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TRN volume 9 issue 2 Cover and Front matter TRN第9卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.21
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引用次数: 0
Transregional Islam in the Malay-Indonesian World: Legacies and New Dynamics 跨区域伊斯兰教在马来-印尼世界:遗产和新动态
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.20
A. Azra
Concerning culture and Islam, Western scholars were inclined to present these two countries as least Arabicised, and, especially in Indonesian studies, much emphasis has been given to portraying nominal Muslims, the so-called abangan;I will comment on the ‘myth of the abangan’ later. [...]scholarship has tended to revolve around the tracing of religious and cultural influences that entered and shaped Indonesia and Malaysia from the outside, especially from the Arab world. [...]the respectable position of the Haramayn has been in decline for the last few decades. Nowadays, other places in the Middle East, or elsewhere in the Muslim world, have come to assert their influence and, in turn, have left their impact on Muslim discourse in the Malay-Indonesian region. [...]since the 1980s, the discourse developed by such scholars as Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, Sayyid Qutb, Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani and Middle Eastern movements like al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun (and its splinter groups), Hizb al-Tahrir and the like have begun to find their way into Southeast Asia. According to Indonesian law
关于文化和伊斯兰教,西方学者倾向于将这两个国家描述为最少阿拉伯化的国家,特别是在印度尼西亚研究中,非常强调描绘名义上的穆斯林,即所谓的阿班甘;我将在稍后评论“阿班甘的神话”。[…学术研究往往围绕着追踪从外部,尤其是阿拉伯世界进入并塑造印尼和马来西亚的宗教和文化影响展开。[…在过去的几十年里,哈拉曼族受人尊敬的地位一直在下降。如今,中东的其他地方,或者穆斯林世界的其他地方,已经开始确立自己的影响力,反过来,也对马来-印度尼西亚地区的穆斯林话语产生了影响。[…自20世纪80年代以来,由阿布·阿拉·毛杜迪、赛义德·库特布、塔奇·丁·纳卜哈尼等学者和中东运动如穆斯林运动(及其分支组织)、伊斯兰解放阵线等发展起来的话语开始进入东南亚。根据印尼法律
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引用次数: 2
The Expression of Cultural Identity in Mosque Architecture in Brunei Darussalam 文莱达鲁萨兰国清真寺建筑中文化认同的表达
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.13
R. Lopes, Nuriskandar bin Mohd Hasnan
Abstract The mosque connotes a place of prostration towards Allah. As a sacred space, mosque designs use great detail to respect specific ceremonial functions and some requirements outlined in the Quran, but accommodate diverse styles and construction materials that several traditional and cultural factors determine. As early as the seventh century, as Islam spread across the Mediterranean, North Africa, East Asia, and Southeast Asia, the mosque remained a quintessential Islamic building for local Muslim communities. Consequently, mosque architecture presents diverse styles and forms. It does not follow a normative design form besides having an essential hall to accommodate the congregation and visibly indicating the qibla. This paper explores mosque architecture designs in Brunei Darussalam to analyse expressions of cultural identity and constructions of a collective identity. Since the 1950s, mosque architecture in Brunei has distinguished itself by amalgamating designs that culturally significant historical exchanges within and beyond the Malay world dictated. The paper argues that specific governmental, social, cultural and economic contexts necessarily inform the built environment and, particularly, that of religious architecture, resulting in the development of autochthon styles.
清真寺意味着向真主顶礼膜拜的地方。作为一个神圣的空间,清真寺的设计非常注重细节,以尊重特定的仪式功能和《古兰经》中概述的一些要求,但要适应多种风格和建筑材料,这是由几个传统和文化因素决定的。早在七世纪,随着伊斯兰教在地中海、北非、东亚和东南亚的传播,清真寺仍然是当地穆斯林社区的典型伊斯兰建筑。因此,清真寺建筑呈现出多种风格和形式。它不遵循规范的设计形式,除了有一个基本的大厅来容纳会众和明显地指示qibla。本文探讨了文莱达鲁萨兰国的清真寺建筑设计,以分析文化认同的表达和集体认同的构建。自20世纪50年代以来,文莱的清真寺建筑因融合了马来世界内外重要的文化历史交流而脱颖而出。本文认为,特定的政府、社会、文化和经济背景必然会影响建筑环境,尤其是宗教建筑的环境,从而导致本土风格的发展。
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引用次数: 0
Internationalising Arts, Gaining Visibility: Internationalisation of the National Art Gallery through the Promulgation of the Malayan Identity and Commonwealth Ideals 艺术国际化,知名度提升:国家美术馆通过宣传马来亚身份和联邦理想实现国际化
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.17
Sarena Abdullah
Abstract The early history of the Malaysian National Art Gallery has been thoroughly elucidated through many different sources but its role as promoter of Malaysia’s art in the first ten years of its early formation have never been critically examined. This paper will trace the transnational relationship of the National Art Gallery through its exhibitions co-organised with the Commonwealth Institute in London within the larger context of the post-World War II period and the British decolonisation in Malaya. This paper will situate and contextualise its research on Malaya’s early exhibition history on multiculturalism and the Malayan identity framework, and later draw the link and connection between the Commonwealth Institute and the context of its establishment in Britain and the establishment of the National Art Gallery in Malaya. Subsequently, this paper will trace and demonstrate the importance of these early exhibitions to be understood in the larger context of (a) the need to exert international visibility during the period of Confrontation and (b) the exhibition as a platform that mooted the Malayan identity that aligns with the core values and principles of the Commonwealth. As such, this paper demonstrates that the transnational relations between the National Art Gallery and the Commonwealth Institute in the realm of Malaysia’s exhibition history must be analysed in tandem with the issues that are faced by a new British Commonwealth country, i.e., Malaysia during the immediate post-war period.
马来西亚国家美术馆的早期历史已经通过许多不同的来源得到了彻底的阐明,但它在早期形成的前十年中作为马来西亚艺术促进者的作用从未得到严格的审查。本文将追溯国家美术馆的跨国关系,通过它与英联邦学院在伦敦联合举办的展览,在更大的背景下,二战后的时期和英国在马来亚的非殖民化。本文将把其对马来亚早期多元文化主义和马来亚身份框架的展览历史的研究定位和背景化,然后将英联邦研究所与其在英国成立和在马来亚建立国家美术馆的背景联系起来。随后,本文将追溯并展示这些早期展览的重要性,以便在更大的背景下理解:(a)在对抗期间需要发挥国际知名度;(b)展览作为一个平台,提出马来亚身份,与英联邦的核心价值观和原则保持一致。因此,本文表明,在马来西亚展览历史领域,国家美术馆和英联邦研究所之间的跨国关系必须与一个新的英联邦国家,即马来西亚在战后所面临的问题结合起来分析。
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引用次数: 0
The Four Faces of Authoritarian Populism and Their Consequences on Journalistic Freedom: A Lesson Learnt From Indonesia's 2019 Presidential Election 威权民粹主义的四种面貌及其对新闻自由的影响:从2019年印尼总统选举中吸取的教训
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.16
Nyarwi Ahmad
Abstract This article explores authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies that political elites who ran in the election advanced and their consequences on journalistic freedom in an emerging democracy. It focuses on Indonesia's democracy and examines the following questions: what types of authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies did Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subijanto adopt when contesting Indonesia's 2019 presidential election? To what degree did these adaptations impact the journalistic freedom of those who worked for Indonesian mainstream media, particularly Indonesian private TV news channels? In-depth interviews with four senior journalists associated with Indonesian TV news channels (Kompas TV, CNN Indonesia, TV One, and INews TV) and two senior journalists working for mainstream media owned by influential Indonesian oligarchs used qualitative and thematic content analyses to reveal the following findings. Jokowi and Prabowo adopted secular nationalist and Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation during the election. However, Prabowo developed Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation far more than Jokowi. Jokowi advanced an oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategy, while Prabowo established an intensive Islamic anti-oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategy. As authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies evolved during their campaigns, the journalistic freedom of those associated with Indonesian mainstream media declined substantially. This article introduces four faces of authoritarian populism — secular nationalist and Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation and oligarchic and anti-oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategies — as new concepts enriching political elites’ authoritarian populism literature.
本文探讨了在一个新兴民主国家中,参与选举的政治精英所推行的威权民粹主义动员和媒体策略,以及这些策略对新闻自由的影响。它侧重于印度尼西亚的民主,并研究了以下问题:佐科·维多多(Joko Widodo)和普拉博沃·苏比扬托(Prabowo Subijanto)在参加印度尼西亚2019年总统选举时采用了何种类型的威权民粹主义动员和媒体策略?这些改编在多大程度上影响了那些为印尼主流媒体工作的人的新闻自由,特别是印尼私人电视新闻频道?深入采访了印尼电视新闻频道(Kompas TV、CNN Indonesia、TV One和INews TV)的四名资深记者,以及为印尼有影响力的寡头拥有的主流媒体工作的两名资深记者,使用定性和主题内容分析揭示了以下发现。佐科威和普拉博沃在选举期间采取了世俗民族主义和伊斯兰威权主义的民粹主义动员。然而,普拉博沃发展的伊斯兰威权民粹主义动员远远超过佐科维。佐科维提出了寡头专制的民粹主义媒体战略,而普拉博沃则建立了密集的伊斯兰反寡头专制的民粹主义媒体战略。随着威权民粹主义动员和媒体策略在竞选期间的演变,与印尼主流媒体有联系的人的新闻自由大幅下降。本文介绍了威权民粹主义的四个方面——世俗民族主义和伊斯兰威权民粹主义动员、寡头和反寡头威权民粹主义媒体战略——作为丰富政治精英威权民粹主义文学的新概念。
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引用次数: 1
Sekolah Islam (Islamic Schools) as Symbols of Indonesia's Urban Muslim Identity 伊斯兰学校是印尼城市穆斯林身份的象征
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-29 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.15
Yanwar Pribadi
Abstract This article discusses the relationship between Sekolah Islam (Salafism-influenced Islamic schools) and urban middle-class Muslims. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the City of Serang (Kota Serang), near Jakarta, this paper argues that these conservative and puritan Muslims demonstrate their Islamic identity politics through their engagement with Sekolah Islam. The analysis of in-depth interviews with and close observations of parents of students and school custodians (preachers or occasionally spiritual trainers) at several Sekolah Islam reveals that they have attempted to pursue ‘true’ Islamic identity and have claimed recognition of their identity as the most appropriate. The pursuit of a ‘true’ Islamic identity has infused Islamic identity politics, and there is an oppositional relationship between local Islamic traditions and Salafism, as seen in Sekolah Islam. The relationship between Islam and identity politics becomes intricate when it is transformed into public symbols, discourses, and practices at many Sekolah Islam. This paper shows that through their understanding and activities at Sekolah Islam, these Muslims are avid actors in the contemporary landscape of Islamic identity politics in Indonesia. By taking examples from Sekolah Islam in Indonesia, this article unveils social transformations that may also take place in the larger Muslim world.
本文探讨了受萨拉菲主义影响的伊斯兰学校与城市中产阶级穆斯林之间的关系。基于在雅加达附近的雪朗市(Kota Serang)的民族志田野调查,本文认为这些保守的清教徒穆斯林通过与Sekolah Islam的接触来展示他们的伊斯兰身份政治。对几家伊斯兰学校的学生家长和学校管理员(牧师或偶尔的精神导师)的深入访谈和密切观察的分析显示,他们试图追求“真正的”伊斯兰身份,并声称承认他们的身份是最合适的。对“真正的”伊斯兰身份的追求已经注入了伊斯兰身份政治,并且在当地伊斯兰传统和萨拉菲主义之间存在对立关系,正如在Sekolah Islam中看到的那样。伊斯兰教和身份政治之间的关系变得复杂,当它被转化为公共符号,话语和实践在许多Sekolah伊斯兰教。本文表明,通过他们在Sekolah Islam的理解和活动,这些穆斯林在印度尼西亚伊斯兰身份政治的当代景观中扮演着积极的角色。本文以印度尼西亚Sekolah Islam为例,揭示了在更大的穆斯林世界也可能发生的社会变革。
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引用次数: 4
Vietnam's Military and Political Challenges in Cambodia and the Early Rise of Cambodia's Strongman, Hun Sen, 1977–79 越南在柬埔寨的军事和政治挑战以及柬埔寨铁腕人物洪森的早期崛起,1977-79
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.14
K. Path, Boraden Nhem
Abstract Much has been written about Cambodia's strongman, Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has been in power since 1985. Yet, the history of Hun Sen's early rise to a position of power in the Vietnam-initiated Cambodian revolution after June 1977 remains murky. Relying on Vietnamese and Cambodian archival documents, memoirs and interviews with former veterans of Unit 125 as well as Hun Sen's speeches and personal recollection of his historic journey to Vietnam on 20 June 1977, we make a two-fold argument. First, Hanoi's decision to establish an anti-Pol Pot Cambodian revolution in southern Vietnam to take over Cambodia—after toppling Democratic Kampuchea—was part of Hanoi's strategic plan to handle a double challenge: (1) to avoid being branded as an invader and (2) to establish a capable and friendly regime in Cambodia after the war. This provided an opportunity for a young Khmer Rouge defector, Hun Sen, to change his fortune by quickly earning the Vietnamese military leadership's trust and confidence based on his competence to organize and command the first army unit of the new Cambodian revolution, i.e. Unit 125. Second, as lucky as he was to flee across the heavily militarized border into Vietnam unharmed, Hun Sen's early rise to power is attributed to his survivalist instinct combined with shrewd strategic thinking.
自1985年以来一直掌权的柬埔寨强人首相洪森(Hun Sen)已经被写了很多。然而,1977年6月后,洪森在越南发起的柬埔寨革命中早期崛起并掌权的历史仍然模糊不清。根据越南和柬埔寨的档案文件、回忆录和对125部队前退伍军人的采访以及洪森的讲话和他1977年6月20日访问越南的历史性旅程的个人回忆,我们提出了一个双重论点。首先,在推翻民主柬埔寨之后,河内决定在越南南部建立反波尔布特柬埔寨革命,以接管柬埔寨,这是河内应对双重挑战的战略计划的一部分:(1)避免被贴上侵略者的标签;(2)在战后在柬埔寨建立一个有能力和友好的政权。这为年轻的红色高棉叛逃者洪森提供了一个改变命运的机会,因为他有能力组织和指挥新柬埔寨革命的第一支军队,即第125部队,他迅速赢得了越南军事领导人的信任和信心。其次,尽管洪森很幸运地逃过了戒备森严的边境线,毫发无伤地逃进了越南,但他的早期掌权要归功于他的求生本能和精明的战略思维。
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引用次数: 0
Breaching Boundaries in Muslim and Christian Tourism from Indonesia to Israel and Palestine 从印度尼西亚到以色列和巴勒斯坦的穆斯林和基督教旅游的边界突破
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-15 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.12
M. Lücking
Abstract Studies on tourism and pilgrimage show that spatial mobility, including transregional travel, mostly confirms and strengthens tourists’ and pilgrims’ social identities and symbolic boundaries between Self and Other. However, in guided religious package tours from Indonesia to Israel and Palestine, experiences with spatial boundaries do affect the Muslim and Christian pilgrims, adding more nuances to socio-cultural boundary-making. This complex making and breaching of boundaries relates to inner-Indonesian religious dynamics. Among both Muslim and Christian Indonesians, references to the Middle East express not only transregional solidarity but also multifarious orientations in inter and intra-religious relations within Indonesia. Among Indonesian Muslims, some orthodox Muslims’ orientations towards the Middle East as the birthplace of Islam are contested but also combined with indigenous Islamic traditions. Similar to these intra-Muslim frictions, members of Indonesia's Christian minority experience fissures in the expressions of local and global Christian identities. This article analyses how symbolic, social, and spatial boundaries are maintained and breached in transregional tourism from Indonesia to the Middle East.
旅游与朝圣研究表明,包括跨区域旅行在内的空间流动在很大程度上确认和强化了游客和朝圣者的社会身份和自我与他者之间的象征边界。然而,在从印度尼西亚到以色列和巴勒斯坦的有导游的宗教旅行团中,空间边界的经历确实影响了穆斯林和基督教朝圣者,为社会文化边界的形成增加了更多的细微差别。这种复杂的边界制造和突破与印尼内部的宗教动态有关。在印尼的穆斯林和基督徒中,提到中东不仅表达了跨区域的团结,也表达了印尼宗教间和宗教内部关系的多种取向。在印尼穆斯林中,一些正统穆斯林将中东视为伊斯兰教诞生地的观点受到质疑,但也与当地的伊斯兰传统相结合。与这些穆斯林内部的摩擦类似,印尼基督教少数群体的成员在表达当地和全球基督徒身份方面也经历了分歧。本文分析了从印度尼西亚到中东的跨区域旅游是如何维持和打破符号、社会和空间边界的。
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引用次数: 0
Everyday Scandals: Regulating the Buddhist Monastic Body in Thai Media 日常丑闻:泰国媒体对佛教寺院的规范
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-21 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.11
Brooke Schedneck
Abstract Although allegations of monastic financial embezzlement and sexual misconduct are the most frequent and outrageous monastic scandals reported in Thailand's media outlets, this article discusses a separate category of scandal I label ‘everyday scandals.’ This type of scandal describes the phenomenon of monks committing bodily transgressions, including inappropriate behaviours outside the temple and unacceptable presentations of the body. For Thai Buddhist laity, photos of monks taking trips to the mall and working out at a gym can be indicators that their religion is in decline. A proper male monastic body enacting acceptable behaviour signals the difference of the monastic life from the lay life, ensuring the efficacy of merit and ritual performance. The regulation of everyday monastic life is a fertile topic in Thai media. Because the Buddhist monastic institution is interconnected with the Thai nation-state, the male monastic body is a site of evaluation and critique. At stake is national Thai heritage and pride in Thailand's majority religion: Buddhism. Besides the strength of contemporary Thai Buddhism, everyday scandals also reveal continuity in the discourse of decline and anxiety over monastic behaviour, which began with the earliest Buddhist communities. The threat of Buddhism's decline is part of a continuum of debates within monastic texts and Buddhist history regarding proper monastic behaviours in public.
虽然寺院财政挪用和性行为不端指控是泰国媒体报道中最频繁和最令人发指的寺院丑闻,但本文讨论的是我称之为“日常丑闻”的另一类丑闻。“这类丑闻描述的是僧侣身体上的违规行为,包括在寺庙外的不当行为和不可接受的身体展示。”对于泰国的佛教俗人来说,僧侣们去购物中心和在健身房锻炼的照片可能是他们的宗教衰落的迹象。一个适当的男性僧侣身体制定可接受的行为标志着僧侣生活与世俗生活的区别,确保功德和仪式表演的功效。寺院日常生活的规范是泰国媒体的一个丰富话题。因为佛教寺院机构与泰国民族国家是相互联系的,所以男性僧侣团体是一个评价和批评的场所。这关系到泰国的民族传统和对泰国主要宗教——佛教的自豪感。除了当代泰国佛教的力量,日常的丑闻也揭示了对寺院行为的衰落和焦虑的话语的连续性,这始于最早的佛教社区。佛教衰落的威胁是佛教文献和佛教历史中关于公共场合寺院行为的持续争论的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Transnationalizing Intrapreneurs and Entrepreneurial Values: Case Studies of Chinese Companies in Chiang Mai, Thailand 跨国内部企业家与企业家价值观:以泰国清迈的中国公司为例
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-02 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.10
Aranya Siriphon, Jiangyu Li
Abstract This article explores recent waves of Chinese mobility demonstrated by new Chinese emigrants working for private Chinese companies conducting transnational business in Thailand in general and Chiang Mai Province in particular. We use two case studies of international education centres and real estate for senior care businesses in Chiang Mai to discuss the flexibility of Chinese capitalism and argue that deploying intrapreneurs and cultivating entrepreneurial value for employees, professionals and co-partners in pursuit of transnational business are some of the more flexible strategies that China's private companies have employed in response to their new business lines and emerging market demand from both China and other parts of the globe. However, while the Chinese and Thai states have played an important role in facilitating and regulating business conducted in Thailand, transnational business is in an early stage, as demonstrated by the two case studies explored, and may not always proceed as expected.
摘要:本文探讨了近年来在泰国特别是清迈省从事跨国业务的中国私营公司工作的中国新移民所表现出的中国流动浪潮。我们利用清迈国际教育中心和高级护理企业房地产的两个案例研究来讨论中国资本主义的灵活性,并认为部署内部企业家和培养员工的创业价值,从事跨国业务的专业人士和合作伙伴是中国私营企业为应对新的业务线和来自中国和全球其他地区的新兴市场需求而采用的一些更灵活的策略。然而,尽管中国和泰国政府在促进和规范在泰国开展的商业活动方面发挥了重要作用,但正如所探讨的两个案例研究所表明的那样,跨国商业尚处于早期阶段,可能并不总是按照预期进行。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia
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