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From Fascism to Populism in History, written by Federico Finchelstein 从历史上的法西斯主义到民粹主义,费德里科·芬切尔斯坦著
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001015
Colin M. Snider
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引用次数: 0
The Incompatibles? Socialism, Academia, Populism 不兼容?社会主义,学术界,民粹主义
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001017
T. Brass
Traced here is the historical role of academia in the way revolution and socialism have vanished from the leftist agenda, together with its political and ideological effects and implications. Thus a similar path was followed from the late 19th century onwards by the reformism/revisionism of katheder-socialists, and from the 1980s onwards by the ‘new’ populist postmodernism in academia. Both privileged culture and reified peasant and ethnic identity, thereby replacing Marxist theory and concepts (class, revolution, socialism, state capture) with other forms of empowerment (parliamentary, resistance-to-the-state) that did not involve a transcendence of the accumulation process. In each instance, reformist/revisionist compromise with capitalism, together with a failure to address both the presence of the industrial reserve army labour and the resulting intensification of labour market competition, has helped to pave the way for the rise of the far right.
这里追溯了学术界在革命和社会主义从左翼议程中消失的过程中所扮演的历史角色,以及它的政治和意识形态影响和含义。因此,从19世纪后期开始,类似的道路被神学社会主义者的改良主义/修正主义所遵循,以及从20世纪80年代开始,学术界的“新”民粹主义后现代主义所遵循。特权文化和具体化的农民和民族身份,从而用其他形式的授权(议会、对国家的抵抗)取代了马克思主义的理论和概念(阶级、革命、社会主义、国家占领),而这些授权不涉及对积累过程的超越。在每一个例子中,改良主义者/修正主义者与资本主义的妥协,加上未能解决工业后备军劳动力的存在和由此导致的劳动力市场竞争加剧的问题,都为极右翼的崛起铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 2
Where does Right-Wing Populism Succeed Sub-Nationally? Explaining Regional Variation within France 右翼民粹主义在地方上的成功?解释法国的区域差异
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001011
Hamzah bin Zaid, D. Joshi
While many scholars have studied how right-wing populist parties (RWPP) have recently increased their vote shares in national elections in many countries, fewer studies have assessed why some sub-national regions favor RWPP more than others. Addressing this gap in the literature, we analyze regional variation in voter support for one of Europe’s most successful RWPP, the Front National (FN) Party of France which recently made it to the second round of France’s 2017 presidential elections. Our research design examines electoral results across French regions between 1992 and 2017 through the lens of four case studies analyzing regions where the FN has been consistently popular, gained in popularity, declined in popularity, and been consistently unpopular. Comparing these diverse regional cases, our study concludes that regional unemployment, urban support, and to a lesser degree past voting behavior are significant demand-side factors behind regional voting for right wing populism.
尽管许多学者研究了右翼民粹主义政党最近如何在许多国家的全国选举中增加选票份额,但很少有研究评估为什么一些次国家地区比其他地区更支持右翼民粹主义政党。针对文献中的这一空白,我们分析了欧洲最成功的RWPP之一法国国民阵线(FN)的选民支持率的地区差异,该党最近参加了2017年法国总统选举的第二轮。我们的研究设计通过四个案例研究的视角考察了1992年至2017年间法国各地区的选举结果,这些案例分析了新生力量一直受欢迎、受欢迎程度上升、受欢迎度下降和一直不受欢迎的地区。比较这些不同的地区案例,我们的研究得出结论,地区失业率、城市支持率以及在较小程度上过去的投票行为是右翼民粹主义地区投票背后的重要需求侧因素。
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引用次数: 2
What’s Wrong with Institutions? A Short History of the Clash between IRAs and Turkish Populists 机构出了什么问题?爱尔兰共和军与土耳其民粹主义者冲突简史
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001008
Emre Balikci
The aim of this article is to reveal the institutional dimensions of populism, which tend to be ignored because of the hegemony of economic analysis of the subject. Whereas many researchers assume that populism is a result of the negative economic effects of neoliberal policies on the middle class, I argue that populism is also a corollary of neoliberal institutions’ effect on the political power of so-called ordinary people. To illustrate this, I focus on the rhetoric of Turkish populists concerning two important economic institutions in Turkey: the Public Procurement Authority and the Central Bank. This examination shows that Turkish populists view the independent institutions of neoliberalism as a barrier against the people’s political will and define themselves as fighters for democracy.
本文的目的是揭示民粹主义的制度维度,这些维度往往因经济分析主体的霸权而被忽视。尽管许多研究人员认为民粹主义是新自由主义政策对中产阶级负面经济影响的结果,但我认为民粹主义也是新自由主义制度对所谓普通人政治权力影响的必然结果。为了说明这一点,我重点谈谈土耳其民粹主义者关于土耳其两个重要经济机构的言论:公共采购局和中央银行。这项研究表明,土耳其民粹主义者将新自由主义的独立机构视为反对人民政治意愿的障碍,并将自己定义为民主斗士。
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引用次数: 1
Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America, written by Nancy MacLean 《枷锁中的民主:美国激进右翼秘密计划的深刻历史》,南希·麦克林著
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001014
Isaac Kamola
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引用次数: 25
Antidemocratic Populism in Turkey after the July 2016 Coup Attempt 2016年7月土耳其政变后的反民主民粹主义
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001010
J. Rogenhofer
President Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) fundamentally transformed the Turkish political realm: The AKP was elected in 2002 on promises of economic liberalisation and accession to the European Union (EU). Over sixteen years it steered Turkey from being perceived as a “model” western-style democracy to autocracy. Instrumental for this transformation was Erdogan’s use of a new form of right-wing, religiously legitimated populism that systematically undermined the institutions of democracy by polarising society, capturing the public discourse and disregarding constitutional principles. This article examines the emergence of the AKP’s right-wing, religiously legitimated populism through three analytical lenses: First, the historical development of democracy in Turkey and its shortcomings; second, the antidemocratic effect of Erdogan’s post-coup attempt policies; third, a comparison between the AKP’s brand of populism with political strategies employed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland and Putin’s Russia.
埃尔多安总统和正义与发展党(AKP)从根本上改变了土耳其的政治领域:AKP于2002年当选,承诺经济自由化和加入欧盟。16年来,它引导土耳其从被视为西方民主的“典范”走向独裁。这一转变的工具是埃尔多安使用了一种新形式的右翼、宗教合法化的民粹主义,这种民粹主义通过分化社会、捕捉公共话语和无视宪法原则,系统地破坏了民主制度。本文通过三个分析视角考察了正义与发展党右翼、宗教合法化民粹主义的出现:首先,土耳其民主的历史发展及其缺陷;第二,埃尔多安政变后企图政策的反民主效应;第三,AKP的民粹主义品牌与印度人民党(BJP)、波兰法律与正义党(PiS)和普京领导的俄罗斯所采用的政治策略之间的比较。
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引用次数: 11
The Global Rise of Populism: Performance, Political Style, and Representation, written by Benjamin Moffitt 《民粹主义的全球崛起:表现、政治风格和表现》,本杰明·莫菲特著
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001018
Anthony R. DiMaggio
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引用次数: 6
Decentering the “White Working Class” 去中心化的“白人工人阶级”
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-04 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-00001016
Meghana V. Nayak
This essay is a review of William Connolly’s Aspirational Fascim, and thus an extended analysis of the intersection of affect, race, class, and democracy. Connolly explores the role of negative affective contagion in mobilizing aggrieved white working class communities and argues for more inclusive pluralistic democracy and the use of positive affective democratic contagion to resist fascism. But he limits the radical potential of his argument because he focuses primarily on the white working class, thereby paying too little attention to the negative affective experiences of the trauma of racism. He should also interrogate not only fascist but also other types of negative affective support for Trump. I frame the essay as an invitation for productive engagement and conversation with Connolly.
本文回顾了威廉·康诺利的《渴望的魅力》,从而对情感、种族、阶级和民主的交叉点进行了扩展分析。康诺利探讨了消极情感传染在动员愤愤不平的白人工人阶级社区中的作用,并主张更具包容性的多元民主,以及利用积极情感民主传染来抵抗法西斯主义。但他限制了自己论点的激进潜力,因为他主要关注白人工人阶级,因此对种族主义创伤的负面情感体验关注太少。他不仅应该审问法西斯,还应该审问对特朗普的其他类型的负面情感支持。我将这篇文章描述为邀请康诺利进行富有成效的接触和对话。
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引用次数: 1
Economic Populism and Producerism: European Right-Wing Populist Parties in a Transatlantic Perspective 经济民粹主义与生产主义:跨大西洋视角下的欧洲右翼民粹主义政党
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-11-23 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-02011022
G. Ivaldi, Oscar Mazzoleni
This article aims to develop a conceptual framework to address the economic dimension of right-wing populism. Moving beyond classic left-right economics and the divide between economic and cultural approaches, it argues that the political economy of right-wing populists is intertwined with cultural values in the construction of the ‘true’ people as an economic community whose well-being is in decline and under threat, and therefore needs to be restored. Looking at populist traditions across Europe and the United States, the paper emphasizes the significance of ‘producerist’ frames in economic populism. This is illustrated through an empirical analysis of differences and similarities in the economic policies and discourses of three established right-wing populist parties based in Europe (FN, SVP and UKIP), and the Tea Party and Donald Trump in the United States. We find that economic populist frames are common to all of the parties under scrutiny, albeit subject, however, to different interpretations of the producerist antagonism and groups. Our findings confirm that the intersection between economic populism and producerism provides a new—and fruitful—perspective on right-wing populism, while simultaneously demonstrating the relevance of a transatlantic approach to the study of the populist phenomenon.
本文旨在建立一个概念框架来解决右翼民粹主义的经济层面。它超越了经典的左右经济学以及经济和文化方法之间的分歧,认为右翼民粹主义者的政治经济与文化价值观交织在一起,将“真正的”人民建设成一个福祉正在下降和受到威胁的经济社区,因此需要恢复。纵观欧美的民粹主义传统,本文强调了“生产者主义”框架在经济民粹主义中的重要性。这可以通过对欧洲三个老牌右翼民粹主义政党(新军、高级副总统和英国独立党)以及美国茶党和唐纳德·特朗普的经济政策和话语的异同进行实证分析来说明。我们发现,经济民粹主义框架对所有受审查的政党来说都是常见的,尽管对生产者对立和群体有不同的解释。我们的研究结果证实,经济民粹主义和生产主义之间的交叉为右翼民粹主义提供了一个新的、富有成效的视角,同时也证明了跨大西洋方法对民粹主义现象研究的相关性。
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引用次数: 21
Populism in Power: Between Inclusion and Autocracy 权力中的民粹主义:在包容与专制之间
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-14 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-01011002
C. D. Torre, Enrique Peruzzotti
The Latin American historical experience with populist regimes as well as the theoretical reflections produced by Latin Americanists are particularly relevant not just for determining the nature of a very contested political concept but also for understanding the logic of populism in government and the threats it poses to liberal democratic regimes. Populism in government or the attempt at stabilizing a populist regime is no novelty for Latin America, a continent where populism has been a constant presence in politics since the 1930s. Along with their inclusionary impulse, those experiences left a long-lasting troublesome institutional and cultural legacy of political polarization, weak institutions, and recurrent authoritarianism. Populism made a comeback in several countries during the novel democratic period, largely due to the severe crisis that many of the democratic regimes encountered. Inspired by radical democratic ideals, contemporary populism actively engaged in a politics of regime transformation.
拉丁美洲民粹主义政权的历史经验以及拉丁美洲主义者产生的理论反思不仅与确定一个极具争议的政治概念的性质特别相关,而且与理解民粹主义在政府中的逻辑及其对自由民主政权构成的威胁也特别相关。政府中的民粹主义或试图稳定民粹主义政权对拉丁美洲来说并不新鲜,自20世纪30年代以来,民粹主义一直存在于拉丁美洲的政治中。这些经历伴随着他们的包容性冲动,留下了政治两极分化、机构薄弱和反复出现的威权主义的长期麻烦的制度和文化遗产。民粹主义在新民主主义时期在几个国家卷土重来,这主要是由于许多民主政权遇到的严重危机。受激进民主理想的启发,当代民粹主义积极参与政权转型政治。
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引用次数: 4
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Populism
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