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Nigerian leader of Christian–Islamic dialogue: Francis Cardinal Arinze 尼日利亚基督教与伊斯兰教对话领袖:方济各
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802231230
T. D. Watts
The present article discusses the seminal role played by a prominent Nigerian in Christian–Islamic dialogue: Francis Cardinal Arinze. Christianity (2.1 billion adherents, 33% of the world's population) and Islam (1.3 billion adherents, 20.1% of the world's population) represent the two largest (Infoplease, 2008) world religions (as of mid-2004). Christianity and Islam have intersected at various times and places in world history, and sometimes in a conflicted way (Armstrong, 2002). Francis Cardinal Arinze has done his share in promoting dialogue and understanding, toward a goal of peace and cooperation, something badly needed in today's world.
本文讨论了一位杰出的尼日利亚人在基督教与伊斯兰教对话中所发挥的开创性作用:方济各枢机主教阿里泽。基督教(21亿信徒,占世界人口的33%)和伊斯兰教(13亿信徒,占世界人口的20.1%)是世界上最大的两个宗教(Infoplease, 2008)(截至2004年中期)。基督教和伊斯兰教在世界历史上的不同时间和地点相交,有时以一种冲突的方式相交(Armstrong, 2002)。方济各·阿里泽枢机主教为促进对话与理解,实现和平与合作的目标作出了自己的贡献,这是当今世界迫切需要的。
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引用次数: 2
Globalization, social welfare and civil society in India 全球化,印度的社会福利和公民社会
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802231073
S. Sahoo
This paper seeks to analyze the effects of globalization on Indian civil society. Following a historical analysis, the paper argues that civil society during the colonial and early post-colonial period remained confined to the English educated upper-caste elites. The subaltern populations were excluded from its sphere because of the virtues of modernity and the paternalistic policies of the post-colonial state and ruling elites. The decline of the moderate state and the Congress system in the mid-1970s and the policies of globalization and the rolling-back of the welfare state in the mid-1980s transformed the state–society relationship and brought incongruous implications for civil society in India. The apparatus of the state became pluralized, and several non-governmental organizations and people's movements emerged to take up issues affecting the lives of poor and marginalized. The paper concludes that, although globalization has radicalized civil society activism and expanded its sphere over the past few years, in the process it has turned civil society into a site of increasing class war, widespread violence and growing unfreedom.
本文旨在分析全球化对印度公民社会的影响。通过历史分析,本文认为在殖民时期和后殖民时期早期,公民社会仍然局限于受英国教育的上层种姓精英。由于现代性的优点以及后殖民国家和统治精英的家长式政策,次等人口被排除在其范围之外。20世纪70年代中期温和国家和国会制度的衰落,以及20世纪80年代中期全球化政策和福利国家的倒退,改变了国家与社会的关系,给印度的公民社会带来了不协调的影响。国家机构变得多元化,出现了几个非政府组织和人民运动来处理影响穷人和边缘人生活的问题。本文的结论是,尽管全球化在过去几年中使公民社会激进化并扩大了其范围,但在此过程中,它将公民社会变成了一个阶级斗争日益加剧、暴力普遍存在和不自由日益增长的场所。
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引用次数: 4
A comparative study of child abuse and protective measures in Goa and Singapore 果阿邦与新加坡儿童虐待与保护措施的比较研究
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802231032
M. Desai
The present article makes a comparison between Goa and Singapore with reference to the situation of child abuse and the protection measures undertaken against it in terms of strengths and gaps, and similarities and differences, and draws recommendations for child protection measures for both. The article is based on a larger exploratory comparative study of child protection situations and measures that was carried out between a progressive state of India, namely Goa, and Singapore. The two were found to be comparable as they are similar with reference to the Asian cultural context and comparable historical, economic and demographic profiles. The sources of information for the project were a literature review and visits to institutions and meetings with the key personnel.
本文就果阿邦和新加坡的虐待儿童情况及其所采取的保护措施的优势和差距、相同点和不同点进行了比较,并就两国的儿童保护措施提出了建议。这篇文章是基于一项更大的关于儿童保护状况和措施的探索性比较研究,该研究是在印度一个进步的邦,即果阿邦和新加坡之间进行的。研究发现,这两个国家具有可比性,因为它们在亚洲文化背景、历史、经济和人口特征方面相似。该项目的资料来源是文献综述和对机构的访问以及与主要人员的会晤。
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引用次数: 2
The extent of adequacies of poverty alleviation strategies: Hong Kong and China perspectives 扶贫策略的不足程度:香港和中国的视角
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802231164
P. Panday
The main concern of the present paper is to examine the adequacies of the urban poverty alleviation strategies of the Hong Kong and China governments. It has been found that the Comprehensive Social Security Allowance and the Minimum Living Standard Scheme or Dibao are the main strategies adopted by both the governments towards alleviation of urban poverty. The available data substantiates that the Comprehensive Social Security Allowance is targeted to solve immediate concrete social problems in the short term instead of solving the long-term poverty problem. More specifically, the welfare policy is designed to alleviate the political pressures and social conflicts and is a tool to avoid social confusion. On the other hand, Dibao reflects the state's general economic orientation, which has emphasized rapid growth and neglected effective redistribution measures. At best, Dibao is likely to provide short-term relief from urban poverty and inequality, rather than make a significant impact on poverty reduction.
本文主要关注的是检验香港和中国政府的城市扶贫战略是否足够。研究发现,综合社会保障津贴和最低生活保障计划或低保是两国政府为减轻城市贫困采取的主要战略。现有数据表明,综合社会保障津贴的目标是解决眼前的短期具体社会问题,而不是解决长期的贫困问题。更具体地说,福利政策是为了缓解政治压力和社会矛盾而设计的,是避免社会混乱的工具。另一方面,低保反映了国家的总体经济取向,即强调快速增长而忽视有效的再分配措施。低保充其量只能在短期内缓解城市贫困和不平等问题,而不会对减贫产生重大影响。
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引用次数: 6
The relationship between reproductive rights and prevalence of HIV among women in developing countries 发展中国家妇女生殖权利与艾滋病毒流行之间的关系
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802231115
L. Johnson
The rate of HIV infection among women in the developing world is rising. The goal of this study was to assess the effectiveness of a reproductive rights approach to reducing HIV rates among women in the developing world. Researchers proposed that reproductive rights mediated the relationship between gender equality and HIV rates. Data from 142 developing countries were used to test the proposed model. Researchers did not find that reproductive rights mediated the relationship between gender equality and HIV rates. However, researchers found a positive relationship between reproductive rights and HIV rates in women lending support for a reproductive rights approach to reducing HIV infection in women.
发展中国家妇女的艾滋病毒感染率正在上升。这项研究的目的是评估生殖权利方法在降低发展中国家妇女艾滋病毒感染率方面的有效性。研究人员提出,生殖权利调解了性别平等和艾滋病毒感染率之间的关系。来自142个发展中国家的数据被用于测试所提出的模型。研究人员没有发现生殖权利在性别平等和艾滋病毒感染率之间起到中介作用。然而,研究人员发现生殖权利与妇女的艾滋病毒感染率之间存在正相关关系,这为利用生殖权利减少妇女艾滋病毒感染提供了支持。
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引用次数: 3
Understanding the impact of involuntary slum resettlement on women's access to healthcare in Mumbai, India 了解非自愿贫民窟重新安置对印度孟买妇女获得医疗保健的影响
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802231131
Qudsiya Contractor
Resettlement poses several risks to vulnerable urban populations such as slum dwellers in cities like Mumbai in the Third World. The causes for involuntary resettlement in the urban context, such as the expansion of airports, widening roads, or building of commercial complexes, are often unconnected to the lives of those living in slums. Resettlement is associated with economic hardships, disruption of the social fabric, and a feeling of uprootment, alienation and psychological trauma. This paper is based on the findings of an action-research study conducted in a resettled slum community in Mumbai, India that aimed to understand the implications of involuntary resettlement from a human rights perspective. It focuses on the impact of involuntary resettlement on issues concerning women's health. It discusses gender differentials in morbidity patterns and the access to healthcare. It argues that there is a need for integrated planning to ensure an improvement in overall living conditions, which also include provision and access to health services apart from just the mere allocation of alternate housing.
重新安置给脆弱的城市人口带来了一些风险,比如第三世界国家孟买等城市的贫民窟居民。城市背景下非自愿重新安置的原因,如机场扩建、道路拓宽或商业综合体的建设,往往与贫民窟居民的生活无关。重新安置伴随着经济困难、社会结构的破坏以及背井离乡、疏远和心理创伤的感觉。本文基于在印度孟买一个重新安置的贫民窟社区开展的一项行动研究的结果,该研究旨在从人权角度了解非自愿重新安置的影响。它侧重于非自愿重新安置对妇女健康问题的影响。它讨论了发病率模式和获得保健服务方面的性别差异。它认为,有必要进行综合规划,以确保改善总体生活条件,其中除了仅仅分配替代住房外,还包括提供和获得保健服务。
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引用次数: 13
Child daycare policy in Japan: an examination of the program and its impacts 日本儿童日托政策:对该计划及其影响的考察
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802231156
H. Palley, Chikako Usui
Recent reforms with regard to Japan's child daycare policies have moved in the direction of deregulation, increased privatization and private/public partnerships. These reforms have substantially increased the availability of diversity of child daycare services. However, initiatives creating diversity have introduced issues of lack of equal access to highly desired services as, with privatization, higher quality services may cost more. Also, in municipally-provided care, parents are paying a greater proportion of the cost of childcare. These factors create a situation where poorer parents may not be able to afford the best care. The dominant Liberal Democratic Party has been reluctant to substantially increase national expenditures for child daycare and other supportive family policies. While it has provided initiatives that have eased the predicament of some working women, it has not resolved the cultural issue of utilizing women in a secondary role in employment and emphasizing the mother's responsibility (increasingly a working mother) as a caregiver of young children. As a result, family size remains substantially below the measure of population replacement.
最近关于日本儿童日托政策的改革已朝着放松管制、增加私有化和公私伙伴关系的方向发展。这些改革大大增加了儿童日托服务的多样性。但是,创造多样性的倡议带来了缺乏平等获得迫切需要的服务的机会的问题,因为私有化后,高质量的服务可能花费更多。此外,在市政提供的照料中,父母支付的托儿费用比例更大。这些因素造成了一种情况,即较贫穷的父母可能负担不起最好的护理。占主导地位的自民党一直不愿大幅增加儿童日托和其他支持性家庭政策的国家支出。虽然它提出了一些倡议,缓解了一些职业妇女的困境,但它并没有解决利用妇女在就业中起次要作用和强调母亲(越来越多地成为职业母亲)作为照顾幼儿的责任的文化问题。因此,家庭规模仍然大大低于人口更替的衡量标准。
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引用次数: 10
Attainment of basic needs as a predictor of civic engagement in sub-Saharan Africa: some implications 实现基本需求作为撒哈拉以南非洲公民参与的预测指标:一些影响
Pub Date : 2008-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/17486830802230968
M. Lombe, A. Ochumbo, J. Norstrand
Building on previous research on basic needs and civic engagement, this study attempts to understand whether or not attainment of basic needs will predict civic engagement in a resource-constrained environment. We also assess the moderating effects of perceived trust in governmental institutions on this relationship. We use data from the Afrobarometer survey to examine these relationships in three sub-Saharan Africa countries: Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Findings provide support for the hypothesized relationship that attainment of basic needs predicts civic engagement. Furthermore, civic engagement appears to be higher at higher levels of perceived trust in government. These findings provide a preliminary base for exploring factors that may be important in understanding civic behavior in the context of sub-Saharan Africa.
在以往关于基本需求和公民参与的研究的基础上,本研究试图了解在资源受限的环境中,基本需求的实现是否会预测公民参与。我们还评估了对政府机构的感知信任对这种关系的调节作用。我们使用非洲晴雨表调查的数据来研究三个撒哈拉以南非洲国家:坦桑尼亚、赞比亚和津巴布韦的这些关系。研究结果为基本需求的实现预测公民参与的假设关系提供了支持。此外,对政府的信任程度越高,公民参与程度似乎越高。这些发现为探索可能对理解撒哈拉以南非洲背景下的公民行为很重要的因素提供了初步基础。
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引用次数: 6
Comparison of inequality reduction and income security in Canada from a mixed to neo-liberal welfare regime: micro-data simulations and policy implications 加拿大从混合福利制度到新自由主义福利制度的不平等减少和收入保障的比较:微观数据模拟和政策含义
Pub Date : 2008-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/17486830701848738
N. Habibov, L. Fan
Using micro-data from two nationally representative surveys, we quantify and explain intertemporal evolution in inequality reduction effectiveness of income security programmes in Canada caused by change from a mixed to a neo-liberal welfare regime. The presented empirical evidence shows that the overall inequality reduction effectiveness of income security declined significantly as a result of regime change. The new neo-liberal welfare regime of income security in Canada is characterized by paradoxes of redistribution and by increased degrees of stratification.
利用两项具有全国代表性的调查的微观数据,我们量化并解释了由混合福利制度到新自由主义福利制度的变化导致的加拿大收入保障计划减少不平等有效性的跨期演变。实证结果表明,收入保障降低不平等的总体效果随着制度变迁而显著下降。加拿大收入保障的新自由主义福利制度的特点是再分配的矛盾和分层程度的增加。
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引用次数: 9
The American and the European social dream: the competition of welfare regimes 美国和欧洲的社会梦:福利制度的竞争
Pub Date : 2008-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/17486830701848662
Josef Weidenholzer, C. Aspalter
This article sets out to unravel the overall picture of the dominant social models in the Western world – that of the European Union and that of the United States. The American model, or “American (social) dream,” is put into direct comparison with its European counterpart, the “European social dream,” using the method of juxtaposition to analyze, in a strictly normative (i.e. evaluative) manner, the current status, trends, and future applicability of each model under scrutiny. The authors conclude that the costs for non-social policy are staggering. That is, the implementation of a comprehensive and, more importantly, effective welfare state system is essential for the survival of societies and the continuation of their particular path of social development. The absence thereof leads to more costly side-effects. The juxtaposition of both the American and the European social dreams leads to the conclusion that the former is built on unsustainable notions of penal policy, while the latter offers a real win–win solution, in terms of investment in sustainable, and hence efficient and effective, social welfare systems.
本文旨在揭示西方世界主要的社会模式——欧盟和美国的社会模式——的全貌。本文将美国模式或“美国(社会)梦”与其欧洲对应的“欧洲社会梦”进行了直接比较,采用并置的方法,以严格规范(即评估)的方式,分析了所审查的每种模式的现状、趋势和未来适用性。作者得出结论,非社会政策的成本是惊人的。也就是说,实施一个全面的、更重要的是有效的福利国家制度,对于社会的生存和社会发展的特定道路的继续是必不可少的。缺乏这种药物会导致更昂贵的副作用。把美国和欧洲的社会梦想放在一起,可以得出这样的结论:美国的社会梦想建立在不可持续的刑罚政策观念之上,而欧洲的社会梦想则提供了一个真正的双赢解决方案,即投资于可持续的、因而也是高效的社会福利制度。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Journal of Comparative Social Welfare
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