Although the Japanese elite are now part of neoliberal globalization, this elite's rise within the transnational capitalist fraction has escaped the attention of social scientists outside Japan, with some exceptions including Stephen Gill’s (1990)’s work on the Trilateral Commission (TC) and Leslie Sklair’s (2001) book on multinational corporations and banks. The paper addresses this relatively underwritten case, by describing the transformations represented by transnationalisation of production and ownership and the historical and international context of Japanese capitalism. In addition, it examines the important role of the TC in supporting the creation of a transnational capitalist class. Throughout, I highlight the rhetorics used by the TC that emphasize the importance and benefits of neoliberal forms of economic transnationalization. In addition, I trace Japanese elite support for neoliberal forms of transnational integration in a series of Japanese economic Reports written in the 1990s. And, I examine quantitative evidence, as well as suggestive qualitative evidence around network ties of increasing transnationalization involving Japan. The article concludes that Japan’s elite is rhetorically and economically align with Western transnational capital fractions and increasingly acting as a transnational capitalist bloc, including through participation in the TC.
{"title":"The Transnational Capitalist Class, the Trilateral Commission and the Case of Japan: Rhetorics and Realities","authors":"H. Takase","doi":"10.18740/S4CC7Q","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4CC7Q","url":null,"abstract":"Although the Japanese elite are now part of neoliberal globalization, this elite's rise within the transnational capitalist fraction has escaped the attention of social scientists outside Japan, with some exceptions including Stephen Gill’s (1990)’s work on the Trilateral Commission (TC) and Leslie Sklair’s (2001) book on multinational corporations and banks. The paper addresses this relatively underwritten case, by describing the transformations represented by transnationalisation of production and ownership and the historical and international context of Japanese capitalism. In addition, it examines the important role of the TC in supporting the creation of a transnational capitalist class. Throughout, I highlight the rhetorics used by the TC that emphasize the importance and benefits of neoliberal forms of economic transnationalization. In addition, I trace Japanese elite support for neoliberal forms of transnational integration in a series of Japanese economic Reports written in the 1990s. And, I examine quantitative evidence, as well as suggestive qualitative evidence around network ties of increasing transnationalization involving Japan. The article concludes that Japan’s elite is rhetorically and economically align with Western transnational capital fractions and increasingly acting as a transnational capitalist bloc, including through participation in the TC.","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"65 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83173529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Quiet No More: New Political Activism in Canada and Around the Globe, by Joel D. Harden","authors":"W. Carroll","doi":"10.18740/S4BC7D","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4BC7D","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"87 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75952312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Value in Marx: The Persistence of Value in a More-Than-Capitalist World, by George Henderson
《马克思的价值:超越资本主义世界的价值坚持》，乔治·亨德森著
{"title":"Value in Marx: The Persistence of Value in a More-Than-Capitalist World, by George Henderson","authors":"Ian Angus","doi":"10.18740/S43015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S43015","url":null,"abstract":"Value in Marx: The Persistence of Value in a More-Than-Capitalist World, by George Henderson","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86640930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From a feminist political economy perspective, this article examines two recent trends in agricultural production in china likely to exacerbate gender inequalities that have been growing since the 1980s economic reforms. First, rural women are looking after land contracted to the family to grow food for the family while men are engaging in trade, marketing agricultural products and/or employment in cities. Second, some men have found opportunities, opened up by the government’s land transfer policy, to create agricultural farms by contracting land from other villagers. Women work for these farms as wage laborers. These trends reinforce male-dominated systems of food provision and pose threats to “food security” in China’s countryside, meaning inadequate access to diverse, valued foods that promote good health. These threats are particularly acute as gender disparities in rural areas increase. I conclude that existing examples of agricultural workers' cooperatives are important prefigurative practices. Such cooperatives could serve as places where women cooperators’ voices are strengthened against patriarchal policies in the household and in communities. This has important implications for food security.
{"title":"Rural China’s Invisible Women: A Feminist Political Economy Approach to Food Security","authors":"Lanyan Chen","doi":"10.18740/S4H59N","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4H59N","url":null,"abstract":"From a feminist political economy perspective, this article examines two recent trends in agricultural production in china likely to exacerbate gender inequalities that have been growing since the 1980s economic reforms. First, rural women are looking after land contracted to the family to grow food for the family while men are engaging in trade, marketing agricultural products and/or employment in cities. Second, some men have found opportunities, opened up by the government’s land transfer policy, to create agricultural farms by contracting land from other villagers. Women work for these farms as wage laborers. These trends reinforce male-dominated systems of food provision and pose threats to “food security” in China’s countryside, meaning inadequate access to diverse, valued foods that promote good health. These threats are particularly acute as gender disparities in rural areas increase. I conclude that existing examples of agricultural workers' cooperatives are important prefigurative practices. Such cooperatives could serve as places where women cooperators’ voices are strengthened against patriarchal policies in the household and in communities. This has important implications for food security.","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74353145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On A Journalist’s Life on the Left, by Ed Finn","authors":"Michelle Weinroth","doi":"10.18740/S4G59B","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4G59B","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"49 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72487188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Three Essays on Marx’s Value Theory and The Implosion of Contemporary Capitalism, by Samir Amin
《马克思的价值理论与当代资本主义的内爆》三论，萨米尔·阿明著
{"title":"Three Essays on Marx’s Value Theory and The Implosion of Contemporary Capitalism, by Samir Amin","authors":"Ken Collier","doi":"10.18740/S4Z59P","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4Z59P","url":null,"abstract":"Three Essays on Marx’s Value Theory and The Implosion of Contemporary Capitalism, by Samir Amin","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75304682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In March 2012, Invisible Children, a California-based humanitarian organization, created uproar when it posted and promoted Kony 2012, an online video depicting the suffering of Acholi children in northern Uganda at the hands of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a Ugandan rebel group. The stated aim of the video was to make Joseph Kony, the leader of the LRA, known, thereby resulting in his apprehension by the end of 2012. To accomplish this goal, the narrator of the video calls for the deployment of American troops to Uganda to help Ugandan Army and regional forces track the LRA rebels. Within one month of being uploaded to YouTube, more than 112 million people across the globe had viewed Kony 2012, generating interest and criticism alike. This article extends the debates generated by this video, while examining how the resulting Kony 2012 phenomenon works to undermine African agency. Ultimately, Kony 2012 promotes Western hegemony in Africa by propagating false impressions that African problems can only be properly solved through Western intervention, under the guise of humanitarian concern. Such a dynamic continues to promote a neocolonial mentality in post-independence African societies and the fallacy of white superiority over non-whites. Kony 2012 misrepresents contemporary northern Uganda and the ability of the Acholi people to address their own problems. Instead of highlighting and supporting the efforts of the Acholi people to implement their own conflict mediation mechanism based on the philosophy of love, forgiveness, reconciliation and reintegration among adversaries, Invisible Children’s Kony 2012 promotes a Western military solution, advancing a neocolonial mindset reminiscent of the “White Man’s Burden.”
{"title":"POORNOGRAPHY AND THE ENTRENCHMENT OF WESTERN HEGEMONY: DECONSTRUCTING THE KONY 2012 VIDEO","authors":"F. Akena","doi":"10.18740/S4MW25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4MW25","url":null,"abstract":"In March 2012, Invisible Children, a California-based humanitarian organization, created uproar when it posted and promoted Kony 2012, an online video depicting the suffering of Acholi children in northern Uganda at the hands of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a Ugandan rebel group. The stated aim of the video was to make Joseph Kony, the leader of the LRA, known, thereby resulting in his apprehension by the end of 2012. To accomplish this goal, the narrator of the video calls for the deployment of American troops to Uganda to help Ugandan Army and regional forces track the LRA rebels. Within one month of being uploaded to YouTube, more than 112 million people across the globe had viewed Kony 2012, generating interest and criticism alike. This article extends the debates generated by this video, while examining how the resulting Kony 2012 phenomenon works to undermine African agency. Ultimately, Kony 2012 promotes Western hegemony in Africa by propagating false impressions that African problems can only be properly solved through Western intervention, under the guise of humanitarian concern. Such a dynamic continues to promote a neocolonial mentality in post-independence African societies and the fallacy of white superiority over non-whites. Kony 2012 misrepresents contemporary northern Uganda and the ability of the Acholi people to address their own problems. Instead of highlighting and supporting the efforts of the Acholi people to implement their own conflict mediation mechanism based on the philosophy of love, forgiveness, reconciliation and reintegration among adversaries, Invisible Children’s Kony 2012 promotes a Western military solution, advancing a neocolonial mindset reminiscent of the “White Man’s Burden.”","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81408983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Increasing numbers of social movement scholars now advocate participatory and collaborative research approaches. These are often premised upon the assertion of a convergence between movement and researcher that implicates the latter in the struggles of the former. Naming this approach “solidarity research”, in this article I identify the components that provide the rationale for its pursuit. As well as affirming movement-researcher solidarity, this rationale also comprises a situated epistemology that asks academics to think reflexively about their research practice, the roles they play, and the interests they serve. This reveals the diverging positionality, of knowledge and interests, that often exists between movements and academics. Such concerns give rise to specific methodological and ethical principles that indicate the importance of negotiating this positionality to successful collaboration. Reflecting on my own experiences trying and sometimes failing to conduct participatory research with transnational agrarian movements, I identify dynamics that enable and constrain the pursuit of such collaborative research within commitments to broader methodological and ethical principles of solidarity.
{"title":"From ‘Here’ to ‘There’: Social Movements, the Academy and Solidarity Research","authors":"J. Brem-Wilson","doi":"10.18740/S47P4F","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S47P4F","url":null,"abstract":"Increasing numbers of social movement scholars now advocate participatory and collaborative research approaches. These are often premised upon the assertion of a convergence between movement and researcher that implicates the latter in the struggles of the former. Naming this approach “solidarity research”, in this article I identify the components that provide the rationale for its pursuit. As well as affirming movement-researcher solidarity, this rationale also comprises a situated epistemology that asks academics to think reflexively about their research practice, the roles they play, and the interests they serve. This reveals the diverging positionality, of knowledge and interests, that often exists between movements and academics. Such concerns give rise to specific methodological and ethical principles that indicate the importance of negotiating this positionality to successful collaboration. Reflecting on my own experiences trying and sometimes failing to conduct participatory research with transnational agrarian movements, I identify dynamics that enable and constrain the pursuit of such collaborative research within commitments to broader methodological and ethical principles of solidarity.","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"54 1","pages":"111-132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77454273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rio de Janeiro is preparing to host two major sporting events in the coming years: the 2014 FIFA World Football Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games. Local authorities are promoting these mega events as an opportunity to increase the global competitiveness of the city. But in order to attract private capital from the global economy it is not enough for Rio to showcase the city as capable of organizing and implementing these events. Rather, the authorities must also demonstrate that what has been considered one of the most dangerous cities in the world can now become a safe place for business. To do so, what has been promoted as a new model of ‘community policing’ the UPP (Pacifying Police Units) has been implemented since 2008 in 107 favelas. The majority of the favelas involved in the program are situated around the sites where these mega events will take place and around other wealthy areas of the city. This article analyses the relation between mega events, global competitiveness and the neutralization of local marginality. Rio de Janeiro se prepare a accueillir les plus grands evenement sportifs des prochaines annees: la coupe du monde de football en 2014 et les jeux olympiques en 2016. Les autorites locales valorisent ces evenements mondiaux comme autant d’opportunites pour augmenter la competitivite de la ville. Cependant, il n’est pas suffisant pour attirer les capitaux prives de l’economie mondiale que Rio soit valorisee comme une ville capable d’organiser et de gerer ces evenements. Les autorites doivent aussi demontrer que, ce qui auparavant etait considere comme une des plus dangereuses villes du monde, peut maintenant devenir un endroit sur pour les entreprises. Dans ce but, l’ UPP (Pacifying Police Units) a ete mis en place en 2008 dans 107 favelas et est decrit comme le nouveau modele de la police communitarian. La plupart des favelas integrees dans le programme sont situees autour des lieux qui accueilleront les evenements et dans d’autres endroits confortables de la ville. Pour cette raisons, cette article analyse les relations entre les evenements mondiaux, la competitivite mondiale et la neutralisation de la marginalite locale.
{"title":"The Pacification of the Favelas: Mega Events, Global Competitiveness, and the Neutralization of Marginality","authors":"Sebastían Saborío","doi":"10.18740/S4SG63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4SG63","url":null,"abstract":"Rio de Janeiro is preparing to host two major sporting events in the coming years: the 2014 FIFA World Football Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games. Local authorities are promoting these mega events as an opportunity to increase the global competitiveness of the city. But in order to attract private capital from the global economy it is not enough for Rio to showcase the city as capable of organizing and implementing these events. Rather, the authorities must also demonstrate that what has been considered one of the most dangerous cities in the world can now become a safe place for business. To do so, what has been promoted as a new model of ‘community policing’ the UPP (Pacifying Police Units) has been implemented since 2008 in 107 favelas. The majority of the favelas involved in the program are situated around the sites where these mega events will take place and around other wealthy areas of the city. This article analyses the relation between mega events, global competitiveness and the neutralization of local marginality. Rio de Janeiro se prepare a accueillir les plus grands evenement sportifs des prochaines annees: la coupe du monde de football en 2014 et les jeux olympiques en 2016. Les autorites locales valorisent ces evenements mondiaux comme autant d’opportunites pour augmenter la competitivite de la ville. Cependant, il n’est pas suffisant pour attirer les capitaux prives de l’economie mondiale que Rio soit valorisee comme une ville capable d’organiser et de gerer ces evenements. Les autorites doivent aussi demontrer que, ce qui auparavant etait considere comme une des plus dangereuses villes du monde, peut maintenant devenir un endroit sur pour les entreprises. Dans ce but, l’ UPP (Pacifying Police Units) a ete mis en place en 2008 dans 107 favelas et est decrit comme le nouveau modele de la police communitarian. La plupart des favelas integrees dans le programme sont situees autour des lieux qui accueilleront les evenements et dans d’autres endroits confortables de la ville. Pour cette raisons, cette article analyse les relations entre les evenements mondiaux, la competitivite mondiale et la neutralisation de la marginalite locale.","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90233502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article considers the development of the liberal state’s approach to national security in the era of the ‘war on terror’. The analysis focuses on state security strategies, considering how the state positions the politics of security historically through its representation of the current security ‘environment’. Drawing upon a critical analysis of the various layers of official strategy produced by the UK, US and Australia in this era, the article considers in the first instance the process of depoliticisation that defines the official understanding of security threats. The effects of depoliticising the issues and individuals deemed to constitute a threat to national security are subsequently considered through the theory of pacification plotting the links between securitization, depoliticisation and pacification. In doing so the analysis demonstrates how the framing of national security is pivotal to the official representation of ‘extremism’ and to the subsequent policing of protest and political activity. The article therefore suggests that the liberal state’s politics of security are defined by a pacification process that seeks to produce citizen-subjects who are unable and unwilling to resist the current social order.
{"title":"Securitisation as Depoliticisation: Depoliticisation as Pacification","authors":"W. Jackson","doi":"10.18740/S4NP45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18740/S4NP45","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the development of the liberal state’s approach to national security in the era of the ‘war on terror’. The analysis focuses on state security strategies, considering how the state positions the politics of security historically through its representation of the current security ‘environment’. Drawing upon a critical analysis of the various layers of official strategy produced by the UK, US and Australia in this era, the article considers in the first instance the process of depoliticisation that defines the official understanding of security threats. The effects of depoliticising the issues and individuals deemed to constitute a threat to national security are subsequently considered through the theory of pacification plotting the links between securitization, depoliticisation and pacification. In doing so the analysis demonstrates how the framing of national security is pivotal to the official representation of ‘extremism’ and to the subsequent policing of protest and political activity. The article therefore suggests that the liberal state’s politics of security are defined by a pacification process that seeks to produce citizen-subjects who are unable and unwilling to resist the current social order.","PeriodicalId":29667,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84358496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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