Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10055
Anthony DiMaggio, A. Wahlrab, Holona Ochs
In this paper, we argue that white supremacist values have been mainstreamed in the United States, and that the values driving the male supremacist and white supremacist movements are significant in fueling mass sympathy for January 6th (J6). To examine the white and male supremacy questions in relation to J6, we draw on a national survey from IPSOS. We also commissioned a poll with Harris Insights. The IPSOS poll was conducted from July 30 to August 16, 2021, and includes a nationally representative sample of 5,299 Americans. The Harris poll was conducted from October 20–25, 2022, and contacted a nationally representative sample of 2,029 Americans. We argue that J6 should be understood at the nexus point between white supremacist, populist, and fascist politics, not only in terms of the values driving the insurrectionists, but those in the mass public who are sympathetic to them. Right-wing populism, we believe, privileges white supremacy and white nationalism, male supremacy and political leadership that relies on an appeal to the cult of patriarchal personality, trust in the wisdom of “the people,” and distrust of political leaders – particularly Democratic leaders – who are framed as “corrupt,” “out of touch” “elites” working against the public good and democracy.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10061
O. Selçuk, Salomé Valdivieso
This article studies Rafael Correa’s populist inclusion of Ecuadorian emigrants. It unpacks Correa’s inclusionary populism toward the emigrants at symbolic, political, and material levels. The article utilizes a qualitative content analysis of Correa’s weekly TV show, the Citizen Link (2007–2017). The findings reveal that Correa considered the emigrants as part of “the people,” who were forced to leave the country after the 1999 Banking Crisis. In line with his left-wing populist leadership, Correa viewed them as the victims of neoliberalism and the financial elite. Moreover, Correa politically included the emigrants by extending their voting rights and creating permanent seats in the National Assembly. Finally, Correa materially included the Ecuadorian emigrants by increasing the number of embassies, consulates, and cultural houses as well as facilitating the emigrants’ return. These findings have implications for the relationship between populism and emigration in Latin America and other migrant-sending regions.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10055
Anthony DiMaggio, A. Wahlrab, Holona Ochs
In this paper, we argue that white supremacist values have been mainstreamed in the United States, and that the values driving the male supremacist and white supremacist movements are significant in fueling mass sympathy for January 6th (J6). To examine the white and male supremacy questions in relation to J6, we draw on a national survey from IPSOS. We also commissioned a poll with Harris Insights. The IPSOS poll was conducted from July 30 to August 16, 2021, and includes a nationally representative sample of 5,299 Americans. The Harris poll was conducted from October 20–25, 2022, and contacted a nationally representative sample of 2,029 Americans. We argue that J6 should be understood at the nexus point between white supremacist, populist, and fascist politics, not only in terms of the values driving the insurrectionists, but those in the mass public who are sympathetic to them. Right-wing populism, we believe, privileges white supremacy and white nationalism, male supremacy and political leadership that relies on an appeal to the cult of patriarchal personality, trust in the wisdom of “the people,” and distrust of political leaders – particularly Democratic leaders – who are framed as “corrupt,” “out of touch” “elites” working against the public good and democracy.
{"title":"White Supremacy and the January 6 Insurrection: Mass Opinion and the Mainstreaming of “Great Replacement” Theory","authors":"Anthony DiMaggio, A. Wahlrab, Holona Ochs","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10055","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this paper, we argue that white supremacist values have been mainstreamed in the United States, and that the values driving the male supremacist and white supremacist movements are significant in fueling mass sympathy for January 6th (J6). To examine the white and male supremacy questions in relation to J6, we draw on a national survey from IPSOS. We also commissioned a poll with Harris Insights. The IPSOS poll was conducted from July 30 to August 16, 2021, and includes a nationally representative sample of 5,299 Americans. The Harris poll was conducted from October 20–25, 2022, and contacted a nationally representative sample of 2,029 Americans. We argue that J6 should be understood at the nexus point between white supremacist, populist, and fascist politics, not only in terms of the values driving the insurrectionists, but those in the mass public who are sympathetic to them. Right-wing populism, we believe, privileges white supremacy and white nationalism, male supremacy and political leadership that relies on an appeal to the cult of patriarchal personality, trust in the wisdom of “the people,” and distrust of political leaders – particularly Democratic leaders – who are framed as “corrupt,” “out of touch” “elites” working against the public good and democracy.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139870573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10058
Benjamin Arditi
This article outlines three provocations to shake up the comfort zone of populism studies. These are: that populism may have become an anachronism and we should think about moving on; that populism may work better as a term of derision, as democracy was for the ancient Greeks; that we should describe it as a historical phenomenon, something that happened in the mid-twentieth century but is no longer current. So, my suggestion to populism scholars is to drop the term, use it to disqualify opponents, or refer to it as something that happened some time ago.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10059
Rocío Annunziata
There is a tendency to find populist characteristics in all experiences of representation based on personal leaderships which present themselves as outsiders and establish direct communication with the citizenry. This paper seeks to contribute to avoid this conceptual stretching, proposing to start from a concept of a higher level of generality, “immediate politics”, and then differentiate between a populist type and a type that I will call “proximity”. The anti-charismatic or proximity identification is based on the figure of the “ordinary person”, close and empathetic, although without the component of “extraordinary person” implied in charisma, and without the correlate of the construction of a collective subject or People. In short, this paper asks about this kind of “populism without a People” that is also present in contemporary politics.
{"title":"Populism without a People, or the Politics of Proximity","authors":"Rocío Annunziata","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10059","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000There is a tendency to find populist characteristics in all experiences of representation based on personal leaderships which present themselves as outsiders and establish direct communication with the citizenry. This paper seeks to contribute to avoid this conceptual stretching, proposing to start from a concept of a higher level of generality, “immediate politics”, and then differentiate between a populist type and a type that I will call “proximity”. The anti-charismatic or proximity identification is based on the figure of the “ordinary person”, close and empathetic, although without the component of “extraordinary person” implied in charisma, and without the correlate of the construction of a collective subject or People. In short, this paper asks about this kind of “populism without a People” that is also present in contemporary politics.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139871264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10061
O. Selçuk, Salomé Valdivieso
This article studies Rafael Correa’s populist inclusion of Ecuadorian emigrants. It unpacks Correa’s inclusionary populism toward the emigrants at symbolic, political, and material levels. The article utilizes a qualitative content analysis of Correa’s weekly TV show, the Citizen Link (2007–2017). The findings reveal that Correa considered the emigrants as part of “the people,” who were forced to leave the country after the 1999 Banking Crisis. In line with his left-wing populist leadership, Correa viewed them as the victims of neoliberalism and the financial elite. Moreover, Correa politically included the emigrants by extending their voting rights and creating permanent seats in the National Assembly. Finally, Correa materially included the Ecuadorian emigrants by increasing the number of embassies, consulates, and cultural houses as well as facilitating the emigrants’ return. These findings have implications for the relationship between populism and emigration in Latin America and other migrant-sending regions.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10058
Benjamin Arditi
This article outlines three provocations to shake up the comfort zone of populism studies. These are: that populism may have become an anachronism and we should think about moving on; that populism may work better as a term of derision, as democracy was for the ancient Greeks; that we should describe it as a historical phenomenon, something that happened in the mid-twentieth century but is no longer current. So, my suggestion to populism scholars is to drop the term, use it to disqualify opponents, or refer to it as something that happened some time ago.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-02DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10059
Rocío Annunziata
There is a tendency to find populist characteristics in all experiences of representation based on personal leaderships which present themselves as outsiders and establish direct communication with the citizenry. This paper seeks to contribute to avoid this conceptual stretching, proposing to start from a concept of a higher level of generality, “immediate politics”, and then differentiate between a populist type and a type that I will call “proximity”. The anti-charismatic or proximity identification is based on the figure of the “ordinary person”, close and empathetic, although without the component of “extraordinary person” implied in charisma, and without the correlate of the construction of a collective subject or People. In short, this paper asks about this kind of “populism without a People” that is also present in contemporary politics.
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Pub Date : 2024-02-01DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10062
Outi J. Hakola, Janne Salminen, Oscar Winberg
This conversation text responds to Larry A. Swatuk’s thoughtful review of our book The Culture and Politics of Populist Masculinities (Hakola, Salminen, Turpeinen & Winberg, 2021). Swatuk inspired us to consider what inclusive populist masculinity could look like. In our conversation, we argue that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy offers us a case, where the evolution of Zelenskyy’s political persona from his roots in entertainment to his presidency brings forward an inclusive gender potential. Initially challenging traditional gender norms, Zelenskyy’s early presidency sought to deconstruct hierarchical political cultures and gender assumptions. However, with the onset of the Russian invasion in 2022, his gender performances evolved towards more conventional masculinity, yet leaving room for inclusive interpretations. Zelenskyy, along with other figures, has redefined masculine archetypes in intersections of popular culture and politics, which shows that any deterministic categories to understand populist masculinities downplay the cultural complexity and varied contexts of the phenomenon.
拉里-斯瓦图克（Larry A. Swatuk）对我们的著作《民粹主义男性气质的文化与政治》（The Culture and Politics of Populist Masculinities, Hakola, Salminen, Turpeinen & Winberg, 2021）进行了深刻的评论，本对话文本是对评论的回应。斯瓦图克启发我们思考包容性的民粹主义男性气质可能是什么样的。在我们的对话中，我们认为乌克兰总统沃洛德梅尔-泽连斯基（Volodymyr Zelenskyy）为我们提供了一个案例，泽连斯基从娱乐圈出身到担任总统，其政治形象的演变带来了包容性别的潜力。泽连斯基最初挑战传统的性别规范，他在总统任期的早期试图解构等级森严的政治文化和性别假设。然而，随着 2022 年俄罗斯的入侵，他的性别表演逐渐向更传统的男性气质演变，但也为包容性诠释留下了空间。泽连斯基与其他人物一起，在流行文化与政治的交汇点上重新定义了男性原型，这表明任何用决定论来理解民粹主义男性气质的范畴都会低估这一现象的文化复杂性和不同背景。
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Pub Date : 2024-02-01DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10062
Outi J. Hakola, Janne Salminen, Oscar Winberg
This conversation text responds to Larry A. Swatuk’s thoughtful review of our book The Culture and Politics of Populist Masculinities (Hakola, Salminen, Turpeinen & Winberg, 2021). Swatuk inspired us to consider what inclusive populist masculinity could look like. In our conversation, we argue that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy offers us a case, where the evolution of Zelenskyy’s political persona from his roots in entertainment to his presidency brings forward an inclusive gender potential. Initially challenging traditional gender norms, Zelenskyy’s early presidency sought to deconstruct hierarchical political cultures and gender assumptions. However, with the onset of the Russian invasion in 2022, his gender performances evolved towards more conventional masculinity, yet leaving room for inclusive interpretations. Zelenskyy, along with other figures, has redefined masculine archetypes in intersections of popular culture and politics, which shows that any deterministic categories to understand populist masculinities downplay the cultural complexity and varied contexts of the phenomenon.
拉里-斯瓦图克（Larry A. Swatuk）对我们的著作《民粹主义男性气质的文化与政治》（The Culture and Politics of Populist Masculinities, Hakola, Salminen, Turpeinen & Winberg, 2021）进行了深刻的评论，本对话文本是对评论的回应。斯瓦图克启发我们思考包容性的民粹主义男性气质可能是什么样的。在我们的对话中，我们认为乌克兰总统沃洛德梅尔-泽连斯基（Volodymyr Zelenskyy）为我们提供了一个案例，泽连斯基从娱乐圈出身到担任总统，其政治形象的演变带来了包容性别的潜力。泽连斯基最初挑战传统的性别规范，他在总统任期的早期试图解构等级森严的政治文化和性别假设。然而，随着 2022 年俄罗斯的入侵，他的性别表演逐渐向更传统的男性气质演变，但也为包容性诠释留下了空间。泽连斯基与其他人物一起，在流行文化与政治的交汇点上重新定义了男性原型，这表明任何用决定论来理解民粹主义男性气质的范畴都会低估这一现象的文化复杂性和不同背景。
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