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Doroczna Konferencja Północnoamerykańskiego Towarzystwa Patrystycznego (NAPS) (Chicago, USA, 26-28.05.2022)
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14836
M. Wysocki
Sprawozdanie z dorocznej Konferencji Północnoamerykańskiego Towarzystwa Patrystycznego (NAPS), która odbyła się w dniach 26-28 maja 2022 w Chicago, USA.
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引用次数: 1
The Catalogue of Virtues in the "Ecclesiastical History" of Sozomen of Bethelia 伯特利亚的索佐门的“教会历史”中的美德目录
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14012
S. Bralewski
On the one hand, in his Ecclesiastical History, Sozomen presented the qualities of the ruler he held in high esteem – Theodosius II; on the other, he listed characteristics of the ascetics he admired, the new sages, living – in his view – according to the principles of the best philosophy. Interestingly, in this presentation, he applied an almost identical set of virtues that he attributed to both rulers and monks. In both cases he equated piety with wisdom and made them the most important, leading virtues. They were the ones that conditioned the subsequent qualities. Thus, in Sozomen’s account, one can trace the theory of the unity of virtues characteristic of Socrates of Athens. It claimed that one cannot possess a particle of virtue without possessing the whole, nor can one possess one specific virtue without possessing all of them. It seems that the order of virtues used by Sozomen in the catalogue of virtues ascribed to Theodosius II is not accidental, and reflects their hierarchy: εὐσέβεια-σοφία φιλανθρωπία, ἀνδρεία, σωφροσύνη, δικαιοσύνη, φιλοτιμία, and μεγαλοψυχία. This hierarchy stems from the Christian values adopted by Sozomen.
一方面,在他的《教会史》中,索佐门展示了他所推崇的统治者狄奥多西二世的品质;另一方面,他列出了他所钦佩的苦行僧的特点,在他看来,这些新圣人是按照最好的哲学原则生活的。有趣的是,在这次演讲中,他运用了一套几乎相同的美德,他认为这是统治者和僧侣的美德。在这两种情况下,他都将虔诚与智慧等同起来,并使它们成为最重要、最主要的美德。它们制约了后来的品质。因此,在索佐门的叙述中,我们可以追溯到雅典苏格拉底的美德统一理论。它声称一个人不可能拥有整体的美德,也不可能拥有一种特定的美德而不拥有所有的美德。看来,美德的顺序使用Sozomen目录的美德归结为狄奥多西二世并不意外,并反映他们的层次结构:εὐσέβεια-σοφίαφιλανθρωπία,ἀνδρεία,σωφροσύνη,δικαιοσύνη,φιλοτιμία,和μεγαλοψυχία。这种等级制度源于索佐门所采用的基督教价值观。
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引用次数: 1
Umiarkowanie i roztropność Symeona, władcy bułgarskiego w listach Mikołaja Mistyka, patriarchy Konstantynopola. Kilka uwag
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14045
Mirosław J. Leszka
W latach 912-927 Mikołaj Mistyk, patriarcha Konstantynopola prowadził korespondencję z Symeonem, władca Bułgarii. Jej celem było nakłonienie Symeona do zakończenia działań wojennych i zawarcia pokoju z Bizancjum. By ten cel osiągnąć Mikołaj Mistyk imał się różnych metod i sięgał po różnorodne argumenty. Odwoływanie się patriarchy do umiaru i roztropności było jednym z środków wpłynięcia na  Symeona, by ten zaniechał działań militarnych, a podjął takie, które doprowadziłyby do zawarcia pokoju. Dla Mikołaja Mistyka podstawowym kryterium uznania Symeona za człowieka kierującego się w swoim życiu m.in. cnotami umiarkowania i roztropności było to, czy jego działania w sferze politycznej były zgodne z bizantyńskimi interesami.
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引用次数: 0
Enemy of All Virtues: Once Again on the Image of Simeon the Great in the Oration “On the Treaty with the Bulgarians”
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14058
Kirił Marinow
This article focuses on the Bulgarian Tsar Simeon I the Great (893-927), who in the second half of his reign entered into a protracted military and ideological conflict with the Byzantine Empire. He wished not only to extend his dominions at the expense of his southern neighbour, but also to equal him in titular power, and it is possible - although scholars differ on this point - that his aspirations reached even further, namely Constantinople itself. Either way, Bulgaria under his reign posed a serious threat to Byzantium and its main antagonist. The death of the Tsar in 927 and the conclusion of peace with the Empire by his son, Peter I (927-969), finally put an end to the conflict between both the states. The celebrations marking the conclusion of the agreement provided an opportunity to take stock. In a rhetorical speech written for the occasion, Simeon's actions and aspirations were severely criticised – through comparisons to figures from ancient literature and biblical texts, the Byzantine speaker discredited the attitude of this ruler. Comparisons to those of them who aroused negative connotations in listeners and readers deprived Simeon of all the virtues belonging to a Christian ruler and, above all, of the cardinal ones by which he should, above all, legitimise himself.
本文主要关注保加利亚沙皇西缅一世(893-927),他在统治的后半段与拜占庭帝国发生了旷日持久的军事和意识形态冲突。他不仅希望以南方邻国为代价扩大自己的领土,而且希望在名义上与他平起平坐,而且有可能——尽管学者们在这一点上存在分歧——他的愿望甚至更远,即君士坦丁堡本身。不管怎样,在他的统治下,保加利亚对拜占庭及其主要对手构成了严重威胁。927年沙皇去世,他的儿子彼得一世(927-969)与帝国缔结和平,最终结束了两国之间的冲突。庆祝协定缔结的活动提供了一个评估的机会。在为这个场合写的一篇修辞演讲中,西缅的行为和抱负受到了严厉的批评——通过与古代文学和圣经文本中的人物进行比较,拜占庭的演讲者诋毁了这位统治者的态度。与那些在听众和读者中引起负面含义的人相比,西默恩失去了属于基督教统治者的所有美德,最重要的是,他应该通过这些美德来证明自己的合法性。
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引用次数: 1
Could a Caliph Be Virtuous? Selected Aspects of the Image of Muslim Rulers in the "Chronography" of Theophanes the Confessor 哈里发能有德行吗?忏悔者提奥法尼“年表”中穆斯林统治者形象的若干方面
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14057
Błażej Cecota
The Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor is one of the few Byzantine historiographical works in which so much space is devoted to the Islamic world and the first ruling caliphate. Of course, most references to Muslims concern mostly military issues – numerous Muslim invasions on Byzantine lands that were happening almost since the beginning of Islam. Also important was the way Theophanes treated Islam itself as a religion – as heresy. Therefore, it is hard to expect that the descriptions of the caliphs can be considered positive. In most of them, we find rather “evidence” of the greed, stupidity, or propensity to violence, which were to characterize the caliphs. Nevertheless, in the context of the answer to the question posed in the title – whether the caliph could be virtuous – it is worth taking a closer look at the image of the two rulers in the Chronography – Mu‘awiya and ‘Abd al-Malik. This text is dedicated to the first of these rulers.
《忏悔者提奥芬编年史》是为数不多的拜占庭历史著作之一,在这本书中,有如此多的篇幅致力于伊斯兰世界和第一个统治哈里发国。当然,大多数关于穆斯林的提及主要涉及军事问题——几乎从伊斯兰教开始,穆斯林就对拜占庭土地进行了无数次入侵。同样重要的是,提奥芬尼将伊斯兰教本身视为一种宗教——一种异端。因此,很难期望对哈里发的描述可以被认为是积极的。在他们中的大多数人身上,我们发现了贪婪、愚蠢或暴力倾向的“证据”,这些都是哈里发的特征。然而,在回答标题中提出的问题——哈里发是否可以是有道德的——的背景下,有必要仔细看看《年表》中两位统治者的形象——穆阿维耶和阿卜杜勒·马利克。这篇文章是献给第一位统治者的。
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引用次数: 1
Pamięć. Sposoby i cel pamiętania w chrześcijaństwie antycznym (XLVIII Spotkanie Badaczy Antyku Chrześcijańskiego, Instytut Patrystyczny Augustynianum, Rzym, 5-7.05.2022)
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14838
M. Wysocki
Sprawozdanie z 48. spotkania badaczy antyku chrześcijańskiego, które odbyło się w dniach 5-7 maja 2022 w Istytucie Patrystycznym "Augustynianum" w Rzymie i było poświęcone tematowi: "Pamięć. Sposoby i cel pamiętania w chrześcijaństwie antycznym".
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引用次数: 0
Karol Piotr KULPA, Tyconius’ Theological Reception of 2 Thessalonians 2:3-12, seria History of Biblical Exegesis 4, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2022, ss. XIX + 319 库尔帕:《太古尼乌斯对帖撒罗尼迦后书2:3-12的神学理解》,《圣经释经史4》,莫尔·西贝克,<s:1>宾根2022,页19 + 319
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14677
D. Budzanowska-Weglenda
Recenzja książki Karola Piotra Kulpy, Tyconius’ Theological Reception of 2 Thessalonians 2:3-12, seria History of Biblical Exegesis 4, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2022, ss. XIX + 319.
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引用次数: 1
Posiedzenia naukowe Komisji Badań nad Antykiem Chrześcijańskim KUL w latach 2017-2022
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14667
P. Wilk
Sprawozdanie zawiera opis działalności Komisji Badań nad Antykiem Chrześcijańskim KUL w latach 2017-2022. W ramach sprawozdania zestawiono chronologicznie autorów i ich wystąpienia prezentowane na cyklicznych posiedzeniach Komisji.
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引用次数: 1
Cyryl Aleksandryjski, Komentarz do Pierwszego Listu św. Pawła do Koryntian, z języka greckiego, syryjskiego i armeńskiego przełożył, wstępem i objaśnieniami opatrzył Konrad F. Zawadzki, Edycja Świętego Pawła, Częstochowa 2022, ss. 261
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14628
Józef Pochwat
Recenzja książki: Cyryl Aleksandryjski, "Komentarz do Pierwszego Listu św. Pawła do Koryntian", z języka greckiego, syryjskiego i armeńskiego przełożył, wstępem i objaśnieniami opatrzył Konrad F. Zawadzki, Edycja Świętego Pawła, Częstochowa 2022, ss. 261.
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引用次数: 0
The Lost Cameo, the Vanished Statue of the Emperor and Constantine as a New Alexander 失落的浮雕,消失的皇帝雕像和新亚历山大的君士坦丁
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.31743/vp.14119
P. Grotowski
The aim of this paper is to propose a reinterpretation of the meaning of the lost colossus of Constantine the Great from the Forum of his name in Constantinople, in the light of the iconography of the emperor on the cameo from the cathedral in the Pomeranian town of Cammin. Although the gem was lost during the last war, it is known to us thanks to archival photographs and the plaster cast housed at Göttingen University. On this basis, Gerda Bruns associated the jewel with the statue of Constantine on the porphyry column in the New Rome, and her identification has since been widely accepted by the scholarly milieu. In recent years one has been able to observe growing popularity of this interpretation among researchers, who however refrain in their studies from pointing to the consequences of such a reconstruction of the statue’s form.             The author of this paper points out that Constantine purposefully chose the iconographical type of Alexander-ktistes as a model for his own representation in order to allude to his great predecessor and the founder of a number of cities which bore his name. The iconography of the statue became then a part of the programme of the celebrations arranged on the occasion of the dedication of Constantinople, in which numerous references to Alexander played the key role. This new understanding of the colossus, placing its significance within the frames of political propaganda, better matches the actual historical circumstances and the ruler’s attitude towards Christendom than traditional interpretations which recognised the statue as Helios or Apollo, and thus introduced an incoherence — difficult to explain — in Constantine’s attitude towards the new religion. This cumbersome question, which baffled the inquisitive minds already in the Constantinople of the Byzantine era, will be considered unsubstantial if we correctly interpret the monument on the Forum solely in the political and propagandistic context.
本文的目的是提出一个重新解释的意义,从君士坦丁堡广场他的名字的伟大的君士坦丁大帝,在光的肖像上的皇帝的浮雕在卡明的波美拉尼亚镇的大教堂。虽然这颗宝石在上次战争中丢失了,但由于档案照片和Göttingen大学的石膏模型,我们知道了它。在此基础上,Gerda Bruns将这颗宝石与新罗马斑岩柱上的君士坦丁雕像联系起来,她的鉴定从此被学术界广泛接受。近年来,人们已经能够观察到这种解释在研究人员中越来越受欢迎,然而,他们在研究中避免指出这种重建雕像形式的后果。本文的作者指出,君士坦丁有意选择亚历山大-克蒂斯特的肖像类型作为自己的表现模式,是为了影射他的伟大前任和许多以他的名字命名的城市的缔造者。在君士坦丁堡落成之际,雕像的肖像成为庆祝活动的一部分,其中许多对亚历山大的提及发挥了关键作用。这种对巨像的新理解,将其重要性置于政治宣传的框架内,比传统的认为雕像是太阳神或阿波罗的解释更符合实际的历史环境和统治者对基督教的态度,从而引入了君士坦丁对新宗教的态度的不连贯-难以解释。这个麻烦的问题,已经在拜占庭时代的君士坦丁堡困惑好奇的头脑,如果我们正确地解释广场上的纪念碑仅仅在政治和宣传的背景下,将被认为是不实质性的。
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Vox Patrum
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