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Book Review Editor’s Welcome 欢迎编辑
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-14 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-01011007
A. Wahlrab
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引用次数: 0
On Populism and Democracy 论民粹主义与民主
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-14 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-01011001
Federico Finchelstein, N. Urbinati
Populism became the name of a form of government after the demise of Fascism. As a political form located between constitutional government and dictatorship, it displays family resemblances with opposite political systems, like liberal democracy and fascism. Today, populism grows within both democratizing and fully democratic societies although it takes its most mature riling profile in representative democracies, which are its real target. Historically, it used representation to construct a holistic image of the people that a leader promised to bring into power at the cost of downplaying pluralism and humiliating political and cultural minorities, thus twisting democratic procedures and institutions in ways that stretched it to democracy’s extreme borders. One of the core arguments of this article is that populism is a transfiguration of representative democracy that attempts once in government to reshape the democratic fundamentals, from the people and the majority principles to elections.
法西斯主义灭亡后,民粹主义成为一种政府形式的名称。作为一种介于宪政和独裁之间的政治形式,它表现出与自由民主和法西斯主义等对立政治制度的家族相似性。如今,民粹主义在民主化和完全民主的社会中都在发展,尽管它在代议制民主国家中表现得最为成熟,令人愤怒,而代议制是它的真正目标。从历史上看,它利用代表性来构建一个完整的人民形象,而领导人承诺要以淡化多元化和羞辱政治和文化少数群体为代价来掌权,从而扭曲民主程序和制度,将其延伸到民主的极端边界。这篇文章的核心论点之一是,民粹主义是代议制民主的变形,它试图在政府任职后重塑民主的基本原则,从人民和多数原则到选举。
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引用次数: 8
“Othering” Nationalism: The Bookends of the Industrial Age “另类”民族主义:工业时代的书尾
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-14 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-01011004
L. Rosenthal
More than any time in over 50 years, Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign provoked a serious discussion of the threat of fascism at the level of presidential politics. During the campaign, it was above all Trump’s scapegoating of immigrants that gave rise to the conversation about fascism—first tying Mexicans to crime, drugs and rape, and then doubling down on Muslims. Since the inauguration, observers’ fears of fascism have expanded to include the Trump administration’s wholesale subversion of democratic norms and its affinity with the illiberal, or authoritarian, international zeitgeist. However, the more accurate historical analogy to the current moment is not the rise of fascism in the wake of World War I. but to what Poulantzas, Organski and Bottomore outlined as fascistogenic conditions. It behooves us to consider what transpired in the transition from the early twentieth century blossoming of “othering” nationalism to the rise of fascism.
唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump) 2016年的总统竞选比50多年来的任何时候都更频繁地在总统政治层面引发了关于法西斯主义威胁的严肃讨论。在竞选期间,最重要的是特朗普把移民作为替罪羊,引发了关于法西斯主义的讨论——先是把墨西哥人与犯罪、毒品和强奸联系起来,然后又把矛头指向穆斯林。自特朗普就职以来,观察人士对法西斯主义的担忧已经扩大到包括特朗普政府对民主规范的大规模颠覆,以及它与非自由主义或威权主义的国际时代精神的密切联系。然而,与当前时刻相比,更准确的历史类比不是第一次世界大战后法西斯主义的兴起,而是普兰查斯、奥根斯基和波顿托雷所概述的法西斯条件。我们有必要思考一下,从20世纪初“他者”民族主义的蓬勃发展到法西斯主义的兴起,这一过渡过程中发生了什么。
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引用次数: 3
National Populism and the European Union 民族民粹主义与欧盟
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-14 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-01011000
A. Martinelli
The diffusion of both nationalism and populism is the symptom of a crisis in European democracies. The convergence of nationalist ideology and populist rhetoric is the major challenge that the European Union faces today and can be effectively countered by developing the political project of a truly democratic and supranational union. In this article, I will first outline the distinctive features of nationalism and populism. I will then analyse the major factors fostering the rise of national populism in the European Union countries, and I will conclude by discussing its more effective alternative.
民族主义和民粹主义的扩散是欧洲民主国家危机的征兆。民族主义意识形态和民粹主义言论的融合是欧盟今天面临的主要挑战,可以通过发展一个真正民主和超国家联盟的政治项目来有效应对。在本文中,我将首先概述民族主义和民粹主义的鲜明特征。然后,我将分析促使欧盟国家民粹主义兴起的主要因素,最后,我将讨论其更有效的替代方案。
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引用次数: 19
Why Populism? Why Now? An Introduction 民粹主义的原因吗?为什么是现在?介绍
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-14 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-01011006
Lane Crothers
On behalf of the engaged and insightful Editorial Board, the remarkable staff at Brill, and myself as Managing Editor, welcome to this first issue of Populism, a new journal published by Brill. As Managing Editor, I appreciate this opportunity to discuss the journal’s genesis and its vision—to articulate its goals and its purpose as we grow and develop what we hope will be a central resource on one of the most significant issues influencing political, social and economic life today: populism. Populism is an international academic journal, grounded in the social sciences but addressing a phenomenon that is as much cultural as it is economic, ideological, social or psychological. Moreover, populism is a local, national, transnational and global phenomenon as well. We seek to understand and analyze populism wherever it occurs, in whatever context it appears. Populism is grounded on the sense that we—all of us living in contemporary society—are in a noteworthy, and perhaps crucial, moment in human history. Where once it was possible for scholars like Francis Fukuyama to imagine that history—defined as the contest between liberal, capitalist democracy and other forms of social organization—had come to its “end,” or where it was once possible for a political commentator like Thomas Friedman to imagine that the world had grown “flat” as the rising tide of globalization lifted all boats into a prosperous, free future, such imaginaries no longer seem credible. History found a way to matter, after all, whether in the rise of political challenges to liberal democracy like that posed by al-Qaeda and similar organizations, or in the near-collapse of the capitalist economy after the US housing crisis in 2008. Subsequent global population shifts in response to economic crisis, climate change, political chaos, and war have intensified nascent or formerly repressed tensions in communities across the world. One response to these varied economic, social, environmental, and political pressures has been the emergence, or re-emergence, of populism in many societies around the globe. Beset by seemingly intractable problems and embedded in political systems in which leaders have offered few if any solutions to contemporary challenges such as deindustrialization, the diminishing of the value of blue-collar labor, and increased intercultural exchanges as populations shift across the world, significant numbers of people worldwide have seemingly decided that elites of some form or another are the cause of society’s
我谨代表敬业而富有洞察力的编委会、Brill杰出的员工,以及我作为总编辑,欢迎收看Brill出版的新期刊《民粹主义》的第一期。作为总编辑,我很高兴有机会讨论该杂志的起源和愿景——在我们成长和发展的过程中阐明其目标和宗旨,我们希望这将成为影响当今政治、社会和经济生活的最重要问题之一的核心资源:民粹主义。《民粹主义》是一本国际学术期刊,以社会科学为基础,但涉及的现象既有经济、意识形态、社会或心理方面的文化因素。此外,民粹主义也是一种地方、国家、跨国和全球现象。我们试图理解和分析民粹主义,无论它发生在哪里,无论它出现在什么背景下。民粹主义的基础是,我们——我们所有生活在当代社会的人——正处于人类历史上一个值得注意的、也许是关键的时刻。弗朗西斯·福山(Francis Fukuyama)这样的学者曾经可以想象历史——被定义为自由主义、,资本主义民主和其他形式的社会组织——已经走到了“尽头”,或者像托马斯·弗里德曼这样的政治评论员曾经可以想象,随着全球化浪潮的兴起,世界变得“平坦”,所有的船只都进入了繁荣、自由的未来,这种想象似乎不再可信。毕竟,无论是在基地组织和类似组织对自由民主提出的政治挑战的兴起,还是在2008年美国住房危机后资本主义经济几近崩溃的情况下,历史都找到了一条重要的道路。随后,全球人口因经济危机、气候变化、政治混乱和战争而发生变化,加剧了世界各地社区新生的或以前被压抑的紧张局势。对这些不同的经济、社会、环境和政治压力的一种反应是民粹主义在全球许多社会的出现或重新出现。被看似棘手的问题所困扰,并植根于政治制度中,在这些制度中,领导人几乎没有为当代挑战提供任何解决方案,如去工业化、蓝领劳动力价值的下降,以及随着世界各地人口的转移而增加的跨文化交流,全世界相当多的人似乎已经决定,某种形式的精英是社会
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引用次数: 3
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