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Hobbes, Rawls, Nussbaum, Buchanan, and All Seven of the Virtues 霍布斯,罗尔斯,努斯鲍姆,布坎南,以及《七种美德
Pub Date : 2011-04-27 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1249
Deirdre N. McCloskey
Virtue ethics proposes a set of seven—four pagan virtues and three Christian—as a roughly adequate philosophical psychology. Hobbes tried to get along with one virtue, prudence, to which Rawls added a veiled virtue of justice. Nussbaum’s Frontiers of Justice adds the virtue of love. But in criticizing Rawls, she enunciates a “Nussbaum Lemma,” that is, a good society is unlikely to arise from over-simple models of ethical life. Since virtuous, flourishing societies are what we wish, we had better insert the virtues, as she puts it, “from the start.” James Buchanan's constitutionalism, for example, solves moral hazards in a Nussbaumian world, but leaves hanging the ethical start. To start a project ending in constitutional citizenship—or human capabilities, or justice as fairness, or a Leviathan state, or the categorical imperative, or the greatest happiness of the greatest number—we need already an ethical actor, embodying the seven principal virtues.
美德伦理学提出了一套七四种异教美德和三种基督教美德,作为一种大致足够的哲学心理学。霍布斯试图与审慎这一美德相处,罗尔斯在此基础上添加了一种含蓄的正义美德。努斯鲍姆的《正义的疆界》增添了爱的美德。但在批评罗尔斯时,她阐述了一个“努斯鲍姆引理”,即一个好的社会不太可能产生于过于简单的伦理生活模式。既然我们所希望的是有道德、繁荣的社会,我们最好“从一开始”就加入美德。例如,詹姆斯·布坎南(James Buchanan)的立宪主义解决了努斯鲍姆世界中的道德风险,但没有触及伦理的起点。要开始一项以宪法公民身份——或人类能力、或作为公平的正义、或利维坦国家、或绝对命令、或大多数人的最大幸福——为结束的计划,我们已经需要一个体现七大主要美德的道德行动者。
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引用次数: 2
Are Regulators Rational? 监管者理性吗?
Pub Date : 2011-04-27 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1248
Slavisa Tasic
Thus far, psychological input has been used in economics mainly to highlight the cognitive imperfections of market participants. The normative implication of behavioral economics in its current state is that imperfections of market participants should be rectified by psychologically informed regulators. However, regulators are themselves imperfect actors with limited cognitive capacities. I propose some biases and illusions documented by cognitive psychologists that may be relevant to the political economy of government regulation.
迄今为止,在经济学中使用心理输入主要是为了突出市场参与者的认知缺陷。当前状态下行为经济学的规范含义是,市场参与者的不完善应该由了解心理的监管者来纠正。然而,监管机构本身是不完美的行为体,认知能力有限。我提出了一些由认知心理学家记录的偏见和错觉,这些偏见和错觉可能与政府监管的政治经济学有关。
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引用次数: 42
Richard Whately: Aux Origines de la Catallaxie 理查德·怀特利:《加泰罗尼亚的起源》
Pub Date : 2010-10-06 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1236
Jean-Yves Naudet
Le terme de catallaxie a été forgé par F. Hayek pour exprimer l’ordre spontané du marché. Hayek a créé ce terme à partir du mot catallactique, ressorti peu avant de l’oubli par L. Mises, mot venu du verbe grec signifiant « échanger », pour éviter les ambigüités du mot « économie ». Ce papier a pour objet de rechercher la généalogie du terme « catallactique », depuis Richard Whately, qui a été le premier auteur, en 1831, à vouloir rebaptiser « l’économie politique » en « catallactique ». Ce terme était connu et utilisé tout au long du XIX° siècle et on le trouve encore au début du XX° siècle dans divers manuels. L’utilisation de ce terme par Mises, puis Hayek, est donc la reprise d’une tradition remontant à Richard Whately. C’est l’occasion aussi de se pencher sur la vie de Richard Whately, professeur d’économie politique à Oxford jusqu’en 1831, puis archevêque anglican de Dublin. Il a notamment joué un grand rôle dans l’enseignement de cette discipline, en créant 4 000 cours d’économie politique. Un personnage intéressant, un peu trop ignoré aujourd’hui, qui a joué un rôle non négligeable dans la pensée économique.
catallaxie已形成了由f·哈耶克”一词来表达l’市场自发秩序。哈耶克catallactique起创造了这个词的词,表明已由l l’健忘,前不久一词来自希腊语动词,指的是分享»、««»经济学一词》为避免歧义。本文的目的是寻找一词的家谱«catallactique»,Richard Whately以来,第一提交人于1831年,希望重命名l’««»政治经济学catallactique»。这个词在整个19世纪都被知道和使用,直到20世纪初,它仍然在各种教科书中被发现。L’得到使用该词,然后哈耶克,因此d’复苏的一个传统,可以追溯到Richard Whately。C’l’机会也是关注民生d’进入牛津大学政治经济学教授理查德·Whately’于1831年为止,然后在都柏林的圣公会大主教。尤其是,他扮演l’这门学科的教学中,增设4000 d’政治经济学课程。一个有趣的角色,有点过于忽视’回族,今天的经济思想中发挥了不小的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Freedom and Beauty Pageant Success in the World 经济自由和世界选美大赛的成功
Pub Date : 2010-10-04 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1233
R. Lawson, J. Ross
Beauty pageants are ubiquitous around the world, and their importance in many cultures is indisputable. This paper empirically examines those factors that contribute to beauty pageant success in a cross-national setting. Our analysis pays particular attention to the role of market liberalism, i.e., economic freedom, in the process. The results indicate that nations with higher economic freedom scores are underrepresented among Miss Universe semifinalists after controlling for other relevant determinants.
选美比赛在世界各地无处不在,它们在许多文化中的重要性是无可争辩的。本文从实证角度考察了在跨国背景下影响选美成功的因素。我们的分析特别关注市场自由主义,即经济自由在这一过程中的作用。结果表明,在控制了其他相关决定因素后,经济自由得分较高的国家在环球小姐半决赛中的代表性不足。
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引用次数: 3
Economic Freedom and Government: A Conceptual Framework 经济自由与政府:一个概念框架
Pub Date : 2010-01-04 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1228
Judit Kapás, P. Czeglédi
The aim of this paper is to contribute to the development of a theory of economic freedom. In this endeavor, we build our framework on the Hayekian notion of freedom (Hayek, 1960) because it explicitly embodies the obvious link between freedom and the state: freedom is an absence of state coercion except for that which enforces abstract, general rules known beforehand. We derive two propositions from this Hayekian thesis and elaborate on them, leading to a categorization of government actions from the viewpoint of economic freedom in which the criterion against which coercive governmental actions must be evaluated is the rule of law, meaning a government’s reliance on general, abstract rules. As an implication, our framework allows us to argue for the imperative differentiation between “efficiency” and “economic freedom” as two separate criteria against which government actions can and must be evaluated. We also show that our framework may help explain the process through which economic freedom enhances growth.
本文的目的是促进经济自由理论的发展。在这一努力中,我们将我们的框架建立在哈耶克的自由概念之上(哈耶克,1960),因为它明确地体现了自由与国家之间的明显联系:自由是除了执行事先已知的抽象、一般规则之外,不存在国家强制。我们从哈耶克的论点中得出两个命题,并对它们进行详细阐述,从而从经济自由的角度对政府行为进行分类,在这种分类中,评估强制性政府行为的标准必须是法治,这意味着政府对一般抽象规则的依赖。作为一种暗示,我们的框架允许我们争论“效率”和“经济自由”之间的必要区别,作为两个独立的标准,政府行为可以而且必须根据这两个标准进行评估。我们还表明,我们的框架可能有助于解释经济自由促进增长的过程。
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引用次数: 0
Firm as a Nexus of Markets 企业作为市场的纽带
Pub Date : 2009-06-17 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1241
Ivan Jankovič
The Austrian School's conventional theory of the firm is based on an attempt to synthesize Coase's concept of the firm as a centrally planned hierarchy with the Austrian theory of entrepreneurship and monetary calculation. This paper is a critique of that program as well as an attempt to outline the alternative theory of the firm, one based on the synthesis of the contractual agency theory of the firm (Alchian-Demsetz, Jensen-Meckling) with the same Austrian arguments about entrepreneurship and calculation. The firm in this paper is defined as a nexus of various markets for goods as well as for labor and managerial services rather than as a hierarchy or “organization.” Both the neoclassical and Austrian critiques of the latter concept are utilized to prove that a clear distinction between the market and the firm cannot be established. That distinction is based on the misunderstanding of the firm's dynamics as exclusively tied to the managing/transaction costs ratio as well as on the mischaracterization of inter-firm relations as commanding ones (Demsetz-Alchian, Jensen, Meckling, Fama, Cheung). On the other hand, the central planning view of the firm is equally at odds with the key Mises's argument that rational economic planning is impossible in the absence of market prices (Mises, 1990). If this is so, the firm, as understood in a Coasian paradigm, would not have any reason to exist, or any reason to contribute positively to economic efficiency, because it would simply represent a centrally planned “island of incalculability” in a wider market setting (Rothbard, 2004). Since the firm is a nexus of various markets, its operation is contrary to the Coaseian assumptions led by the price signals. Only insofar as the internal firm's operation is driven by the price signals can the firm be efficient.
奥地利学派的传统企业理论是基于将科斯的企业概念作为一个中央计划的等级制度与奥地利的企业家精神和货币计算理论综合起来的尝试。本文是对该计划的批判,同时也试图概述另一种企业理论,一种基于企业契约代理理论(Alchian-Demsetz, Jensen-Meckling)与同样的奥地利学派关于企业家精神和计算的论点的综合。本文中的企业被定义为各种商品、劳动力和管理服务市场的纽带,而不是等级制度或“组织”。新古典主义和奥地利学派对后一概念的批评都被用来证明市场和企业之间无法建立明确的区分。这种区别是基于对企业动态的误解,认为它只与管理/交易成本比率有关,以及对企业间关系的错误描述,认为它是指挥关系(Demsetz-Alchian, Jensen, Meckling, Fama, bbb)。另一方面,企业的中央计划观点同样与米塞斯的关键论点不一致,米塞斯认为,在没有市场价格的情况下,理性的经济计划是不可能的(米塞斯,1990)。如果是这样的话,按照科斯范式的理解,企业就没有任何存在的理由,也没有任何对经济效率做出积极贡献的理由,因为在更广泛的市场环境中,它只是一个中央计划的“不可计算的岛屿”(罗斯巴德,2004)。由于企业是各种市场的纽带,它的运作与由价格信号引导的科斯假设相反。只有当企业内部的运作受到价格信号的驱动时,企业才有可能是高效的。
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引用次数: 7
Les challenges d'Hayek méritent d'être relevés 哈耶克的挑战值得解决
Pub Date : 2009-01-03 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1221
Pierre Garello
La science économique semble en quête d'un nouveau paradigme. Si de nouvelles pistes sont explorées, qui font souvent appel à des coopérations interdisciplinaires, une vision globale de ce qui pourrait constituer une compréhension économique satisfaisante des phénomènes sociaux fait toujours défaut. Dans cette note nous expliquons en quoi Hayek peut ici être utile. Il a, à notre avis de façon convaincante, identifié certains des éléments clés autour desquels un nouveau programme de recherche peut être construit. Parmi ces éléments nous trouvons : la nature et les effets de la complexité dans les phénomènes sociaux, la distinction entre ordres spontanés et ordres créés, le fait que ces ordres ont recours à des règles de natures différentes, la nécessité de trouver un critère normatif pertinent pour les règles gouvernants les ordres spontanés (ouvert), ou encore la nécessité de repenser la formation de l'économiste.Today economics is a house to a great diversity of competing paradigms. If new routes are presently explored inviting economists to cooperate with scholars from various disciplines, a general vision of what could be meant by an economic understanding of social phenomena is still lacking. In this note it is argued that Hayek can be helpful in that respect. He has identified key elements which could guide our inquiry. This includes: a reflection on the complexity of social phenomena and on what distinguishes spontaneous orders from organizations; recognition of the fact that spontaneous orders and organizations rely on different types of rules, a need for a new normative criteria to evaluate the quality of a rule, and, finally, a reflection on what would constitute sound economic education.
经济学似乎在寻找一种新的范式。虽然正在探索新的途径,往往涉及跨学科合作,但仍然缺乏对社会现象的令人满意的经济理解的全球视野。在这篇文章中,我们将解释哈耶克如何在这里提供帮助。我们认为,它令人信服地确定了一些关键因素,可以围绕这些因素建立一个新的研究方案。我们发现这些因素之一:性质和复杂的社会现象,影响订单之间的区别和自发创建的订单,这些订单都采用不同类型的规则,需要找到一个令统治者对于规则的相关规范标准,自发(打开),或者需要重新思考训练的经济学家。今天,经济学是一个充满竞争范式多样性的领域。虽然目前正在探索新的途径,邀请经济学家与来自不同学科的学者合作,但对社会现象的经济理解可能意味着什么仍然缺乏全面的看法。在这一点上,他认为哈耶克在这方面是有帮助的。您已经确定了指导我们询价的关键因素。这包括:对社会现象复杂性的思考以及将自发秩序与组织区分开来的问题;认识到自发的秩序和组织依赖于不同类型的规则,需要新的规范标准来评估规则的质量,最后,思考什么才是健全的经济教育。
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引用次数: 1
The Price is Wrong: Causes and Consequences of Ethical Restraint of Trade 价格是错误的:贸易道德约束的原因和后果
Pub Date : 2004-12-01 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1130
Thomas C. Leonard
Critics of commodification object to sales but not gifts of some goods, such as human blood or human organs, on grounds that such trade wrongly coerces, morally corrupts, and crowds out altruism. This essay takes issues with each of these claims. It disputes Micheal Sandel’s claim that voluntary exchange coerces, arguing that he confuses what is unfair with what is unfree. It argues, where trade does create moral costs, that these costs should be weighed against the moral costs of trade bans, such as the loss of human life, and the harms endemic to illegal markets. The essay also quarrels with Richard Titmuss’s The Gift Relationship, arguing that compensation for blood need not crowd out blood donation, that compensation does not preclude a charitable impulse, and that some important gift relationship (e.g., philanthropy) posses elements of altruism and exchange.Ceux qui critiquent la marchandisation sont contre la vente mais pas contre le don de certains biens comme le sang ou les organes humains parce qu’un tel commerce exercerait une contrainte, corromprait morallement, et ne laisserait pas de place à l’altruisme. Ce papier traite de chacune de ces affirmations. Il consteste l’affirmation de Micheal Sandel selon laquelle l’échange volontaire exerce une contrainte, en suggérant qu’il confond ce qui injuste avec ce qui n’est pas libre. Si le commerce entraîne des coûts moraux, cet essai suggère que ces coûts devraient être comparés avec les coûts moraux associés aux interdictions de commerce tels que la perte de la vie humaine et ceux associés aux maux endémiques des marchés illégaux. Il critique aussi l’ouvrage de Richard Titmuss, “The Gift Relationship” en suggérant que les compensations monétaires en échange d’un don de sang n’évincent pas nécessairement le don de sang, qu’elles n’empêchent pas les impulsions charitables, et que d’importants actes de don (ex: philantropie) comportent des éléments d’altruisme et d’échange.
批评商品化的人反对销售,但不反对赠送某些商品,如人类血液或人体器官,理由是这种贸易错误地强迫,道德腐败,并排挤利他主义。这篇文章对这些说法都提出了质疑。它对迈克尔·桑德尔关于自愿交换强制的主张提出了质疑,认为他混淆了不公平和不自由。它认为,在贸易确实产生道德成本的地方,这些成本应该与贸易禁令的道德成本进行权衡,比如人命损失,以及非法市场特有的危害。这篇文章还与Richard Titmuss的《礼物关系》(The Gift Relationship)争论,认为对血液的补偿不需要排挤献血,补偿不排除慈善的冲动,一些重要的礼物关系(例如,慈善事业)具有利他主义和交换的元素。因此,对商品商品化的批评是,它不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格,不能控制商品的价格。这张纸的特点在于它的肯定。我将坚持我对迈克尔·桑德尔·塞隆·拉奎尔的肯定,我将坚持我的自由意志,我将坚持我的自由意志,我将坚持我的自由意志,我将坚持我的自由意志。在商业活动中, 交换交换系统(交换交换系统),建议交换交换系统(交换交换系统),交换交换系统(交换交换系统),交换交换系统(交换交换系统),交换交换系统(交换交换系统),交换交换系统(交换交换系统),交换交换系统(交换交换系统),交换交换系统(交换交换系统)。我将批评aussi ' s ' ouvrage de Richard Titmuss,“礼物关系”,即建议的samac和补偿samac和samac,即samac和samac,即samac和samac,即samac和samac,即samac和samac,即冲动的samac和慈善的samac,即重要的行为(例如:慈善事业)组成部分samac和利他主义和samac。
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引用次数: 1
The Many Faces of the Market 市场的多面性
Pub Date : 2004-12-01 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1127
Peter J. Boettke, Christopher J. Coyne, P. Leeson
While markets are all around us, not all markets are the same. Markets come in a variety of colors based on the legality of activities in the specific market. As such, there is no market economy per se, but instead various shades of markets. The different shades of markets that are evidenced in practice directly depend on the institutional environment that makes certain activities legal or illegal. Shifts in the institutional environment are a result of entrepreneurial activity over the rules of the game. The rules of the game and resulting shade of the market in turn impact entrepreneurs acting within those rules and hence economic development or the lack thereof.L’économie de marché est en réalité une économie des marchés. La variété des marchés s’explique par la légalité des activités sur chacun d’entre eux. Ainsi il n’existe pas une économie de marché en soi, mais plutôt plusieurs formes de marché. Ces formes manifestes de marché sont fonction de l’environnement institutionnel qui rend certaines activités légales ou illégales. Les changements de l’environnement institutionnel sont le résultat de l’activité entrepreneuriale en dehors des règles du jeu. Les règles du jeu ainsi que la forme du marché qui leur est associée influencent à leur tour les actions entrepreneuriales et donc le développement économique.
虽然市场无处不在,但并非所有市场都是一样的。根据特定市场活动的合法性,市场有多种颜色。因此,没有市场经济本身,而是各种各样的市场。在实践中所证明的不同程度的市场直接取决于使某些活动合法或非法的制度环境。制度环境的变化是企业活动凌驾于游戏规则之上的结果。游戏规则和由此产生的市场阴影反过来影响在这些规则下行事的企业家,从而影响经济发展或缺乏经济发展。3月的薪金与薪金是相同的。3月的薪金薪金与3月的薪金薪金有明确的差别,3月的薪金薪金与3月的薪金薪金有明确的差别。印度将不存在任何单一的市场经济,主要是plutôt市场经济。这些形式表明了环境机构在某些活动中所发挥的重要作用。“环境机构的变化”是“环境机构的变化”,“环境机构的变化”是“环境机构的变化”,“环境机构的变化”是“环境机构的变化”。青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期的青年时期。
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引用次数: 9
Is There a Tulip in Your Future?: Ruminations on Tulip Mania 你的未来会有郁金香吗?:对郁金香狂热的反思
Pub Date : 2004-12-01 DOI: 10.2202/1145-6396.1131
Christian C. Day
This essay emphasizes and explicates factors and forces that led to the creation of the Tulip futures market (increased globalization, a rising prosperity of middle class, etc.). It considers whether critics of that market were correct about Tulip Mania. The introductory section describes briefly the Dutch economy and states the thesis that the Dutch developed an innovative futures market. The principal section describes the forces and factors at work in the Tulip futures market. The concluding normative section assesses the bases for criticism and approves of the workings of the market.Cet article met en avant et explique les facteurs et les forces qui ont conduit à la création d’un marché de futures de la Tulipe (globalisation amplifiée, augmentation du niveau de vie des classes moyennes; etc.). Il examine si les analyses de ce marché étaient correctes concernant la Tulipe Mania. La section introductive décrit brièvement l’économie hollandaise et explique que les Hollandais ont développé un marché de futures innovant. La section principale décrit les forces et les facteurs qui opèrent sur le marché financier des Tulipes. La section normative de conclusion évalue les fondements des critiques et défend le fonctionnement du marché.
本文强调并阐述了导致郁金香期货市场产生的因素和力量(全球化程度的提高,中产阶级的日益繁荣等)。它考虑的是,对那个市场的批评人士对郁金香狂热的看法是否正确。引言部分简要介绍了荷兰经济,并阐述了荷兰发展创新期货市场的论点。主要部分描述了郁金香期货市场中起作用的力量和因素。最后的规范性部分评估了批评的基础,并批准了市场的运作。这篇文章提出了“全球化放大了的经济因素和经济力量”,即全球化放大了的经济因素和经济力量。等等)。我将考察有关郁金香狂躁症的6个分析,这些分析都是关于3月3日的薪金薪金。第1节介绍了荷兰的 的与荷兰的 的与荷兰的 的与未来的创新。“原则”一节描述了“力量”和“因素”,“机会”一节描述了“郁金香的金融家”。洛杉矶部分规范性de结论安勤科技les fondements des批评等勒杜fonctionnement马尔凯辩护。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal des �conomistes et des �tudes Humaines
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