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Buddhist Monuments Across the Bay of Bengal: Cultural Routes and Maritime Networks 横跨孟加拉湾的佛教纪念碑:文化路线和海洋网络
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-02-18 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.17
H. Ray
Abstract Religious architecture, often called ‘monuments’ within the current understanding of ancient shrines, are prominent features of the landscape in South and Southeast Asia. Many of these sites are admired for their artistic and aesthetic appeal and are centres of tourism and travel. This paper traces the historical trajectory of three contemporary monuments of Buddhist affiliation across the Bay of Bengal, namely Nalanda in north India, Borobudur in Central Java, and Nakhon Pathom in Central Thailand to address both their distinctiveness and their interconnectedness. The paper also focuses on the extent to which these shrines reflect the religious theories that prevailed between the sixth and the thirteenth centuries AD and are currently known to us through religious texts. It is not often appreciated that ‘collections’ of religious texts, as well as the ‘discovery’ of monuments were mediated through the priorities and practices of European and Western scholars from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The history of the study of Buddhism shows that it centred on religious texts and philosophical doctrines produced by a small group of monastic elites, with little attention paid to the more difficult questions of the contexts underlying textual production and circulation. This paper suggests that it is important to factor in the colonization of South and Southeast Asia into any discussion on the understanding of religions and monuments, as well as current interest in these monuments, which are also World Heritage Sites and associated with present interests in maritime heritage.
宗教建筑,通常被称为古代神殿的“纪念碑”,是南亚和东南亚景观的突出特征。其中许多景点因其艺术和美学吸引力而受到赞赏,是旅游和旅行的中心。本文追溯了孟加拉湾三个当代佛教遗迹的历史轨迹,即印度北部的那烂陀,爪哇中部的婆罗浮屠和泰国中部的那空梧州,以解决它们的独特性和相互关联性。本文还关注了这些神殿在多大程度上反映了公元6世纪到13世纪之间盛行的宗教理论,这些理论目前通过宗教文献为我们所知。人们通常不会意识到,宗教文本的“收集”,以及纪念碑的“发现”,是通过18世纪和19世纪欧洲和西方学者的优先事项和实践来调解的。佛教研究的历史表明,它集中在由一小群寺院精英产生的宗教文本和哲学教义上,很少关注文本产生和流通背后的背景等更困难的问题。本文建议,在任何关于宗教和纪念碑的理解的讨论中,考虑南亚和东南亚的殖民化,以及对这些纪念碑的当前兴趣是很重要的,这些纪念碑也是世界遗产,并与目前对海洋遗产的兴趣相关。
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引用次数: 4
Dressing the Myanmar Migrant Body: (In-)Visibility and Empowerment in Thailand 给缅甸移民穿衣服:在泰国的能见度和赋权
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-31 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.14
I. Gruß
Abstract The invisibility of migrants has been widely analysed in relation to states’ policies and practices. I argue in this article that emphasising the role of states and institutions in marginalising vulnerable populations by rendering them invisible throws a shadow over the multifaceted ways in which migrants interpret and relate to invisibility. Among Myanmar migrants in Thailand, as we shall see here, the notion that invisibility provides a protective shield to migrant bodies is in fact widespread. While invisibility is at times perceived as a threat to the future of these people, conceiving of invisibility solely as a tool of domination precludes us from fully understanding the complexity of Myanmar migrants’ experiences in Thailand and, more specifically, the many forms of empowerment that shape these experiences. Privileging the discourses and practices of Myanmar migrants in Thailand about their sartorial choices reveals that migrants appreciate invisibility for its capacity to create control over their own bodies. Further, it reveals the complexities of negotiating and expressing diasporic sartorial conventions.
移民的不可见性已经被广泛地分析与国家政策和实践的关系。我在本文中认为,强调国家和机构通过使弱势群体隐形而使他们边缘化的作用,给移民解释和联系隐形的多方面方式蒙上了阴影。正如我们将在这里看到的,在泰国的缅甸移民中,隐形为移民身体提供保护的观念实际上很普遍。虽然隐形有时被视为对这些人未来的威胁,但仅仅将隐形视为一种统治工具,使我们无法充分理解缅甸移民在泰国经历的复杂性,更具体地说,无法理解塑造这些经历的多种赋权形式。在泰国,缅甸移民对自己的服装选择的言论和做法给予特权,表明移民欣赏隐形,因为它有能力控制自己的身体。此外,它揭示了谈判和表达散居的服装习俗的复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
Networks of Resilience: Legal Precarity and Transborder Citizenship among the Karen from Myanmar in Thailand 弹性网络:缅甸克伦人在泰国的法律不稳定性和跨境公民身份
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-10 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.12
Indrė Balčaitė
Abstract This study probes the relationship between legal precarity and transborder citizenship through the case of the Karen from Myanmar in Thailand. Collected through ethnographic multi-sited fieldwork between 2012 and 2016, interconnected individual life stories evolving across the Myanmar-Thailand border allow the critical interrogation of the political and legal categories of ‘migrancy’, ‘refugeeness’, and ‘citizenship’, teasing out their blurry boundaries in migrants’ experience. Following the recent critical research in legal ethnography, this study demonstrates that legal precarity is not simply an antithesis to citizenship. The social and legal dimensions of citizenship may diverge, creating in-between areas of not-yet-full-citizenship with varying levels of heft (Macklin 2007). The article consists of three parts. First, it offers a theoretical framework to reconcile the Karen legal precarity (even de facto statelessness) and citizenship, even on both sides of the border (legally impossible). Second, it presents the three groups of Karen in Thailand, produced by the interaction of three major waves of Karen eastward migration and tightening Thai citizenship and migration regulations: Thai Karen, refugees, and migrant workers. All three face varying levels of legal precarity of temporary status without full citizenship. However, the last part demonstrates the intertwined nature of those groups. A grassroots transborder perspective reveals the resilience of the Karen networks when pooling together resources of the hubs established on Thai soil by the three waves. Even the most recent arrivals in Thailand use those resources to move from one precarious legal status to another and even to clandestinely obtain citizenship.
摘要本研究以缅甸克伦族人在泰国为个案,探讨法律不稳定性与跨境公民身份之间的关系。通过2012年至2016年之间的民族志多地点田野调查收集,相互关联的个人生活故事跨越缅甸-泰国边境演变,允许对“移民”,“难民”和“公民身份”的政治和法律类别进行批判性审讯,梳理他们在移民经历中的模糊界限。根据最近对法律民族志的批判性研究,本研究表明,法律不稳定性不仅仅是公民身份的对立面。公民身份的社会和法律维度可能会出现分歧,从而产生不同程度的未完全公民身份的中间区域(Macklin 2007)。本文由三部分组成。首先,它提供了一个理论框架来调和克伦人在法律上的不稳定性(甚至是事实上的无国籍状态)和公民身份,甚至在边界的两边(在法律上是不可能的)。其次,介绍了在泰国的三个克伦人群体,它们是由克伦人东迁和泰国公民身份和移民法规收紧的三次主要浪潮相互作用产生的:泰国克伦人、难民和移民工人。这三个国家都面临着不同程度的法律不稳定性,即没有完全公民身份的临时身份。然而,最后一部分展示了这些群体相互交织的本质。基层跨界视角揭示了克伦网络在汇集三波浪潮在泰国土地上建立的中心资源时的弹性。即使是最近抵达泰国的人,也会利用这些资源从一个不稳定的法律地位转移到另一个,甚至秘密地获得公民身份。
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引用次数: 3
The ‘Floating’ Ummah in the Fall of ‘Ahok’ in Indonesia “漂浮”的Ummah在印度尼西亚“Ahok”的秋天
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-12-28 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.16
V. Hadiz
Abstract The article examines the idea of a ‘floating’ ummah in Indonesia today that affects the workings of Indonesian Islamic politics and democracy itself. It is asserted that the ummah, or community of believers, are more disconnected from the large mainstream Islamic organisational vehicles in Indonesia than is often claimed. A considerable cross-section of this community has become increasingly disaffected with the status quo, as social inequalities sharpen and educated youths who face uncertain futures find appeal in the tough rhetoric of fringe Islamic organisations. This rhetoric emphasises absolute standards of morality as a solution to social and economic predicaments, thereby resulting in the mainstreaming of rigid religious attitudes. Consequently, organisations seen as guardians of ‘religious moderation’ have also picked up on them in an attempt to remain relevant to their increasingly socially heterogeneous constituencies. The overall result is an Islamic politics that has become more intolerant, especially when identity politics gets absorbed into conflicts between different oligarchic factions. This was seen in the dramatic fall of the ethnic-Chinese and Christian former governor of Jakarta known as ‘Ahok’ in 2017.
本文探讨了印尼“浮动的”伊斯兰教的概念,它影响了印尼伊斯兰政治和民主本身的运作。有人断言,在印尼,“乌玛”(即信徒群体)与大型主流伊斯兰组织的脱节程度,比人们通常声称的要严重。随着社会不平等的加剧,受过教育的年轻人面对不确定的未来,在边缘伊斯兰组织的强硬言辞中找到了吸引力,这个社区的相当一部分人对现状越来越不满。这种修辞强调道德的绝对标准是解决社会和经济困境的办法,从而导致僵化的宗教态度主流化。因此,被视为“宗教节制”守护者的组织也选择了他们,试图与他们日益多样化的社会群体保持联系。总体结果是,伊斯兰政治变得更加不宽容,尤其是当身份政治被卷入不同寡头派系之间的冲突时。2017年,被称为“阿学”(Ahok)的华裔和基督徒雅加达前省长戏剧性地倒台,就是一个例子。
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引用次数: 15
In a “Half-dark, Half-light Zone”: Mobility, Precarity, and Moral Ambiguity in Vietnam's Urban Waste Economy 在“半暗半明地带”:越南城市垃圾经济中的流动性、不稳定性和道德模糊性
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-11-22 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.11
Minh Thu Nhien Nguyen
Abstract This article discusses the everyday practices of a mobile network of migrant waste traders originating from northern Vietnam, locating them in an expanding urban waste economy spanning across major urban centres. Based on ethnographic research, I explore how the expansion of the network is foregrounded by the traders’ dealing with the precarious nature of waste trading, which is rooted in the social ambiguity of waste and migrants working with waste in the urban order. Characterised by waste traders as a “half-dark, half-light zone”, the waste economy is unevenly regulated, made up of highly personalised ties, and relatively hidden from the public. It is therefore rife with opportunities for accumulating wealth, but also full of dangers for the waste traders, whose occupation of marginal urban spaces makes them easy targets of both rent-seeking state agents and rogue actors. While demonstrating resilience, their practices suggest tactics of engaging with power that involve a great deal of moral ambiguity, which I argue is central to the increasing precaritisation of labour and the economy in Vietnam today.
本文讨论了来自越南北部的流动废物贸易商的移动网络的日常实践,将他们定位在跨越主要城市中心的不断扩大的城市废物经济中。基于民族志研究,我探讨了贸易商如何处理废物交易的不稳定性,这是基于废物的社会模糊性以及在城市秩序中与废物打交道的移民,从而为网络的扩展奠定了基础。废物贸易商将废物经济描述为“半暗半明”的区域,废物经济监管不均衡,由高度个性化的关系组成,相对不为公众所知。因此,这里充满了积累财富的机会,但对垃圾商贩来说也充满了危险,他们占据了城市的边缘空间,很容易成为寻租的政府机构和流氓行为者的目标。在展示韧性的同时,他们的做法表明,与权力打交道的策略涉及大量道德模糊,我认为,这是当今越南劳动力和经济日益不稳定的核心原因。
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引用次数: 2
The Prayuth Regime: Embedded Military and Hierarchical Capitalism in Thailand 巴育政权:泰国根深蒂固的军事和等级资本主义
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.4
Prajak Kongkirati, Veerayooth Kanchoochat
Abstract This paper explores the Prayuth regime, which began with a military coup in May 2014. Politically, we indicate how the junta has embedded its power in ways different from the past. It does not pursue a power-sharing governance as in the Prem and Surayud governments, but tries to militarise the cabinet, parliament, and even state-owned enterprises. The new constitution is designed to institutionalise the power of the military and the traditional elite vis-à-vis the electoral forces. Ironically, however, the junta's rule by military decree and discretionary power have weakened the bureaucratic polity, rather than strengthening it. Economically, the Prayuth regime forms a partnership with a group of Sino-Thai conglomerates to establish the Pracharath scheme, with an aim to differentiate its grass-roots development policy from Thaksin's populism (Prachaniyom). Nonetheless, it has become a platform through which the giant firms perform the leading role of ‘Big Brother’ in supervising small businesses in their sectors. Pracharath therefore reflects the collective endeavours of the conglomerates to replace competitive markets with hierarchy, rather than encouraging local firms to catch-up with them.
本文探讨了巴育(Prayuth)政权,该政权始于2014年5月的军事政变。在政治上,我们指出军政府如何以不同于过去的方式嵌入其权力。它不追求像总理和苏拉育德政府那样的权力分享治理,而是试图使内阁、议会甚至国有企业军事化。新宪法旨在将军队和传统精英的权力制度化,以对抗-à-vis选举力量。然而,具有讽刺意味的是,军政府的军事统治和自由裁量权削弱了官僚政治,而不是加强了它。在经济上,巴育政权与一些中泰企业集团建立了伙伴关系,建立了“普拉恰拉特计划”,目的是将其基层发展政策与他信的民粹主义(普拉恰拉特)区分开来。尽管如此,它已经成为一个平台,通过这个平台,大公司在监管他们所在行业的小企业方面扮演着“老大哥”的领导角色。因此,Pracharath反映了大企业集团的集体努力,以等级制度取代竞争市场,而不是鼓励当地公司追赶它们。
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引用次数: 33
An Anthropological Approach to the Islamic Turn in Indonesia's Regional Politics 印尼区域政治中伊斯兰转向的人类学研究
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.6
J. Millie
Abstract Existing analyses of the Islamic turn in regional Islamic politics in Indonesia have overlooked the possibility that these politics – often critiqued for their negative implications for minorities and vulnerable segments – are to some extent reflections of indigenous cultural dispositions. Drawing on the author's long-time ethnographic work in West Java, as well as recent anthropological theorising about public ethics in Islamic societies, the article identifies a significant correlation between, on the one hand, the practical forms and legislative outputs of the regional Islamic turn, and on the other, a characteristic notion of public decorum that is asserted in routines of embodied Islamic observance. The article notes that this extension of an embodied, practice-based public ethics into the political regimes of national life has created conflict with the disembodied civic order established in Indonesia's constitution and state ideology.
对印尼地区伊斯兰政治转向的现有分析忽视了这样一种可能性,即这些政治——经常因其对少数民族和弱势群体的负面影响而受到批评——在某种程度上反映了土著文化倾向。根据作者在西爪哇的长期民族志工作,以及最近关于伊斯兰社会公共伦理的人类学理论,文章确定了两者之间的重要相关性,一方面,区域伊斯兰转向的实际形式和立法产出,另一方面,体现在伊斯兰仪式惯例中的公共礼仪的特征概念。文章指出,将具体的、以实践为基础的公共伦理延伸到国家生活的政治制度中,与印度尼西亚宪法和国家意识形态中建立的无实体的公民秩序产生了冲突。
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引用次数: 8
TRN volume 6 issue 2 Cover and Front matter TRN第6卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.9
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引用次数: 0
Facts and Fiction: The Myth of Suvaṇṇabhūmi Through the Thai and Burmese Looking Glass 事实与虚构:Suvaṇṇabhūmi的神话透过泰国和缅甸的镜子
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.8
Nicolas Revire
Abstract Most scholars think that the generic name ‘Golden Land’ (Sanskrit, Suvarṇabhūmi; Pali, Suvaṇṇabhūmi) was first used by Indian traders as a vague designation for an extensive region beyond the subcontinent, presumably in Southeast Asia. Some Pali sources specifically link Suvaṇṇabhūmi with the introduction of Buddhism to the region. The locus classicus is the Sri Lankan Mahāvaṃsa chronicle (fifth century AD) which states that two monks, Soṇa and Uttara, were sent there for missionary activities in the time of King Asoka (third century BC). However, no Southeast Asian textual or epigraphic sources refer to this legend or to the Pali term Suvaṇṇabhūmi before the second millennium AD. Conversely, one may ask, what hard archaeological evidence is there for the advent of Buddhism in mainland Southeast Asia? This article re-examines the appropriation of the name Suvaṇṇabhūmi in Thailand and Burma for political and nationalist purposes and deconstructs the connotation of the term and what it has meant to whom, where, and when. It also carefully confronts the Buddhist literary evidence and earliest epigraphic and archaeological data, distinguishing material discoveries from legendary accounts, with special reference to the ancient Mon countries of Rāmaññadesa (lower Burma) and Dvāravatī (central Thailand).
多数学者认为,“金土”(梵文,Suvarṇabhūmi;巴利语(Suvaṇṇabhūmi)最初被印度商人用作次大陆以外的一个广泛地区的模糊名称,可能是在东南亚。一些巴利文资料特别将Suvaṇṇabhūmi与佛教传入该地区联系起来。经典地点是斯里兰卡Mahāvaṃsa编年史(公元5世纪),其中记载在阿育王(公元前3世纪)时期,Soṇa和Uttara两位僧侣被派往那里传教。然而,在公元第二个千年之前,没有东南亚的文本或铭文来源提到这个传说或巴利语Suvaṇṇabhūmi。反过来,有人可能会问,佛教在东南亚大陆的出现有什么确凿的考古证据吗?本文重新审视了泰国和缅甸出于政治和民族主义目的而挪用Suvaṇṇabhūmi这个名字的情况,并解构了这个术语的内涵,以及它对谁、在哪里、在什么时候意味着什么。它还仔细地对照了佛教文献证据和最早的铭文和考古资料,将材料发现与传奇故事区分开来,特别提到了古代孟族国家Rāmaññadesa(下缅甸)和Dvāravatī(泰国中部)。
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引用次数: 5
Thailand Trapped: Catch-up Legacies and Contemporary Malaise 泰国被困:追赶的遗产和当代的不安
IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/trn.2018.3
Veerayooth Kanchoochat
Abstract A better understanding of Thailand's contemporary malaise needs a perspective that combines political and economic aspects without losing sight of history. This article applies the concept of path dependence to examine how pre-1997 catch-up industrialisation shaped the post-crisis trajectory. It argues that the catch-up process has left a number of important legacies, especially the symbiotic relationship between the military, banking conglomerates, and technocrats; dominant growth narrative with a focus on macroeconomic stability; and overly centralised and bloated state structures. These legacies have shaped the strategies and legitimacies of today's political actors and rendered the pursuit of growth increasingly contradictory to maintaining order.
要想更好地理解泰国当代的困境,需要一个兼顾政治和经济的视角,同时又不忽视历史。本文运用路径依赖的概念来考察1997年之前的追赶型工业化如何塑造危机后的发展轨迹。它认为,追赶的过程留下了许多重要的遗产,尤其是军队、银行集团和技术官僚之间的共生关系;以宏观经济稳定为重点的主导增长叙事;过度集中和臃肿的国家结构。这些遗产塑造了当今政治参与者的战略和合法性,并使追求增长与维持秩序日益矛盾。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia
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