public debt fosters a compromise that yields the efficient outcome if political turnover is vigorous. Our analysis thus suggests that to sustain good economic policies, a society needs to restrict either the extent of political turnover or the ability of governments to issue debt, but not both.
{"title":"The Limits of Political Compromise: Debt Ceilings and Political Turnover","authors":"A. Cunha, E. Ornelas","doi":"10.1093/JEEA/JVX025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JEEA/JVX025","url":null,"abstract":"We study the desirability of limits on the public debt and of political turnover in an economy where incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimal level due to rent-seeking motives. Parties alternate in office and cannot commit to future policies, but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same. In contrast to the received literature, we find that strict limits on government borrowing can exacerbate political economy distortions by making a political compromise unsustainable. This tends to happen when political turnover is limited. Conversely, a tight limit on the public debt fosters a compromise that yields the efficient outcome if political turnover is vigorous. Our analysis thus suggests that to sustain good economic policies, a society needs to restrict either the extent of political turnover or the ability of governments to issue debt, but not both.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121781054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Korean Abstract: 본 연구에서는 인터넷 포털이 언론사와 뉴스를 선정하는 과정에서 정치적 편향성을 고려하는 경제적 유인에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. 인터넷 뉴스의 편향도는 2015년 1년간 국회 회의록에 기록된 국회의원들의 발언을 토대로 측정하였으며, 이는 미국 신문들의 편향도를 측정한 Gentzkow and Shapiro(2010)의 방법론을 한국어의 특성에 맞게 변용한 것이다. 당해 연도에 국내 양대 포털에 게재된 기사들을 수집하고 기사에 사용된 표현들을 추출하여 여당 편향도를 추정하였다. 분석 결과, 양 포털은 기계적 중립에 비해서 편향도가 다소 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 포털과 사용자의 편향도 차이가 커질수록 뉴스페이지에서의 클릭 수가 감소하였고, 포털의 편향도 선택이 소비자의 여당선호도와 정의 상관관계를 가짐을 확인할 수 있었다. 요컨대 포털 뉴스 소비자는 자신의 성향과 유사한 뉴스를 좀 더 소비하려고 하고, 포털은 이에 맞추어 뉴스 콘텐츠를 선택하는 것으로 보인다. 이는 온라인 광고 시장에서 수익을 높이기 위한 포털의 이윤극대화 행위로 해석이 가능하다. 또한 포털의 편향도 선택과 관련하여 양 포털 간의 차별화 효과는 존재하지만 그 크기가 미미한 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 현재 포털 뉴스 시장에서 자율규제의 적절성 및 실효성과 관련한 논의의 필요성을 시사한다. English Abstract: In this study, we examine the economic incentive to select political bias of news on Internet portals. The news slant is measured based on the expressions in congressional speeches in 2015, following Gentzkow and Shapiro (2010). The whole articles posted on two major domestic portals in the same year are used for the analysis. The higher the index value, the stronger the slant toward the ruling party. As a result, both portals locate somewhat farther from the ideology of the ruling party. Also, as the difference between portal and user increases, the number of clicks on news page decreased. The slant of portal was positively correlated with consumer 's political preference. In other words, consumers try to click on more news close to one’s preference, and the portal seems to select the news contents accordingly. We can interpret this as a profit maximization strategy of the portals in the online advertising market. In addition, there is a differentiation effect between the two portals regarding the news slant, but the size is small. These results suggest that a further discussion on the relevance and effectiveness of self-regulation in the portal news industry is necessary.
Korean Abstract:本研究将研究门户网站在选定媒体和新闻的过程中，考虑政治偏向性的经济诱因。网络新闻的偏向度是根据2015年国会会议记录中国会议员们的发言来测定的，这是将测定美国报纸偏向度的Gentzkow and Shapiro(2010)的方法论根据韩国语的特性进行改变的结果。收集本年度国内两大门户网站登载的报道，提取报道中使用的措辞，推定执政党偏向度。分析结果显示，与机械中立相比，两个门户网站的偏向度较低。而且，门户网站和用户的偏向差异越大，在新闻网页上的点击率就越减少，门户网站的偏向也可以确认选择与消费者对执政党的喜好度和正义有关。总而言之，门户网站新闻消费者想要多消费一些与自己倾向相似的新闻，而门户网站则根据这一点选择新闻内容。这可以解释为是门户网站为了在网络广告市场上提高收益而将利润极大化的行为。另外，门户网站的偏向也与选择相关，虽然存在两个门户网站之间的差别化效果，但其大小甚微。这样的结果暗示了目前在门户网站新闻市场上，有必要对自律规制的妥当性及实效性进行讨论。英语Abstract: In this study, we examine the economic incentive to select political bias of news on Internet portals。《新闻slant is measured based on The expressions in congressional speeches in 2015》，following Gentzkow and Shapiro(2010)。The whole articles posted on two major domestic portals in The same year are used for The analysis。The higher The index value, The stronger The slant toward The ruling party。As a result, both portals locate somewhat farther from the ideology of the ruling party。Also as the difference between portal and user increases, the number of clicks on news page decreased。The slant of portal was positively correlated with consumer 's political preference。In other words, consumers try to click on more news close to one ' s preference, and the portal seems to select the news contents accordingly。We can interpret this as a profit maximization strategy of the portals in the online advertising market。In addition, there is a differentiation effect between the two portals regarding the news slant, but the size is small。These results suggest that a further discussion on the relevance and effectiveness of self-regulation in the portal news industry is necessary。
{"title":"인터넷 포털의 경쟁과 뉴스 콘텐츠의 선택 (Internet Portal Competition and Economic Incentive to Tailor News Slant)","authors":"D. Choi","doi":"10.36354/kjio.25.2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36354/kjio.25.2.1","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Korean Abstract:</b> 본 연구에서는 인터넷 포털이 언론사와 뉴스를 선정하는 과정에서 정치적 편향성을 고려하는 경제적 유인에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. 인터넷 뉴스의 편향도는 2015년 1년간 국회 회의록에 기록된 국회의원들의 발언을 토대로 측정하였으며, 이는 미국 신문들의 편향도를 측정한 Gentzkow and Shapiro(2010)의 방법론을 한국어의 특성에 맞게 변용한 것이다. 당해 연도에 국내 양대 포털에 게재된 기사들을 수집하고 기사에 사용된 표현들을 추출하여 여당 편향도를 추정하였다. 분석 결과, 양 포털은 기계적 중립에 비해서 편향도가 다소 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 포털과 사용자의 편향도 차이가 커질수록 뉴스페이지에서의 클릭 수가 감소하였고, 포털의 편향도 선택이 소비자의 여당선호도와 정의 상관관계를 가짐을 확인할 수 있었다. 요컨대 포털 뉴스 소비자는 자신의 성향과 유사한 뉴스를 좀 더 소비하려고 하고, 포털은 이에 맞추어 뉴스 콘텐츠를 선택하는 것으로 보인다. 이는 온라인 광고 시장에서 수익을 높이기 위한 포털의 이윤극대화 행위로 해석이 가능하다. 또한 포털의 편향도 선택과 관련하여 양 포털 간의 차별화 효과는 존재하지만 그 크기가 미미한 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 현재 포털 뉴스 시장에서 자율규제의 적절성 및 실효성과 관련한 논의의 필요성을 시사한다. <b>English Abstract:</b> In this study, we examine the economic incentive to select political bias of news on Internet portals. The news slant is measured based on the expressions in congressional speeches in 2015, following Gentzkow and Shapiro (2010). The whole articles posted on two major domestic portals in the same year are used for the analysis. The higher the index value, the stronger the slant toward the ruling party. As a result, both portals locate somewhat farther from the ideology of the ruling party. Also, as the difference between portal and user increases, the number of clicks on news page decreased. The slant of portal was positively correlated with consumer 's political preference. In other words, consumers try to click on more news close to one’s preference, and the portal seems to select the news contents accordingly. We can interpret this as a profit maximization strategy of the portals in the online advertising market. In addition, there is a differentiation effect between the two portals regarding the news slant, but the size is small. These results suggest that a further discussion on the relevance and effectiveness of self-regulation in the portal news industry is necessary.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"197 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123014264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Italian civil war and the Nazi occupation of Italy occurred at a critical juncture, just before the birth of a new democracy and when, for the first time in a generation, Italians were choosing political affiliations and forming political identities. In this paper we study how these traumatic events shaped the new political system. We exploit geographic heterogeneity in the intensity and duration of the civil war, and the persistence of the battlefront along the "Gothic line" cutting through Northern-Central Italy. We find that the Communist Party gained votes in the post-war elections where the Nazi occupation and the civil war lasted longer, mainly at the expense of the centrist and catholic parties. This effect persists until the early 1990s. Evidence also suggests that this is due to an effect on political attitudes. Thus, the foreign occupation and the civil war left a lasting legacy of political extremism and polarization on the newborn Italian democracy.
{"title":"Historical Roots of Political Extremism: The Effects of Nazi Occupation of Italy","authors":"N. Fontana, T. Nannicini, G. Tabellini","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3091588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3091588","url":null,"abstract":"The Italian civil war and the Nazi occupation of Italy occurred at a critical juncture, just before the birth of a new democracy and when, for the first time in a generation, Italians were choosing political affiliations and forming political identities. In this paper we study how these traumatic events shaped the new political system. We exploit geographic heterogeneity in the intensity and duration of the civil war, and the persistence of the battlefront along the \"Gothic line\" cutting through Northern-Central Italy. We find that the Communist Party gained votes in the post-war elections where the Nazi occupation and the civil war lasted longer, mainly at the expense of the centrist and catholic parties. This effect persists until the early 1990s. Evidence also suggests that this is due to an effect on political attitudes. Thus, the foreign occupation and the civil war left a lasting legacy of political extremism and polarization on the newborn Italian democracy.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133893946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the impact of social media and new technologies of participation on citizen participation in lawmaking. This article focuses on electronic petitioning and examines how Uber, a controversial ride-sharing digital platform, has employed a traditional instrument of civic engagement for lobbying purposes. Notwithstanding the platform’s ability to mobilize thousands of citizens, it is unclear how these and other online petitions should be evaluated from the point of view of their democratic legitimacy. Drawing on the analysis of Uber petitions and the review of the legal and social science literature, I argue that technology has shaped civic engagement in the case of e-petitioning, by mobilizing citizens at a faster pace, promoting political and legal discussions in apolitical platforms, and providing more information at lower costs. I suggest that technology has nonetheless not solved the democratic deficits of online petitioning, partially due to its limited influence and the leadership of participatory initiatives.
{"title":"Digital Agoras: Democratic Legitimacy, Online Participation and Uber's Petitions","authors":"S. Ranchordás","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2849401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2849401","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the impact of social media and new technologies of participation on citizen participation in lawmaking. This article focuses on electronic petitioning and examines how Uber, a controversial ride-sharing digital platform, has employed a traditional instrument of civic engagement for lobbying purposes. Notwithstanding the platform’s ability to mobilize thousands of citizens, it is unclear how these and other online petitions should be evaluated from the point of view of their democratic legitimacy. Drawing on the analysis of Uber petitions and the review of the legal and social science literature, I argue that technology has shaped civic engagement in the case of e-petitioning, by mobilizing citizens at a faster pace, promoting political and legal discussions in apolitical platforms, and providing more information at lower costs. I suggest that technology has nonetheless not solved the democratic deficits of online petitioning, partially due to its limited influence and the leadership of participatory initiatives.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128407244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Income inequality in the United States has increased in recent decades while public support for redistribution has failed to rise in the same period. These competing trends are often framed as countering a basic expectation in political economy (Metlzer and Richard, 1981). Recent work posits that citizens' lack of accurate information about inequality explains this empirical puzzle. In this paper, I argue that this explanation is insufficient as preferences for redistribution are contingent on the political process whereby taxes are collected and spent. I present evidence from a novel survey experiment where I manipulate a respondent's standing in the income distribution as well as the way in which tax revenues are transferred back to households. When transfers are made such that voters understand the consequences to their net income, they state self-interested demands for redistribution. However, this result is quickly diminished with the introduction of the real-world political process.
{"title":"Manipulation of Self-Interest Perception Can Increase Support for Redistribution: Experimental Evidence Testing the Meltzer and Richard Model","authors":"Vivekinan L. Ashok","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2846589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2846589","url":null,"abstract":"Income inequality in the United States has increased in recent decades while public support for redistribution has failed to rise in the same period. These competing trends are often framed as countering a basic expectation in political economy (Metlzer and Richard, 1981). Recent work posits that citizens' lack of accurate information about inequality explains this empirical puzzle. In this paper, I argue that this explanation is insufficient as preferences for redistribution are contingent on the political process whereby taxes are collected and spent. I present evidence from a novel survey experiment where I manipulate a respondent's standing in the income distribution as well as the way in which tax revenues are transferred back to households. When transfers are made such that voters understand the consequences to their net income, they state self-interested demands for redistribution. However, this result is quickly diminished with the introduction of the real-world political process.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"245 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124698873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For years the only serious question about district attorney elections was whether they were pernicious or merely a charade. One view was that running for reelection turned prosecutors into politicians, and that politics demanded that prosecutors appear tough, unforgiving, and staunchly pro-police. The rival view was that prosecutorial elections were meaningless, because incumbents hardly ever lost, and campaigns focused on personalities, not on policies. Recently, though, a surprising number of district attorneys have won office by promising some combination of less aggressive charging, more vigilance against wrongful convictions, and greater scrutiny of the police. This essay examines these results and draws three tentative lessons. First, claims about the inexorable logic of criminal justice politics should be greeted with skepticism. Second, there is room for guarded optimism about electoral democracy as a tool for reforming prosecutors’ offices, but voters need better tools for evaluating how those offices are performing. Third, as reformers increase their focus on prosecutorial elections, there is a danger worth bearing in mind: the risk that prosecutorial decision-making will become inappropriately politicized, especially when elections focus on the handling or the outcome of particular cases.
{"title":"The Changing Political Landscape for Elected Prosecutors","authors":"D. Sklansky","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2828803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2828803","url":null,"abstract":"For years the only serious question about district attorney elections was whether they were pernicious or merely a charade. One view was that running for reelection turned prosecutors into politicians, and that politics demanded that prosecutors appear tough, unforgiving, and staunchly pro-police. The rival view was that prosecutorial elections were meaningless, because incumbents hardly ever lost, and campaigns focused on personalities, not on policies. Recently, though, a surprising number of district attorneys have won office by promising some combination of less aggressive charging, more vigilance against wrongful convictions, and greater scrutiny of the police. This essay examines these results and draws three tentative lessons. First, claims about the inexorable logic of criminal justice politics should be greeted with skepticism. Second, there is room for guarded optimism about electoral democracy as a tool for reforming prosecutors’ offices, but voters need better tools for evaluating how those offices are performing. Third, as reformers increase their focus on prosecutorial elections, there is a danger worth bearing in mind: the risk that prosecutorial decision-making will become inappropriately politicized, especially when elections focus on the handling or the outcome of particular cases.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125198566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We document that Chinese city officials are more likely to be promoted if firms under their jurisdictions receive less negative media coverage towards their term-ends. Consequently, local officials suppress negative news of local companies at their term-ends. Such distortion worsens the information environment. We show that a trading strategy exploiting this informational inefficiency can generate a 12% per annum abnormal return. We also find that officials with stronger career concerns are more likely to suppress negative news. Taken together, politician career concern appears to be an important determinant of capital market information efficiency in China.
{"title":"The Effect of Politician Career Concerns on Media Slant and Market Return: Evidence from China","authors":"Li Jin, Nianhang Xu, Weining Zhang","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2813725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2813725","url":null,"abstract":"We document that Chinese city officials are more likely to be promoted if firms under their jurisdictions receive less negative media coverage towards their term-ends. Consequently, local officials suppress negative news of local companies at their term-ends. Such distortion worsens the information environment. We show that a trading strategy exploiting this informational inefficiency can generate a 12% per annum abnormal return. We also find that officials with stronger career concerns are more likely to suppress negative news. Taken together, politician career concern appears to be an important determinant of capital market information efficiency in China.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"295 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115867834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Petition canvassers are political recruiters. Building upon the rational prospector model, we theorize that rational recruiting strategies are dynamic (Bayesian and time-conscious), spatial (constrained by geography) and social (conditioned on relations between canvasser and prospect). Our theory predicts that canvassers will exhibit homophily in their canvassing preferences and will alternate between "door- to-door” and “attractor” (working in a central location) strategies based upon systematic geographical variation. They will adjust their strategies midstream (mid-petition) based upon experience. Introducing methods to analyze canvassing data, we test these hypotheses on geocoded signatory lists from two petition drives — a 2005-2006 anti-Iraq War initiative in Wisconsin and an 1839 antislavery campaign in New York City. Canvassers in these campaigns exhibited homophily to the point of following geographically and politically “inefficient” paths. In the aggregate, these patterns may exacerbate political inequality, limiting political involvement of the poorer and less educated.
{"title":"Paths of Recruitment: Rational Social Prospecting in Petition Canvassing","authors":"Clayton Nall, Benjamin Schneer, D. Carpenter","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2795336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2795336","url":null,"abstract":"Petition canvassers are political recruiters. Building upon the rational prospector model, we theorize that rational recruiting strategies are dynamic (Bayesian and time-conscious), spatial (constrained by geography) and social (conditioned on relations between canvasser and prospect). Our theory predicts that canvassers will exhibit homophily in their canvassing preferences and will alternate between \"door- to-door” and “attractor” (working in a central location) strategies based upon systematic geographical variation. They will adjust their strategies midstream (mid-petition) based upon experience. Introducing methods to analyze canvassing data, we test these hypotheses on geocoded signatory lists from two petition drives — a 2005-2006 anti-Iraq War initiative in Wisconsin and an 1839 antislavery campaign in New York City. Canvassers in these campaigns exhibited homophily to the point of following geographically and politically “inefficient” paths. In the aggregate, these patterns may exacerbate political inequality, limiting political involvement of the poorer and less educated.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114387109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Landrum, Robert B. Lull, Heather Akin, K. Jamieson
In June 2015, Pope Francis released his papal encyclical, Laudato si’: On Care of our Common Home, urging global action toward climate change mitigation. The official Catholic document was widely praised for its unique rhetorical approach that emphasized climate change mitigation as a moral obligation shared among all people (Maxwell & Miller, 2015). As the spiritual leader of over 1 billion Catholics worldwide, Pope Francis was well-positioned not only to appeal to his followers’ moral sensibilities, but to instigate an even broader impact among non-Catholics. Here we present two studies that examine the viability of its rhetorical strategy as a proximal metric of the encyclical’s success. In the first study, we used Moral Foundations Theory to analyze the text of Laudato si’ and categorize some of its moral arguments according to how those arguments might have appealed to different ideological groups. In the second study, we used nationally-representative survey data to examine to what extent these different ideological groups accepted the moral arguments offered in Laudato si’.
{"title":"Making It About Morals: Pope Francis Shifts the Climate Change Debate","authors":"A. Landrum, Robert B. Lull, Heather Akin, K. Jamieson","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2997490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2997490","url":null,"abstract":"In June 2015, Pope Francis released his papal encyclical, Laudato si’: On Care of our Common Home, urging global action toward climate change mitigation. The official Catholic document was widely praised for its unique rhetorical approach that emphasized climate change mitigation as a moral obligation shared among all people (Maxwell & Miller, 2015). As the spiritual leader of over 1 billion Catholics worldwide, Pope Francis was well-positioned not only to appeal to his followers’ moral sensibilities, but to instigate an even broader impact among non-Catholics. \u0000Here we present two studies that examine the viability of its rhetorical strategy as a proximal metric of the encyclical’s success. In the first study, we used Moral Foundations Theory to analyze the text of Laudato si’ and categorize some of its moral arguments according to how those arguments might have appealed to different ideological groups. In the second study, we used nationally-representative survey data to examine to what extent these different ideological groups accepted the moral arguments offered in Laudato si’.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130764859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
E-government services are increasingly seen, even in Romania, as part of the public institution’s raison d’etre. More than half of Romanians use the internet on a regular basis, and most of the new connections to the internet are made from mobile devices (smartphones and tablets). Being able to interact with public administration from anywhere, and with ease, is something that people (especially young people) expect. This is particularly evident in big cities, where over 70% of people use the internet. This trend of demanding more and better services is intertwined with changes in media consumption patterns. More and more people use social media as one of the most important (if not the most important) source of information. Aside from that, social media sites offer something that the traditional media could not provide: easy two-way interaction and constant updating. The old media paradigm of one-to-many is blown away by hundreds of millions of users, connected through a bewilderingly complex network, many of them plugged-in round the clock. In this paper, we tried to gauge the importance that the Romanian County Capital Cities plus those of the 6 Bucharest Sectors give to e-government; for this we evaluated the online services offered to citizens as well as to companies and created an index of e-government development in Romanian cities. We also analyzed the Facebook accounts of these cities to assess the way in which social media is used on their official accounts. We compared these two datasets as well, to see if there is any correlation between the stage of e-government implementation and the proficiency of social media use.
{"title":"Online Services and Social Media Use in Romanian Cities: Can We See a Pattern?","authors":"N. Urs","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3044274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3044274","url":null,"abstract":"E-government services are increasingly seen, even in Romania, as part of the public institution’s raison d’etre. More than half of Romanians use the internet on a regular basis, and most of the new connections to the internet are made from mobile devices (smartphones and tablets). Being able to interact with public administration from anywhere, and with ease, is something that people (especially young people) expect. This is particularly evident in big cities, where over 70% of people use the internet. This trend of demanding more and better services is intertwined with changes in media consumption patterns. More and more people use social media as one of the most important (if not the most important) source of information. Aside from that, social media sites offer something that the traditional media could not provide: easy two-way interaction and constant updating. The old media paradigm of one-to-many is blown away by hundreds of millions of users, connected through a bewilderingly complex network, many of them plugged-in round the clock. In this paper, we tried to gauge the importance that the Romanian County Capital Cities plus those of the 6 Bucharest Sectors give to e-government; for this we evaluated the online services offered to citizens as well as to companies and created an index of e-government development in Romanian cities. We also analyzed the Facebook accounts of these cities to assess the way in which social media is used on their official accounts. We compared these two datasets as well, to see if there is any correlation between the stage of e-government implementation and the proficiency of social media use.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121570680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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