Pub Date : 2014-12-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.2.5
S. Sigurgeirsdóttir
This research focuses on the interplay of politics, bureaucracies and markets in Iceland. It aims to explain theoretically how politics and bureaucracies operate when a coalition government makes and implements decisions in a policy environment in which decisions and their effects intersect public bureaucracies’ and markets’ boundaries. The decision to raise the limits of Housing Fund mortgages in 2003 is a case examined by agenda-setting theories in public policy. The research is based on the data from parliamentary Special Investigation reports on the collapse of the Icelandic banks and the Housing Fund as well as the author’s interviews home and abroad. The research shows that, when made, the decision ignited competition between the Housing Fund and the recently privatized banks and that between the banks themselves. The Independence Party’s attempts to delay implementation of the decision involved system change backed by an instrument designed to stem a run on the Fund. The impact of this instrument (a tax on pre-payments) was incompatible with the Progressive Party’s political interests. In a hasty attempt to implement its election promises, the Progressive Party ignored the fact that the Fund was operating within a transformed financial system. The conclusions indicate that those who think long-term in politics make policies by changing system dynamics, those who think short-term change programmes. System dynamics, however, change the balance of power and influence between actors, leaving legacies which curb the government’s attempt at change, unless consolidated and sustained political authority and will are established to see changes through.
{"title":"Preferences, power and policy outcomes in public policy in Iceland: The Icelandic Housing Fund fiasco 2003-2005","authors":"S. Sigurgeirsdóttir","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"This research focuses on the interplay of politics, bureaucracies and markets in Iceland. It aims to explain theoretically how politics and bureaucracies operate when a coalition government makes and implements decisions in a policy environment in which decisions and their effects intersect public bureaucracies’ and markets’ boundaries. The decision to raise the limits of Housing Fund mortgages in 2003 is a case examined by agenda-setting theories in public policy. The research is based on the data from parliamentary Special Investigation reports on the collapse of the Icelandic banks and the Housing Fund as well as the author’s interviews home and abroad. The research shows that, when made, the decision ignited competition between the Housing Fund and the recently privatized banks and that between the banks themselves. The Independence Party’s attempts to delay implementation of the decision involved system change backed by an instrument designed to stem a run on the Fund. The impact of this instrument (a tax on pre-payments) was incompatible with the Progressive Party’s political interests. In a hasty attempt to implement its election promises, the Progressive Party ignored the fact that the Fund was operating within a transformed financial system. The conclusions indicate that those who think long-term in politics make policies by changing system dynamics, those who think short-term change programmes. System dynamics, however, change the balance of power and influence between actors, leaving legacies which curb the government’s attempt at change, unless consolidated and sustained political authority and will are established to see changes through.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126178532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.6
Ó. Jónsson
During most of the 20th century Icelandic educational policy aimed at developing public schools as fundamental institutions in a democratic society. However, it was not until 1974 that democracy was explicitly mentioned in the law pertaining to public schools. Earlier law is characterized by obvious democratic ideas, such as that schools should be open to everyone, that the school system should form a unified whole and that access to education should be equal. I will focus on public policy in education and consider when, whether and to what extent Icelandic educational policy was democratic. In this discussion, the law from 1974 has a special status, not only because of the ideals described in the law itself but also because of the extensive developmental work that was carried out in relation to the setting of the new law. I will argue that at that time there really was democratic educational policy in Iceland but that it was given up in the eighties and further abandoned in the nineties.
{"title":"Democratic educational policy: Brief history and philosophical analysis","authors":"Ó. Jónsson","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.6","url":null,"abstract":"During most of the 20th century Icelandic educational policy aimed at developing public schools as fundamental institutions in a democratic society. However, it was not until 1974 that democracy was explicitly mentioned in the law pertaining to public schools. Earlier law is characterized by obvious democratic ideas, such as that schools should be open to everyone, that the school system should form a unified whole and that access to education should be equal. I will focus on public policy in education and consider when, whether and to what extent Icelandic educational policy was democratic. In this discussion, the law from 1974 has a special status, not only because of the ideals described in the law itself but also because of the extensive developmental work that was carried out in relation to the setting of the new law. I will argue that at that time there really was democratic educational policy in Iceland but that it was given up in the eighties and further abandoned in the nineties.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127848765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.1
S. Nordal
Since the financial crisis there has been a focus on responsibility or accountability in Icelandic society and people have asked if some individuals were responsible for the fall of the Icelandic banks. This article discusses individual responsibility and the role of institutions in relation to a case of the consultative group on financial stability and contingency planning established in 2006 as described in the Special Investigation Commission report. The first part of the article discusses the distinction between passive and active responsibility and the role of institutions in defining roles and responsibility. In the second part, I will offer a detailed discussion of the case of the consultative group on financial stability in relation to responsibility. In the third part the case will be analyzed from the criteria of active responsibility and well structured institutions. The conclusion is that the consultative group failed as a structure to meet its task and give their members opportunity to behave responsibly prior to the financial crisis.
{"title":"Responsibility, institutions and administration. Lessons from Iceland’s banking crisis","authors":"S. Nordal","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"Since the financial crisis there has been a focus on responsibility or accountability in Icelandic society and people have asked if some individuals were responsible for the fall of the Icelandic banks. This article discusses individual responsibility and the role of institutions in relation to a case of the consultative group on financial stability and contingency planning established in 2006 as described in the Special Investigation Commission report. The first part of the article discusses the distinction between passive and active responsibility and the role of institutions in defining roles and responsibility. In the second part, I will offer a detailed discussion of the case of the consultative group on financial stability in relation to responsibility. In the third part the case will be analyzed from the criteria of active responsibility and well structured institutions. The conclusion is that the consultative group failed as a structure to meet its task and give their members opportunity to behave responsibly prior to the financial crisis.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126347113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.3
Maximilian Conrad
Apart from the question of whether permanent exemptions from EU rules could be achieved in Iceland's (by now halted) EU accession negotiations, the EU's institutional development in the wake of the Lisbon Treaty has been used as a key argument for the conservative government to first suspend the negotiations and subsequently also to propose to withdraw the membership application altogether. In this regard, concerns about the democratic quality of EU decision making play a key role. However, as this article argues, the institutional development of the EU since Lisbon, particularly in relation to democratic governance, has been considerably more subtle than it is claimed to be and has to be seen as a continuation of a much longer process. More importantly, however, the debate leaves pressing questions about the nature of the EU as a polity unaddressed. In this context, this article addresses the question of what kind of democracy is possible in the kind of polity sui generis that the EU undoubtedly is.
{"title":"The EU’s Post-Lisbon Democratic Development: What Lessons for Iceland?","authors":"Maximilian Conrad","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"Apart from the question of whether permanent exemptions from EU rules could be achieved in Iceland's (by now halted) EU accession negotiations, the EU's institutional development in the wake of the Lisbon Treaty has been used as a key argument for the conservative government to first suspend the negotiations and subsequently also to propose to withdraw the membership application altogether. In this regard, concerns about the democratic quality of EU decision making play a key role. However, as this article argues, the institutional development of the EU since Lisbon, particularly in relation to democratic governance, has been considerably more subtle than it is claimed to be and has to be seen as a continuation of a much longer process. More importantly, however, the debate leaves pressing questions about the nature of the EU as a polity unaddressed. In this context, this article addresses the question of what kind of democracy is possible in the kind of polity sui generis that the EU undoubtedly is.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"52 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129400466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.5
Laufey Axelsdóttir, G. Pétursdóttir
This feminist study examines the working conditions of preschool teachers, a female dominated occupation, in two municipalities in Iceland and asks, in light of government policy, if and then how the municipalities facilitate preschool teachers professionalism following the 2008 bank collapse. Weber´s (2001) theoretical framework is applied to explore the professional status of the preschools and the impact of local government on preschool teachers’ position. Qualitative methods were used and data was gathered in 2011 and 2012. Thirteen interviews were conducted with women and men in two preschools and the schools administrative environment. Preschool teachers employed in management and non-management positions as well as assistants were interviewed. The study’s results show that financial cutbacks in local government affect preschool teachers and assistants and thus the position of women in the labour market by preserving their subordination. Furthermore, preschool children seem to be affected by the cutbacks which possibly have negative consequences on their well-being. Reforms and developments of the preschool teachers education seem to be met with considerable opposition from local government and more emphasis is placed on operational costs rather than strengthening the preschool teachers in their role as professionals. The results thus point to a gap between government policy and the municipalities’ local version of that same policy.
{"title":"The status of preschool teachers in two municipalities following the economic collapse","authors":"Laufey Axelsdóttir, G. Pétursdóttir","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"This feminist study examines the working conditions of preschool teachers, a female dominated occupation, in two municipalities in Iceland and asks, in light of government policy, if and then how the municipalities facilitate preschool teachers professionalism following the 2008 bank collapse. Weber´s (2001) theoretical framework is applied to explore the professional status of the preschools and the impact of local government on preschool teachers’ position. Qualitative methods were used and data was gathered in 2011 and 2012. Thirteen interviews were conducted with women and men in two preschools and the schools administrative environment. Preschool teachers employed in management and non-management positions as well as assistants were interviewed. The study’s results show that financial cutbacks in local government affect preschool teachers and assistants and thus the position of women in the labour market by preserving their subordination. Furthermore, preschool children seem to be affected by the cutbacks which possibly have negative consequences on their well-being. Reforms and developments of the preschool teachers education seem to be met with considerable opposition from local government and more emphasis is placed on operational costs rather than strengthening the preschool teachers in their role as professionals. The results thus point to a gap between government policy and the municipalities’ local version of that same policy.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127102613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.8
Grétar Þór Eyþórsson
This article deals with analyzing the arguments which have been used in the debates in Iceland about municipal amalgamations for a period of seventy years. Both the arguments of the pre- side and the against- side are analysed. The frame for analysis used are definitions on efficiency, capacity and democracy in connection with the question of municipal size, done by the Danish political scientists Ulrik Kjaer and Poul Erik Mouritzen. The main results of the analysis is that a) efficiency, b) administrative capacity, c) functional- and developmental capacity, d) implementation capacity and e) the ability to adapt to socio-economic changes, are the main arguments used by the pre- side, especially the ones about efficiency and administrative capacity. The most significant arguments from those against amalgations have been arguments on democracy, a) negative consequences for democracy by territory and by functions and b) negative consequences for democracy due to the loss of important elements of participation and closeness in the small context.
{"title":"Efficiency, capacity and democratic deficits. Arguments for and against municipal amalgamations in Iceland for 70 years","authors":"Grétar Þór Eyþórsson","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2014.10.1.8","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with analyzing the arguments which have been used in the debates in Iceland about municipal amalgamations for a period of seventy years. Both the arguments of the pre- side and the against- side are analysed. The frame for analysis used are definitions on efficiency, capacity and democracy in connection with the question of municipal size, done by the Danish political scientists Ulrik Kjaer and Poul Erik Mouritzen. The main results of the analysis is that a) efficiency, b) administrative capacity, c) functional- and developmental capacity, d) implementation capacity and e) the ability to adapt to socio-economic changes, are the main arguments used by the pre- side, especially the ones about efficiency and administrative capacity. The most significant arguments from those against amalgations have been arguments on democracy, a) negative consequences for democracy by territory and by functions and b) negative consequences for democracy due to the loss of important elements of participation and closeness in the small context.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121451072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-18DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.2
J. Einarsdóttir, Helga P Finnsdóttir
The aim of this article is to describe the results of research on surrogate mothers and how they are presented in Icelandic mass media and by individuals who are concerned with surrogacy. Data was collected with participation observation, interviews and analyses of public discussions. Most of the interviewees and participants in meetings and seminars on surrogacy took stance either for or against a parliamentary proposition to legalize surrogacy in Iceland. Supporters argued that women should be free to decide whether they want to become surrogate mothers, however without being paid. They praised altruistic women who give infertile couples the true gift, a child, and argued that according to research, surrogacy was successfully implemented in the Western world. They maintained that legalization would impede exploitation of women in low-income countries. Opponents of legalization argued that nobody should have the right to use other’s body for own gain, with or without payment. They feared that legalization would normalize surrogacy and force women to become surrogate mothers. Still, some did not take a stance but argued that surrogacy needed to be carefully discussed prior to legislation, and they called for additional research. Researchers complain about lack of long-term research on the consequences of surrogacy on women, their experiences of surrogacy, conditions and wellbeing and that most available research is based on small sample sizes. Still, there is evidence that demand for the services of Indian surrogate mothers has increased from countries that have legalized surrogacy.
{"title":"The surrogate mothers: free and altruistic women","authors":"J. Einarsdóttir, Helga P Finnsdóttir","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.2","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to describe the results of research on surrogate mothers and how they are presented in Icelandic mass media and by individuals who are concerned with surrogacy. Data was collected with participation observation, interviews and analyses of public discussions. Most of the interviewees and participants in meetings and seminars on surrogacy took stance either for or against a parliamentary proposition to legalize surrogacy in Iceland. Supporters argued that women should be free to decide whether they want to become surrogate mothers, however without being paid. They praised altruistic women who give infertile couples the true gift, a child, and argued that according to research, surrogacy was successfully implemented in the Western world. They maintained that legalization would impede exploitation of women in low-income countries. Opponents of legalization argued that nobody should have the right to use other’s body for own gain, with or without payment. They feared that legalization would normalize surrogacy and force women to become surrogate mothers. Still, some did not take a stance but argued that surrogacy needed to be carefully discussed prior to legislation, and they called for additional research. Researchers complain about lack of long-term research on the consequences of surrogacy on women, their experiences of surrogacy, conditions and wellbeing and that most available research is based on small sample sizes. Still, there is evidence that demand for the services of Indian surrogate mothers has increased from countries that have legalized surrogacy.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124647959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-18DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.3
Maximilian Conrad
The introduction of the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) in the Lisbon Treaty has given the European Union (EU) its strongest element of transnational participatory democracy to date. One million EU citizens from at least seven different member states can now request legislative proposals from the European Commission. This article discusses the ECI from a small-states perspective, assessing its impact on the role of small-state citizens in the union. The theoretical argument draws both on the international relations literature on small states and on James Bohman’s work on transnational democracy, suggesting that the ECI is a particularly fruitful tool that gives EU citizens an institutional incentive for initiating deliberation on perceived injustices. The empirical argument presents the findings of a quantitative analysis of the organizers of the first sixteen initiatives, suggesting that the ECI is indeed a tool used by citizens from the union’s smaller states. However, the analysis also shows that state size can and should be conceptualized not merely in terms of traditional indicators such as most importantly population size, but also in terms of constructivist notions of perceptual size.
{"title":"A Small-States Perspective on the European Citizens' Initiative","authors":"Maximilian Conrad","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"The introduction of the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) in the Lisbon Treaty has given the European Union (EU) its strongest element of transnational participatory democracy to date. One million EU citizens from at least seven different member states can now request legislative proposals from the European Commission. This article discusses the ECI from a small-states perspective, assessing its impact on the role of small-state citizens in the union. The theoretical argument draws both on the international relations literature on small states and on James Bohman’s work on transnational democracy, suggesting that the ECI is a particularly fruitful tool that gives EU citizens an institutional incentive for initiating deliberation on perceived injustices. The empirical argument presents the findings of a quantitative analysis of the organizers of the first sixteen initiatives, suggesting that the ECI is indeed a tool used by citizens from the union’s smaller states. However, the analysis also shows that state size can and should be conceptualized not merely in terms of traditional indicators such as most importantly population size, but also in terms of constructivist notions of perceptual size.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123811026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-18DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.1
G. Kristinsson
The theory of bounded rationality regards rational policy making as a process which fulfils certain requirements with regard to agenda setting, fact finding and analysis and decision making which fulfils minimum requirements. This perspective is here applied to the preparatory stage of public policy in four states, i.e. Iceland and the three Scandinavian states. An interesting pattern emerges. With regard to agenda setting Iceland deviates from the other countries in that coordination and the setting of priorities is less the responsibility of the cabinet and more that of individual ministers and parliament. The development and analysis of policy alternatives is also less systematic in Iceland as may be seen among other things in a smaller volume of research. The premises on which policy is based are therefore generally not as clear as in the other cases. At the decision stage departures from the conclusions reached during the preparatory phase are much more common in Iceland than in the other states. The main conclusion is that policy making in Iceland deviates more from the premises of the theory of bounded rationality than in Scandinavia.
{"title":"Bounded rationality or policy fumble? Parliament and executive in the preparation of public policy","authors":"G. Kristinsson","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.1","url":null,"abstract":"The theory of bounded rationality regards rational policy making as a process which fulfils certain requirements with regard to agenda setting, fact finding and analysis and decision making which fulfils minimum requirements. This perspective is here applied to the preparatory stage of public policy in four states, i.e. Iceland and the three Scandinavian states. An interesting pattern emerges. With regard to agenda setting Iceland deviates from the other countries in that coordination and the setting of priorities is less the responsibility of the cabinet and more that of individual ministers and parliament. The development and analysis of policy alternatives is also less systematic in Iceland as may be seen among other things in a smaller volume of research. The premises on which policy is based are therefore generally not as clear as in the other cases. At the decision stage departures from the conclusions reached during the preparatory phase are much more common in Iceland than in the other states. The main conclusion is that policy making in Iceland deviates more from the premises of the theory of bounded rationality than in Scandinavia.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126612826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-12-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.5
S. Ólafsson
This study asks how well the Nordic nations have managed in a new social environment of globalization, increasing competition and new challenges to the Nordic welfare model? The focus is on well-being outcomes, rather than on welfare inputs (expenditure generosity or rights and institutional features). For this purpose we have constructed a data bank with well-being measures for 29 modern nations, based on 69 variables in 9 well-being dimensions. With this data we have constructed an overall well-being index and sub-indexes for these nations. We find that in terms of well-being outcomes the Nordic nations (including Iceland) share major patterns of well-being characteristics. In a data-driven clustering analysis (with Dendograms, using the Ward Method) of all the 69 variables, our well-being outcomes cluster the nations in a way comparable to Francis Castles’ families of nations and Esping-Andersen’s main welfare regime types. We disaggregate the outcomes by clusters and well-being dimensions.The findings indicate that the five Nordic nations had the highest level of well-being amongst modern nations during the period from 2005 to 2008, along with Netherlands, Switzerland and Luxembourg. The strength of the Nordic cluster of nations seems to be their emphasis on equality of income distribution, poverty reduction, improving family conditions and facilitating social cohesion and participation, while also promoting economic strength and a high affluence level. The study also assesses correlates of well-being amongst these nations, including welfare state generosity, political influences, social trust, strength of democracy and distributional characteristics. The findings support a narrative emphasizing the importance of lifting the worse off up the well-being ladder of society. That seems to be the most efficient strategy for improving the overall well-being of modern nations.
{"title":"Well-Being in the Nordic Countries: An International Comparison","authors":"S. Ólafsson","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2013.9.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"This study asks how well the Nordic nations have managed in a new social environment of globalization, increasing competition and new challenges to the Nordic welfare model? The focus is on well-being outcomes, rather than on welfare inputs (expenditure generosity or rights and institutional features). For this purpose we have constructed a data bank with well-being measures for 29 modern nations, based on 69 variables in 9 well-being dimensions. With this data we have constructed an overall well-being index and sub-indexes for these nations. We find that in terms of well-being outcomes the Nordic nations (including Iceland) share major patterns of well-being characteristics. In a data-driven clustering analysis (with Dendograms, using the Ward Method) of all the 69 variables, our well-being outcomes cluster the nations in a way comparable to Francis Castles’ families of nations and Esping-Andersen’s main welfare regime types. We disaggregate the outcomes by clusters and well-being dimensions.The findings indicate that the five Nordic nations had the highest level of well-being amongst modern nations during the period from 2005 to 2008, along with Netherlands, Switzerland and Luxembourg. The strength of the Nordic cluster of nations seems to be their emphasis on equality of income distribution, poverty reduction, improving family conditions and facilitating social cohesion and participation, while also promoting economic strength and a high affluence level. The study also assesses correlates of well-being amongst these nations, including welfare state generosity, political influences, social trust, strength of democracy and distributional characteristics. The findings support a narrative emphasizing the importance of lifting the worse off up the well-being ladder of society. That seems to be the most efficient strategy for improving the overall well-being of modern nations.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122753265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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