Pub Date : 2019-09-18DOI: 10.5406/womgenfamcol.7.1.0012
Sonya Donaldson
Abstract:In this comparative reading of Doris McMillon's Mixed Blessing and Ika Hügel-Marshall's Invisible Woman, I examine the ways that the authors use the autobiographical form to engage notions of black girlhood in both Germany and the United States. By focusing on their fractured family relationships—and their desire for a return to family, race, and nation—the authors reveal the ways in which national and transnational discourses demarcate the boundaries of racial and national belonging. The narratives return us to scenes of fraught personal and national histories to articulate experiences of subject-making that echo transnationally, while making visible the black girl's body as a pivotal site of nation-state transformation.
{"title":"\"How does it feel to be a problem?\": Black German Girlhood and the Historical Entanglements of Nation","authors":"Sonya Donaldson","doi":"10.5406/womgenfamcol.7.1.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/womgenfamcol.7.1.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In this comparative reading of Doris McMillon's Mixed Blessing and Ika Hügel-Marshall's Invisible Woman, I examine the ways that the authors use the autobiographical form to engage notions of black girlhood in both Germany and the United States. By focusing on their fractured family relationships—and their desire for a return to family, race, and nation—the authors reveal the ways in which national and transnational discourses demarcate the boundaries of racial and national belonging. The narratives return us to scenes of fraught personal and national histories to articulate experiences of subject-making that echo transnationally, while making visible the black girl's body as a pivotal site of nation-state transformation.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117116346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-01DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0226
In Wilson, Afiya M. Mbilishaka, Marva L. Lewis
Abstract:Limited research focuses on the memories that shape African American mother–daughter bonds and racial socialization. Informed by Marva L. Lewis's hair-combing interaction paradigm that emphasizes the role of hair in African American mother–daughter relationships, this study analyzes qualitative data from 13 African American female college students to explore mother–daughter dynamics, race, and hair. Multiple experiential themes emerged in the data: recognizing differences in hair texture, making doll choices, and daughters requesting permission from mothers to alter their hair chemically. Participants identified being between the ages of four to 14 years old during the experiences and expressed a range of feelings that centered on sadness, anger, and confusion. The findings address an indisputable void in understanding the internalized stories about hair that shape African American racial identity and racial socialization.
摘要:有限的研究集中于非裔美国人母女关系和种族社会化的记忆。Marva L. Lewis的梳头互动范式强调头发在非裔美国母女关系中的作用，本研究分析了13名非裔美国女大学生的定性数据，以探讨母女动态、种族和头发。数据中出现了多个体验主题:识别头发质地的差异，选择洋娃娃，女儿请求母亲允许用化学方法改变头发。参与者在经历期间确定自己的年龄在4到14岁之间，并表达了以悲伤、愤怒和困惑为中心的一系列感受。这些发现解决了一个无可争议的空白，即在理解关于头发的内化故事，这些故事塑造了非裔美国人的种族身份和种族社会化。
{"title":"\"White folks ain't got hair like us\": African American Mother–Daughter Hair Stories and Racial Socialization","authors":"In Wilson, Afiya M. Mbilishaka, Marva L. Lewis","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0226","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Limited research focuses on the memories that shape African American mother–daughter bonds and racial socialization. Informed by Marva L. Lewis's hair-combing interaction paradigm that emphasizes the role of hair in African American mother–daughter relationships, this study analyzes qualitative data from 13 African American female college students to explore mother–daughter dynamics, race, and hair. Multiple experiential themes emerged in the data: recognizing differences in hair texture, making doll choices, and daughters requesting permission from mothers to alter their hair chemically. Participants identified being between the ages of four to 14 years old during the experiences and expressed a range of feelings that centered on sadness, anger, and confusion. The findings address an indisputable void in understanding the internalized stories about hair that shape African American racial identity and racial socialization.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132588108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-01DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0202
Roberta Peterson, Juan Battle
Abstract:Over the past decade, progress among LGBT Americans has been impressive. However, are all subgroups experiencing that process equally? More specifically, for example, how connected to the larger/majority (white) LGBT community do Latinx LGBTs feel? Using a national sample of LGBT Latinx people (N=1,159), this article examines the relative importance of a variety of characteristics in understanding connectedness to the larger LGBT community. Hierarchical regression modeling reveals that racial salience and comfort in the LGBT community, LGBT activism, sexual orientation identity, nativity, and city residency all have a significant impact. The implications of these findings are discussed regarding future research with Latinx LGBT populations.
{"title":"Conexión a la Comunidad: Latinx LGBT Feelings of Connectedness","authors":"Roberta Peterson, Juan Battle","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0202","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Over the past decade, progress among LGBT Americans has been impressive. However, are all subgroups experiencing that process equally? More specifically, for example, how connected to the larger/majority (white) LGBT community do Latinx LGBTs feel? Using a national sample of LGBT Latinx people (N=1,159), this article examines the relative importance of a variety of characteristics in understanding connectedness to the larger LGBT community. Hierarchical regression modeling reveals that racial salience and comfort in the LGBT community, LGBT activism, sexual orientation identity, nativity, and city residency all have a significant impact. The implications of these findings are discussed regarding future research with Latinx LGBT populations.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130693448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-01DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0151
Maica Gugolati, Angelique C. Harris, Roberta Peterson, Juan Battle, In Wilson, Afiya M. Mbilishaka, Marva L. Lewis
Abstract:This article compares the folkloric character La Djablesse as presented on two Caribbean islands: Martinique and Trinidad. It examines the importance of this feminine figure who comes from black Créole oral stories, combining contemporary oral accounts with written historical transcriptions enriched by the use of photographic materials. La Djablesse is a female demon who uses her charms to kill or challenge men's machismo and misogyny; she teases men and the concept of masculinity while challenging ideas of domination using her sexuality. This article analyzes how this figure binds together colonial memories and postcolonial re-elaboration of gender stereotypes where eroticism is questioned in contemporary feminine representations. The article shows how this feminine folkloric figure embodies stereotypical womanhood(s) that are present in contemporary male desires. Moreover, it includes a regression to the Haitian Vodou pantheon evoked by the interlocutors, which opens the investigation on a pan-Caribbean perspective.
{"title":"La Djablesse: Between Martinique, Trinidad (and Tobago), and its Pan-Caribbean Dimension","authors":"Maica Gugolati, Angelique C. Harris, Roberta Peterson, Juan Battle, In Wilson, Afiya M. Mbilishaka, Marva L. Lewis","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0151","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article compares the folkloric character La Djablesse as presented on two Caribbean islands: Martinique and Trinidad. It examines the importance of this feminine figure who comes from black Créole oral stories, combining contemporary oral accounts with written historical transcriptions enriched by the use of photographic materials. La Djablesse is a female demon who uses her charms to kill or challenge men's machismo and misogyny; she teases men and the concept of masculinity while challenging ideas of domination using her sexuality. This article analyzes how this figure binds together colonial memories and postcolonial re-elaboration of gender stereotypes where eroticism is questioned in contemporary feminine representations. The article shows how this feminine folkloric figure embodies stereotypical womanhood(s) that are present in contemporary male desires. Moreover, it includes a regression to the Haitian Vodou pantheon evoked by the interlocutors, which opens the investigation on a pan-Caribbean perspective.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"132 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114661890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-01DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0181
Angelique C. Harris
Abstract:This paper examines the emotions and feelings that influence AIDS activism work among a sample of black women. HIV/AIDS has disproportionately impacted black communities—black women, in particular. Not only do black women have the highest infection rates among women, but they are also often charged with caring for those infected. Consequently, black women have taken important steps in addressing HIV/AIDS in their communities, yet little is known about the emotions that motivate this activism work. Womanism —and its focus on intersecting identities, spirituality, and social justice—serves as the theoretical framework to examine the thoughts and related emotions expressed during interviews conducted with a sample of 36 activists from across the United States. Findings indicate these women's activism was often fueled and maintained by feelings of love, anger, and solidarity.
{"title":"Emotions, Feelings, and Social Change: Love, Anger, and Solidarity in Black Women's AIDS Activism","authors":"Angelique C. Harris","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.2.0181","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines the emotions and feelings that influence AIDS activism work among a sample of black women. HIV/AIDS has disproportionately impacted black communities—black women, in particular. Not only do black women have the highest infection rates among women, but they are also often charged with caring for those infected. Consequently, black women have taken important steps in addressing HIV/AIDS in their communities, yet little is known about the emotions that motivate this activism work. Womanism —and its focus on intersecting identities, spirituality, and social justice—serves as the theoretical framework to examine the thoughts and related emotions expressed during interviews conducted with a sample of 36 activists from across the United States. Findings indicate these women's activism was often fueled and maintained by feelings of love, anger, and solidarity.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134253440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-07-18DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0079
Jennifer Sdunzik, Bill V. Mullen
Even before Donald Trump was elected president in November 2016, an urgent feeling developed among scholars and teachers that Trump and what some called “Trumpism” needed to be explained. In June 2016, for example, a group of scholars published in The Chronicle Review, the “Trump Syllabus,” called “Trump 101” (2016), a set of readings and lectures on a range of topics. Shortly thereafter, “Trump Syllabus 2.0” appeared on Public Books (Connolly and Blain 2016b). That syllabus noted the nearly complete absence of nonwhite scholars and readings from the initial one (Connolly and Blain 2016a). Those were followed quickly in turn by a “revisionist” syllabus by African-American scholars posted to the African American Intellectual History website (for example, Hall 2016). This compulsion to “teach” Trump and to define “Trumpism” bespeaks the crisis of Trump himself; history seemed to catch everyone by surprise with his rise and polarizing effect. As Trump’s voluble sexism, racism, xenophobia, and misogyny spilled over the boundaries of standard political discourse during the campaign, this feeling only deepened. It was exacerbated by signs and symptoms of real and rhetorical violence around Trump’s campaign; recall the scenes of dissenters being forcibly removed from Trump rallies escorted by hooting crowds egged on by Trump’s exhortations, “Get him the hell out of here” (“Donald Trump on Rally Protester” 2016). Another way of interpreting this moment is the creation of a new public. Trump mobilized political opinion and political will like few other candidates
甚至在2016年11月唐纳德·特朗普当选总统之前，学者和教师中就出现了一种迫切的感觉，即特朗普和一些人所谓的“特朗普主义”需要得到解释。例如，2016年6月，一群学者在《纪事评论》上发表了“特朗普教学大纲”，称为“特朗普101”(2016)，这是一套关于一系列主题的阅读和讲座。此后不久，“特朗普教学大纲2.0”出现在公共书籍上(Connolly and Blain 2016b)。该教学大纲指出，最初的教学大纲几乎完全没有非白人学者和阅读材料(Connolly and Blain 2016a)。随后，非裔美国学者在非裔美国人思想史网站上发布了一份“修正主义”教学大纲(例如，Hall 2016)。这种“教导”特朗普和定义“特朗普主义”的冲动，说明了特朗普本人的危机;他的崛起和两极分化效应似乎出乎所有人的意料。随着特朗普滔滔不绝的性别歧视、种族主义、仇外心理和厌女症在竞选期间蔓延到标准政治话语的边界，这种感觉只会加深。围绕特朗普竞选活动的真实暴力和口头暴力的迹象和症状加剧了这种局面;回想一下那些持不同政见者被强行赶出特朗普集会的场景，在特朗普“让他滚出去”的劝诫下，抗议者们在人群的欢呼声中被护送(《唐纳德·特朗普对集会抗议者》，2016)。另一种解释这一时刻的方式是创造一个新的公众。特朗普像其他候选人一样调动了政治舆论和政治意愿
{"title":"Talking Trump: Bridging Campus and Community in a Time of Crisis","authors":"Jennifer Sdunzik, Bill V. Mullen","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0079","url":null,"abstract":"Even before Donald Trump was elected president in November 2016, an urgent feeling developed among scholars and teachers that Trump and what some called “Trumpism” needed to be explained. In June 2016, for example, a group of scholars published in The Chronicle Review, the “Trump Syllabus,” called “Trump 101” (2016), a set of readings and lectures on a range of topics. Shortly thereafter, “Trump Syllabus 2.0” appeared on Public Books (Connolly and Blain 2016b). That syllabus noted the nearly complete absence of nonwhite scholars and readings from the initial one (Connolly and Blain 2016a). Those were followed quickly in turn by a “revisionist” syllabus by African-American scholars posted to the African American Intellectual History website (for example, Hall 2016). This compulsion to “teach” Trump and to define “Trumpism” bespeaks the crisis of Trump himself; history seemed to catch everyone by surprise with his rise and polarizing effect. As Trump’s voluble sexism, racism, xenophobia, and misogyny spilled over the boundaries of standard political discourse during the campaign, this feeling only deepened. It was exacerbated by signs and symptoms of real and rhetorical violence around Trump’s campaign; recall the scenes of dissenters being forcibly removed from Trump rallies escorted by hooting crowds egged on by Trump’s exhortations, “Get him the hell out of here” (“Donald Trump on Rally Protester” 2016). Another way of interpreting this moment is the creation of a new public. Trump mobilized political opinion and political will like few other candidates","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131354786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-07-18DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0126
Sierra Watt, Carolina Costa Candal, Marcy Quiason
Since the 2016 election of President Donald Trump, the country has experienced an increase in rhetorical and physical violence against marginalized groups. While the election served as a focusing event, these undercurrents have been present in the political climate for far longer, as people of color, immigrants, Muslims, women, and members of the LGBTQ+ community well know. These tensions have not bypassed university campuses, which have become a focal point of conflict within the current political environment. The “Unite the Right” rally on August 11, 2017, at the University of Virginia campus, served as the prime example of contemporary white nationalism within the United States (Blake 2017). However, there have been other instances of racism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia on college campuses throughout the country this past election season. Instances include a black baby doll hung by a noose in an elevator at Canisius College in Buffalo, graffiti featuring the words “#StopIslam” written in chalk in common areas at the University of Michigan, and swastikas drawn throughout a predominantly Jewish women’s dormitory at the New School in New York City (Buckley 2016; Knake 2016; Levine 2016). Rallies, references to lynching, and hate symbols are consistent reminders of the continued threat faced by marginalized groups when pursuing higher education. Alongside this increase in political tension,
{"title":"Marginalization and Fear? Concealed Carry and Campus Climate in the Trump Era","authors":"Sierra Watt, Carolina Costa Candal, Marcy Quiason","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0126","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 2016 election of President Donald Trump, the country has experienced an increase in rhetorical and physical violence against marginalized groups. While the election served as a focusing event, these undercurrents have been present in the political climate for far longer, as people of color, immigrants, Muslims, women, and members of the LGBTQ+ community well know. These tensions have not bypassed university campuses, which have become a focal point of conflict within the current political environment. The “Unite the Right” rally on August 11, 2017, at the University of Virginia campus, served as the prime example of contemporary white nationalism within the United States (Blake 2017). However, there have been other instances of racism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia on college campuses throughout the country this past election season. Instances include a black baby doll hung by a noose in an elevator at Canisius College in Buffalo, graffiti featuring the words “#StopIslam” written in chalk in common areas at the University of Michigan, and swastikas drawn throughout a predominantly Jewish women’s dormitory at the New School in New York City (Buckley 2016; Knake 2016; Levine 2016). Rallies, references to lynching, and hate symbols are consistent reminders of the continued threat faced by marginalized groups when pursuing higher education. Alongside this increase in political tension,","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131372108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-07-18DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0003
Hannah Oliha-Donaldson
Being a woman of color in higher education has never been easy, yet, in this historical moment, it has become even more difficult. In addition to endemic diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) issues facing higher-education institutions—such as the underrepresentation of minorities, the struggle for equitable outcomes in retention and graduation rates, and pervasive organizational climates that offer access but not belonging—the evolving context of the United States is creating a greater sense of dislocation and insecurity at pedagogical and social levels. In a season when it seems the credibility and contributions of minorities are openly questioned in some circles to sanction nativism and the rabid exclusionary needs of the radical right, it feels like the stakes are higher. Many years ago, while I was completing a study exploring diversity and equity issues, one of the participants described the challenge of feeling pressured to conform to a default “white setting” in higher education. For those like me who are underrepresented, this pressure has often manifested as an uncomfortable struggle between asserting one’s unique identity or simply “fitting in” and “playing the game” to graduate, become tenured, or just make it through the next faculty meeting (Oliha 2011). Yet this enduring struggle is only the foreground of a more complex societal problem that is playing out on the national stage today. In the background is a ubiquitous historical legacy of racial hierarchy, a colonializing social order created to discipline and control minoritized bodies, and economic imperatives met through this problematic ordering of
{"title":"Journeying “Home”: Reflections on Pedagogy, Resistance, and Possibility","authors":"Hannah Oliha-Donaldson","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Being a woman of color in higher education has never been easy, yet, in this historical moment, it has become even more difficult. In addition to endemic diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) issues facing higher-education institutions—such as the underrepresentation of minorities, the struggle for equitable outcomes in retention and graduation rates, and pervasive organizational climates that offer access but not belonging—the evolving context of the United States is creating a greater sense of dislocation and insecurity at pedagogical and social levels. In a season when it seems the credibility and contributions of minorities are openly questioned in some circles to sanction nativism and the rabid exclusionary needs of the radical right, it feels like the stakes are higher. Many years ago, while I was completing a study exploring diversity and equity issues, one of the participants described the challenge of feeling pressured to conform to a default “white setting” in higher education. For those like me who are underrepresented, this pressure has often manifested as an uncomfortable struggle between asserting one’s unique identity or simply “fitting in” and “playing the game” to graduate, become tenured, or just make it through the next faculty meeting (Oliha 2011). Yet this enduring struggle is only the foreground of a more complex societal problem that is playing out on the national stage today. In the background is a ubiquitous historical legacy of racial hierarchy, a colonializing social order created to discipline and control minoritized bodies, and economic imperatives met through this problematic ordering of","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115285903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-07-18DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0043
Cristal Martinez
The election of Donald Trump as president of the United States has made me feel that I am not welcomed in the country where I was born and raised. In addition, being a young Mexican woman and student at a predominantly white university has also made me feel as if I am excluded. It was very surprising to me that the country I live in, a country of immigrants, voted for a president who stands for everything that I believe most Americans would not want or agree with. During the presidential campaign, Trump offended many with his mean-spirited words. I was one of those Americans who was shocked by his unkind language. He sent out some powerful messages that hurt many individuals who call the United States their home, like myself. The amount of debate and uncertainty about many issues, such as new immigration laws, was in my opinion exceptionally unhealthy as a whole. As the day got closer to finding out who our next president would be, I started worrying about the fact that Trump actually had a chance. For some reason, I honestly believed he would not have an opportunity to be the next commander-in-chief because of his negativity and absurd way of thinking. His rhetoric itself left me with no question that I was not an American who would give him my vote. This was also the first election in which I decided to vote, but I was not expecting the candidates to be who they were. It was truly a difficult moment to go through since I was trying to make sure I could be as knowledgeable as possible about both candidates and what they would bring in the future. My family is from San Luis Potosí, a city in central Mexico. My parents immigrated to the United States about 25 years ago and, since then, have lived
{"title":"Life in Trump’s America","authors":"Cristal Martinez","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0043","url":null,"abstract":"The election of Donald Trump as president of the United States has made me feel that I am not welcomed in the country where I was born and raised. In addition, being a young Mexican woman and student at a predominantly white university has also made me feel as if I am excluded. It was very surprising to me that the country I live in, a country of immigrants, voted for a president who stands for everything that I believe most Americans would not want or agree with. During the presidential campaign, Trump offended many with his mean-spirited words. I was one of those Americans who was shocked by his unkind language. He sent out some powerful messages that hurt many individuals who call the United States their home, like myself. The amount of debate and uncertainty about many issues, such as new immigration laws, was in my opinion exceptionally unhealthy as a whole. As the day got closer to finding out who our next president would be, I started worrying about the fact that Trump actually had a chance. For some reason, I honestly believed he would not have an opportunity to be the next commander-in-chief because of his negativity and absurd way of thinking. His rhetoric itself left me with no question that I was not an American who would give him my vote. This was also the first election in which I decided to vote, but I was not expecting the candidates to be who they were. It was truly a difficult moment to go through since I was trying to make sure I could be as knowledgeable as possible about both candidates and what they would bring in the future. My family is from San Luis Potosí, a city in central Mexico. My parents immigrated to the United States about 25 years ago and, since then, have lived","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133204020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-07-18DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.6.1.0063
N. Walters
Microagressions can oftentimes come in the form of colleagues not wanting to acknowledge your presence as one of four full-time African American women faculty members on campus. It can also come in the form of “saviors” who feel pity for the mistreatment of faculty members of color, who say condescending things, and speak in hushed tones; those who want to show that not all nonblack people feel the way that others do about your presence on campus, yet do nothing about the mistreatment. It may even come from students who want to challenge your credentials and the validity of your teaching material and tell you that white privilege does not exist and that he “wishes you people would just chill because not everything is related to race.” These lived experiences I have faced, as explicated in Zamani’s 2003 seminal work, places the duality of “being female and African American as a confluence of oppression” (7) and continues to be tantamount to the lived experiences of more and more faculty all over this country, especially women of color faculty members. Black women represent large numbers who are studying on these campuses, and these numbers continue to increase. Garibaldi (2014) indicates that there were over 800,000 more black women studying on college campuses in 2012 than black men. While institutions of higher education have often struggled with issues of equity, parity of hiring practices, and the recruitment, retention, and graduation of people of color, there has been a seismic shift in our political landscape that has had tremendous effects on the educational advancement of countless people of color. Simply put, Trump’s America is making microaggressions
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