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Family Ties that Bind: Decentralisation, Local Elites and the Provincial Administrative Organisations in Thailand 家族纽带:泰国的权力下放、地方精英和省级行政组织
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2022.8
Yoshinori Nishizaki
Growing rapidly before the early 2000s, literature on provincial Thai politics has dwindled in recent years. This article makes a small attempt to redress this trend by highlighting one distinctive yet understudied emerging electoral dynamics in provincial Thailand. Specifically, drawing mainly on Thai-language primary sources, this paper shows that in the majority of Thailand's provinces, the Provincial Administrative Organisation, an electoral institution that has received an unprecedented amount of state funding in the post-1997 age of decentralisation, has enabled influential political families to retain and even increase their power. As political and economic power has been decentralised from Bangkok, it has ironically been centralised in the hands of a limited number of oligarchic provincial elites. This phenomenon is not an historical aberration; rather, it should be viewed as one manifestation or product of Thailand's enduring patrimonial culture, in which public officeholders’ positions are regarded as an extension of their personal or familial property. I conclude by discussing the Thai case theoretically and comparatively.
有关泰国地方政治的文献在21世纪初之前迅速增长,但近年来却有所减少。本文试图纠正这一趋势,通过强调一个独特的,但尚未充分研究的泰国省级选举动态。具体而言,本文主要利用泰语的原始资料,表明在泰国的大多数省份,省级行政组织,一个在1997年后权力下放时代获得前所未有的国家资金的选举机构,使有影响力的政治家族能够保留甚至增加他们的权力。随着政治和经济权力从曼谷分散,具有讽刺意味的是,这些权力一直集中在少数寡头统治的地方精英手中。这种现象并非历史偏差;相反,它应该被视为泰国持久的世袭文化的一种表现或产物,在这种文化中,公职人员的职位被视为其个人或家族财产的延伸。最后对泰国的案例进行了理论和比较的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Conflict and Elite Formation in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia 泰国、老挝和柬埔寨的冲突和精英形成
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-20 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2022.7
D. Bultmann
The article focuses on a comparative analysis of conflict and elite formation in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia; it argues that societal conflicts in Southeast Asia are grounded in the historical formation of elite social structures within differing sociocultures and that major and long-lasting societal conflicts—both violent and non-violent—occur in social spaces between ‘power elite’ groups. Additionally, it shows how up-and-coming elite groups are recruited from the fringes of the old hierarchy, which is why they are—in many respects—social hybrids of old and new sociocultures. Moreover, after those new arrivals were elevated into the ‘power elite’, the window for upward mobility rapidly re-closed.
本文着重对泰国、老挝和柬埔寨的冲突与精英形成进行了比较分析;它认为,东南亚的社会冲突根植于不同社会文化中精英社会结构的历史形成,而主要和持久的社会冲突——包括暴力和非暴力冲突——发生在“权力精英”群体之间的社会空间。此外,它还展示了有前途的精英群体是如何从旧等级制度的边缘招募而来的,这就是为什么他们在很多方面是新旧社会文化的混合体。此外,在这些新来者被提升为“权力精英”后,向上流动的窗口迅速重新关闭。
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引用次数: 0
TRN volume 10 issue 1 Cover and Back matter TRN第10卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2022.6
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引用次数: 0
Inaugurating the “White Passage”: Art ‘76 开启“白色通道”:艺术76
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.4
Hera
Abstract Within an art exhibition, the disposition of space is fundamental in experiencing artworks. A study of the exhibition space as discourse enmeshes art within a framework of relationship and processes instead of viewing art as an isolated and autonomous object. This paper features the case study of Art ‘76, the inaugural exhibition of Singapore's first large-scale institution of art, the National Museum Art Gallery (NMAG). The NMAG's opening in 1976 had been much anticipated by artists and the art audience since the 1960s, it was also an important milestone in the National Museum of Singapore's process of modernisation and revitalisation. During Singapore's post-independent period, the National Museum began to redefine itself as a civic museum focussing on Singapore's history and culture, shifting away from its previous incarnation of a research-focused colonial institution, the Raffles Library and Museum. Singapore was not alone in exploring the role of modern art in nation-building, as neighbouring Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia and Thailand also began to moot for their own institution of modern art around the same period of time. Art ‘76 and the NMAG represent a case of distinct spatial typology that arose out of unique institutional and socio-political dynamic in post-independent Singapore. In analysing the legacy as well as the relationships and contentions that shaped the spatial articulation of Art ‘76, this paper studies existing visual and oral archive, as well as critically evaluating the concepts of space as a subject of historical study.
在艺术展览中,空间的配置是体验艺术作品的根本。把展览空间作为话语来研究,不是把艺术看作一个孤立的、自主的客体,而是把艺术置于一个关系和过程的框架中。本文以新加坡第一个大型艺术机构——国家美术馆(NMAG)的开幕展Art ' 76为例进行了研究。自1960年代以来,新加坡国家博物馆一直备受艺术家和艺术观众的期待,这也是新加坡国家博物馆现代化和振兴进程中的一个重要里程碑。在新加坡独立后的时期,国家博物馆开始将自己重新定义为一个关注新加坡历史和文化的公民博物馆,而不是之前以研究为重点的殖民机构莱佛士图书馆和博物馆。新加坡并不是唯一一个探索现代艺术在国家建设中的作用的国家,印度尼西亚、菲律宾、马来西亚和泰国等邻近的东南亚国家也在同一时期开始酝酿自己的现代艺术机构。Art ' 76和NMAG代表了独立后新加坡独特的制度和社会政治动态所产生的独特空间类型的案例。在分析艺术76的遗产以及形成空间表达的关系和争论时,本文研究了现有的视觉和口头档案,并批判性地评估了作为历史研究主题的空间概念。
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引用次数: 1
TRN volume 10 issue 1 Cover and Front matter TRN第10卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2022.5
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引用次数: 0
Nation-building in the Post-war Period: Modern Art and Architecture in Southeast Asia and Beyond 战后时期的国家建设:东南亚及其他地区的现代艺术与建筑
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2022.4
Sarena Abdullah, Suzie Kim
With the end of the Cold War, constant waves of liberalisation and democratisation in Southeast Asia brought significant changes in cultural, social and political aspects in all countries included in the region. The Asian-African Conference at Bandung in 1955 marked the region’s first attempt to neutralise the tension between the communist and allied countries. The Cold War overlapped with the dual process of decolonisation and nation-building. The search for and assertion of national identity could be directly observed through the desire for a symbolic new beginning in architecture and the arts in many of the countries. The establishment of national monuments, stadiums, mosques, museums and art galleries is among the early signals of these early decolonising and nation-building attempts through the changing urban landscape. This special section is a collection of four articles that discuss the multiple ways of nation-building in the post-war period through in-depth research of exhibitions’ histories, religious architecture and contemporary photography in Southeast Asia. Sarena Abdullah contextualises the transnational relationship between the Malaysian National Art Gallery and the Commonwealth Institute in London through a close investigation of the international exhibitions organised by the National Art Gallery. Drawing on Malaya’s early exhibition history on multiculturalism and the Malayan identity, Abdullah draws the link between the National Art Gallery in Malaya and the exhibitions that were co-organised with the Commonwealth Institute in London. Abdullah situates Commonwealth Arts Today in 1962, The Commonwealth Arts Festival in Glasgow in 1965, The Malaysian Art Exhibition in 1966 and the Exhibition of Malaysian Art from 1965–1978 co-organised with the Commonwealth Institute within the larger context of the post-World War II period and the British decolonisation in Malaya. These exhibitions can be interpreted as reflecting Malaysia’s need to be recognised internationally amidst the period of Confrontation. The exhibits also served as a platform to promote Malayan identity, which aligned with the Commonwealth’s essential values and ideals. Using a more regional approach, Hera presents her case study of Art ’76, the inaugural exhibition of Singapore’s National Museum Art Gallery (NMAG) in 1976. Like the exhibitions at the Malaysian National Art Gallery mentioned in Abdullah’s paper, the Art ‘76 exhibition was unique within Singapore’s exhibition history. Based on her studies of existing visual and oral archives, Hera critically examines the concept of space. Her paper demonstrates how the case of distinct spatial typology that arose out of the unique institutional and socio-political dynamic in post-independent Singapore can be made. This resonates with other visions of modernity in neighbouring Southeast Asian nations in their post-independent pursuit of nation-building. Based on the architectural history, Ru Oliveira Lopez discusses how
随着冷战的结束,东南亚不断出现的自由化和民主化浪潮使该地区所有国家在文化、社会和政治方面发生了重大变化。1955年在万隆举行的亚非会议标志着该地区首次尝试缓和共产主义国家与盟国之间的紧张关系。冷战与非殖民化和国家建设的双重进程重叠。在许多国家,对建筑和艺术的象征性新开始的渴望可以直接观察到对民族身份的追求和主张。国家纪念碑、体育场、清真寺、博物馆和艺术画廊的建立是这些早期非殖民化和通过不断变化的城市景观进行国家建设尝试的早期信号之一。本专题收录了四篇文章,通过对东南亚展览历史、宗教建筑和当代摄影的深入研究,探讨战后国家建设的多种方式。Sarena Abdullah通过对马来西亚国家美术馆组织的国际展览的密切调查,将马来西亚国家美术馆与伦敦联邦学院之间的跨国关系置于背景下。根据马来亚早期关于多元文化主义和马来亚身份的展览历史,阿卜杜拉将马来亚国家美术馆与伦敦联邦学院联合举办的展览联系起来。1962年的“今日英联邦艺术”、1965年的“格拉斯哥英联邦艺术节”、1966年的“马来西亚艺术展”,以及1965年至1978年的“马来西亚艺术展”,都是在二战后和英国在马来亚的非殖民化的大背景下与英联邦学院联合举办的。这些展览可以解释为马来西亚在对抗时期需要得到国际认可。这些展览也成为宣传马来亚身份的平台,与英联邦的基本价值观和理想保持一致。在1976年新加坡国家美术馆(NMAG)的开幕展Art ' 76中,Hera用一种更区域性的方法展示了她的案例研究。就像阿卜杜拉论文中提到的马来西亚国家美术馆的展览一样,Art ' 76展览在新加坡的展览历史上是独一无二的。基于她对现有视觉和口头档案的研究,赫拉批判性地审视了空间的概念。她的论文展示了如何在独立后的新加坡独特的制度和社会政治动态中产生独特的空间类型。这与东南亚邻国在独立后追求国家建设的过程中对现代性的其他看法产生了共鸣。基于建筑史,Ru Oliveira Lopez讨论了文莱达鲁萨兰国的清真寺建筑设计如何展示文化身份并构建集体身份。由于当地的文化价值和建筑特征在世界许多地方都是显而易见的,特别是在后殖民背景下,作者调查了清真寺建筑如何在国际风格和正式惯例之间的紧张关系中进行谈判。此外,作者还研究了文莱清真寺建筑与当地建筑和其他形式的文莱文化表达的融合
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引用次数: 0
The Perils of Reading Fiction: the Female Quixote and the Thai New Woman 阅读小说的危险:女性堂吉诃德与泰国新女性
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.5
Thosaeng Chaochuti
Abstract British literary history routinely associated women with reading fiction, especially the novel. This association seemingly threatened male hegemony and cultural authority. It led, therefore, to the portrayal of the woman reader as a female quixote who was prone to misreading and being misled by what she read. This representation became popular during the rise of the novel in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and the New Woman's emergence at the fin-de-siècle. Similar developments took place in Siam/Thailand where the birth of fiction, the advent of the woman reader, and the New Woman's rise roughly coincided in the late 1910s and early 1920s. By examining San Thewarak's novel Bandai haeng khwam rak [Stairways to Love] (1932), this paper demonstrates the trope of the female quixote's invocation to describe the emerging Thai (New) Woman reader and the threat that she embodied that had to be managed and controlled.
英国文学史通常将女性与小说,尤其是小说的阅读联系在一起。这种联系似乎威胁到了男性霸权和文化权威。因此,这导致了女性读者被描绘成一个容易误读和被所读内容误导的女吉诃德。这种表现形式在18世纪和19世纪初小说的兴起以及“新女性”运动的末期开始流行起来。类似的发展也发生在暹罗/泰国,在那里小说的诞生、女性读者的出现和新女性运动的兴起大致重合于20世纪10年代末和20世纪20年代初。通过对圣泰瓦拉的小说《通往爱情的阶梯》(1932)的研究,本文论证了女性堂吉诃德的祈祷的比喻,以描述新兴的泰国(新)女性读者和她所体现的威胁,必须加以管理和控制。
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引用次数: 0
Restricting Democratic Choice in Thailand's 2019 Election: “Retrograde” and “Sophisticated” Authoritarianism 限制泰国2019年选举中的民主选择:“逆行”和“成熟”的威权主义
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2022.3
Siwach Sripokangkul, C. D. Crumpton, J. Draper
Since the end of its absolute monarchy in 1932, Thailand has been variously described as a “hybrid regime,” “flawed democracy,” and “failed democracy.” Furthermore, its governance system has been identified as “electoral authoritarianism,” ‘hybrid authoritarianism,” “military domination,” and “Thai-style democracy.” Regardless of the analytic lens applied, the history of Thai politics has involved a continuing struggle for control of government between both authoritarian and democratic forces. Following the 2014 military coup d’état, the first election held in 2019 saw the 2014 military coup leader, General Prayuth Chan-o-cha, elected as prime minister. This article assesses the conduct and results of the 2019 election in terms of the general discourse on electoral authoritarianism and as an emerging framing of authoritarian regimes particularly applicable to Southeast Asia—the rise of “sophisticated authoritarianism.” This approach distills and integrates the discourse on electoral authoritarianism to produce a typology that is useful for considering the empirical characteristics of Southeast Asia. The 2019 election offers an opportunity to consider Thailand within this framing and to determine to what extent the military-dominated regime and its holistic manipulation of electoral institutions and processes can be assessed as “sophisticated authoritarianism.” This study demonstrates that Prayuth's election partially demonstrates “sophisticated authoritarianism”; nonetheless, his attempt to depoliticise Thailand and reduce it to a non-political state has met substantial resistance that will likely persist while he remains in power.
自1932年君主专制结束以来,泰国一直被描述为“混合政权”、“有缺陷的民主”和“失败的民主”。此外,其治理体系被定义为“选举威权主义”、“混合威权主义”、“军事统治”和“泰式民主主义”。无论采用何种分析视角,泰国政治的历史都涉及到威权主义和民主力量之间为控制政府而进行的持续斗争。在2014年的军事政变之后,在2019年举行的第一次选举中,2014年军事政变领导人巴育(Prayuth Chan-o-cha)当选为总理。本文从选举威权主义的一般论述以及作为一种特别适用于东南亚的威权主义政权的新兴框架——“成熟威权主义”的兴起——的角度,评估了2019年大选的行为和结果。这种方法提炼并整合了关于选举威权主义的论述,从而产生了一种有助于考虑东南亚经验特征的类型学。2019年的选举提供了一个机会,可以在这个框架内考虑泰国,并确定军方主导的政权及其对选举机构和程序的整体操纵在多大程度上可以被评估为“复杂的威权主义”。这项研究表明,巴育的当选部分体现了“复杂的威权主义”;尽管如此,他信试图将泰国去政治化并将其降低为一个非政治国家的努力遇到了巨大的阻力,这种阻力可能会在他信继续掌权期间持续下去。
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引用次数: 0
The Limits of Indonesia and India Trade Cooperation: The Case of Import Tariffs on Refined Palm Oil 2019–2020 印尼和印度贸易合作的极限:以2019-2020年精炼棕榈油进口关税为例
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-07 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2022.2
M. F. Karim, Claeri Tiffani
This article examines limitations present in India–Indonesia bilateral trade relations. Since January 2019, India has imposed higher import tariffs on Indonesian refined, bleached, deodorised palm oil (RBDPO) than those imposed on Indonesia's main competitor Malaysia. This tariff policy weakened Indonesia's exports, given that India is Indonesia's third-largest export destination for palm oil. To overcome these tariff disparities, the Indonesian government responded with a trade-off strategy, offering to lower its import tariffs on India's raw sugar in exchange for a reduction in India's import tariffs on Indonesia's RBDPO. However, this strategy has thus far failed to generate a satisfying outcome for Indonesia. This article examines the obstacles in enacting such a strategy from the Indonesian perspective. By mobilising the concept of reluctance in international politics, this article argues that India's reluctance hinders Indonesia's trade-off strategy. This reluctance is evidenced by India's hesitation and recalcitrance, resulting in delays, and reversal of policy as well as ignoring Indonesian requests regarding the trade-off strategy. This could indicate that India does not prioritise Indonesia in its Indo-Pacific vision, particularly in enhancing cooperation with Southeast Asian nations, particularly Indonesia.
本文考察了印印尼双边贸易关系中存在的局限性。自2019年1月以来,印度对印尼精炼、漂白、除臭棕榈油(RBDPO)征收的进口关税高于对印尼主要竞争对手马来西亚征收的关税。鉴于印度是印尼第三大棕榈油出口目的地,这一关税政策削弱了印尼的出口。为了克服这些关税差异,印尼政府采取了一种权衡策略,提出降低对印度原糖的进口关税,以换取印度降低对印尼RBDPO的进口关税。然而,这一战略迄今未能为印度尼西亚带来令人满意的结果。本文从印度尼西亚的角度考察了实施这一战略的障碍。通过调动国际政治中不情愿的概念,本文认为印度的不情愿阻碍了印度尼西亚的权衡战略。印度的犹豫和顽固证明了这种不情愿,导致政策的拖延和逆转,以及无视印尼关于权衡战略的要求。这可能表明印度在其印太愿景中没有优先考虑印度尼西亚,特别是在加强与东南亚国家(尤其是印度尼西亚)的合作方面。
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引用次数: 1
Kling Muslims in Sixteenth-Century Ayutthaya: Towards Aggregating the Fragments 16世纪大城府的穆斯林:走向碎片的聚合
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-02-25 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2021.24
Christopher M. Joll, Srawut Aree
Abstract This article reconstructs the history of Kling Muslims’ contribution to the religious and ethnic cosmopolitanism of sixteenth-century Ayutthaya. This study's argument is constructed based on an aggregate of written fragments about the Kling in both Portuguese primary sources and the wider academic literature. We reveal that, amongst the many ways in which Siam benefited from the Iberian invasion of Melaka in 1511, the dramatic geopolitical rupture of the invasion re-routed trade across the Bay of Bengal. As a result, Kling merchants began arriving in Ayutthaya in greater numbers via the new network of Siamese-controlled ports and portages. Moreover, this study demonstrates the utility of greater synergy among South Asian, Southeast Asian, Thai, and Malay Studies through focusing on the exonyms employed in primary and secondary sources. Finally, this article contends that Ayutthaya's ethnic and religious cosmopolitanism was impacted by the arrival of South Asian Muslims, referred to as Kling in the Malay World and Khaek in Siam, approximately one century before Persians arrived in greater numbers. This, among others, was an unintended result of Portugal's sixteenth-century interventions into, and alliances with, the Siamese.
本文重建了克林穆斯林对16世纪大城府宗教和民族世界主义的贡献历史。本研究的论点是基于葡萄牙原始资料和更广泛的学术文献中关于克林人的书面碎片的汇总而构建的。我们发现,1511年伊比利亚入侵马六甲给暹罗带来了诸多好处,其中,入侵的戏剧性地缘政治破裂改变了孟加拉湾的贸易路线。结果,越来越多的克林商人开始通过暹罗人控制的港口和港口的新网络到达大城府。此外,本研究通过关注一手和二手资料中使用的外来词,展示了南亚、东南亚、泰国和马来研究之间更大协同作用的效用。最后,本文认为,大城府的种族和宗教世界主义受到南亚穆斯林的影响,这些穆斯林在马来世界被称为Kling,在暹罗被称为Khaek,大约在波斯人大量到来之前一个世纪。这是葡萄牙十六世纪干预暹罗并与之结盟的意外结果。
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引用次数: 1
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TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia
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