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Unequal America: Class Conflict, the News Media, and Ideology in an Era of Record Inequality, written by DiMaggio, Anthony R. 《不平等的美国:一个记录不平等时代的阶级冲突、新闻媒体和意识形态》,作者:迪马乔、安东尼·R·迪马乔
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-08-26 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10036
Kenneth Bryant
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引用次数: 0
The Emergence of Religious Populism? Insights from Israel, India, and Turkey 宗教民粹主义的兴起?来自以色列、印度和土耳其的见解
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-03 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10026
Sultan Tepe, Keith Simonds, Michael C. Dirksen
Although the concept of “populism” remains contested, many studies classify populist parties as left-right, ignoring important variations. Focusing on three populist parties that are often classified as right-wing: Israel’s Likud, India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP), we question how these parties and their leaders deploy religious symbols and discourse to draw the boundaries between “us” and “others,” define their stances on refugee, poverty, and water-related issues. The multilayered comparison shows that religion not only facilitates communication of these parties’ positions, but it informs their policies; more important, it allows parties to maintain what appear to be contradictory approaches. Remarkable similarities in the Likud, BJP, and AKP parties’ policies show that these parties can be seen as neither left nor right-wing; instead, they form a new subset of populism, religious-populism that needs to be included in the populism debate to better analyze its impact on democracy.
尽管“民粹主义”的概念仍然存在争议,但许多研究将民粹主义政党归类为左右派,忽略了重要的变化。关注三个经常被归类为右翼的民粹主义政党:以色列利库德集团、印度人民党和土耳其正义与发展党,我们质疑这些政党及其领导人如何利用宗教象征和话语来划定“我们”和“其他人”之间的界限,确定他们在难民、贫困和水相关问题上的立场。多层面的比较表明,宗教不仅促进了这些政党立场的沟通,而且为其政策提供了信息;更重要的是,它允许各方维持看似矛盾的做法。利库德集团、印度人民党和正义与发展党政策的显著相似之处表明,这些政党既不被视为左翼,也不被视是右翼;相反,他们形成了民粹主义的一个新子集,即宗教民粹主义,需要将其纳入民粹主义辩论中,以更好地分析其对民主的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Seven Essays on Populism, written by Paula Biglieri and Luciana Cadahia 《七篇论民粹主义》,作者:保拉·比格列里和露西安娜·卡达希亚
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10028
C. de la Torre
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引用次数: 0
Rebellion in America: Citizen Uprisings, The News Media, and the Politics of Plutocracy, written by DiMaggio, Anthony R. 《美国的叛乱:公民起义、新闻媒体和财阀政治》,作者:DiMaggio, Anthony R。
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10030
C. Barrow
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引用次数: 1
Resisting Authoritarian Populism 抵制威权民粹主义
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10029
W. Scheuerman
Authoritarian populism poses major challenges to democracy. Yet relatively little systematic political-theoretical or philosophical analysis has focused on how best to oppose or resist it. The present essay focuses on three possible approaches now being tentatively discussed. Some writers emphasize the possible virtues of civil disobedience, others are advocating a related yet broader strategy of civil resistance, and yet others abandon both “civil” approaches in favor of uncivil disobedience. Despite their many strengths, each approach suffers from weaknesses, in part because each responds incompletely to the challenges of authoritarian populism and its use of increasingly commonplace modes of “smart” repression. With ominous implications for those worried about democracy’s fate, populists are embracing coercive techniques designed to squelch dissent without generating public sympathy or a popular backlash.
威权民粹主义对民主构成重大挑战。然而,相对较少系统的政治理论或哲学分析关注如何最好地反对或抵制它。一些作家强调公民抗命的可能优点,另一些作家则主张一种相关但更广泛的公民抵抗策略,还有一些作家放弃了两种“公民”方法,转而支持不文明的抗命。尽管有很多优点,但每种方法都有缺点,部分原因是每种方法对威权民粹主义的挑战及其使用越来越常见的“聪明”镇压模式的反应都不完全。对于那些担心民主命运的人来说,民粹主义者正在接受旨在压制异见而不引起公众同情或民众反弹的强制性技术,这意味着不祥的预兆。
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引用次数: 1
Decency and Difference: Humanity and the Global Challenge of Identity Politics, written by Steven C. Roach 《体面与差异:人性与身份政治的全球挑战》,史蒂文·C·罗奇著
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-16 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10027
L. Langman
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引用次数: 2
Right-Wing Populism and the European Parliament’s Agonistic Politics 右翼民粹主义与欧洲议会的竞争政治
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-15 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10032
Catherine Guisan
How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP’s elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it “protect democracy against democracy”? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the “judicialization of conflicts” without, which the EP discusses passionately also.
作为欧盟唯一的直接选举机构,欧洲议会(European Parliament, EP)是如何既赋予英国和法国右翼民粹主义政客权力,又帮助挑战匈牙利和波兰右翼民粹主义政府的?部分回应在于塑造欧洲议会选举及其权威的制度规则,本文对此进行了批判性的讨论。欧洲议会对欧洲右翼民粹主义的矛盾影响引出了另一个问题:欧洲议会是否应该给予右翼民粹主义和反体制行动者特权?或者,恰恰相反,它是否应该“保护民主对抗民主”?本文借鉴政治理论家尚塔尔·墨菲(Chantal Mouffe)的对抗政治理论,对欧洲议会多数派为限制右翼民粹主义者在欧盟成员国内外的影响力所采取的措施进行了比较评估。它批评了内部的排他性卫生警戒线,以及外部的条件性和“冲突的司法化”,欧洲议会也对此进行了热烈的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Marx America Gramsci Again: Understanding Trumpism through Bonapartism and Caesarism 马克思与葛兰西再遇:透过波拿巴主义与凯撒主义理解特朗普主义
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10031
Jeremy Meckler
In The Eighteenth Brumaire Karl Marx uses the concept of “Bonapartism” to explain the success of the “grotesque mediocrity” Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, emphasizing the farcical connection between Louis-Napoléon and his famous uncle. Antonio Gramsci reformulates this concept as “Caesarism” to describe Benito Mussolini’s rise to power, linking Mussolini’s regressive utopianism to the Roman Empire and emphasizing the mythic nature of such rhetorical strategies. Gramsci complicates and expands Marx’s Bonapartism, making it more useful for understanding Trumpism’s tactics. Make America Great Again calls for a return to a mythic glory based on nostalgia for an imagined era, and the events of January 6 demonstrate how this ideology can be weaponized. Through a close reading of Marx and Gramsci’s formulations, this paper develops a structural understanding of the necessary preconditions for Trumpist populism, but also understands Trumpism’s origins as evidence of a revolutionary mass sentiment that could be channeled in progressive directions.
马克思在《十八世》中用“波拿巴主义”的概念来解释“怪诞平庸”的拿破仑对波拿巴的成功,强调了拿破仑与他著名的叔叔之间的滑稽联系。安东尼奥·葛兰西将这一概念重新表述为“凯撒主义”,以描述贝尼托·墨索里尼的权力崛起,将墨索里尼倒退的乌托邦主义与罗马帝国联系起来,并强调这种修辞策略的神话性质。葛兰西使马克思的博纳党主义复杂化和扩展,使其更有助于理解特朗普主义的策略。《让美国再次伟大》呼吁回归基于对想象时代怀旧的神话般的荣耀,1月6日的事件表明了这种意识形态是如何被武器化的。通过仔细阅读马克思和葛兰西的公式,本文对特朗普民粹主义的必要先决条件有了结构性的理解,但也将特朗普主义的起源理解为革命大众情绪的证据,这种情绪可以朝着进步的方向引导。
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引用次数: 0
Populism Versus the New Globalization, written by Barrie Axford 《民粹主义与新全球化》,巴里·阿克斯福德著
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-09 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10034
Lane Crothers
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引用次数: 0
Discontent with Procedural and Meritocratic Democracy 对程序民主和精英民主的不满
IF 0.9 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-09 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10033
Donovan van der Haak, D. Deweer
Although there is much literature on populism and its causes, Michael Sandel’s particular contribution to this field of study has received little attention so far. The purpose of this essay is to explain what Sandel adds to the status questionis on the causes of populism, and to evaluate the remedy that follows from his analysis. We argue that Sandel’s earlier works incorporate aspects of the Durkheimian mass society thesis, as they emphasize how the public discontent with liberal individualism stimulates populist sentiments. Sandel’s later works, however, are more similar to the Downsian economic thesis, as he therein focusses on the role of markets, meritocracy and globalization processes. We end by analysing Sandel’s republican approach as an alternative solution to the rise of populism.
虽然关于民粹主义及其成因的文献很多,但迈克尔·桑德尔在这一研究领域的特殊贡献迄今为止很少受到关注。本文的目的是解释桑德尔在民粹主义成因的现状问题上增加了什么,并评估他的分析所带来的补救措施。我们认为,桑德尔的早期作品包含了迪尔凯姆的大众社会理论的各个方面,因为它们强调了公众对自由个人主义的不满如何激发了民粹主义情绪。然而,桑德尔的后期作品更类似于唐斯学派的经济理论,因为他在其中关注市场、精英政治和全球化进程的作用。最后,我们分析了桑德尔的共和党方法,作为民粹主义崛起的另一种解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
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