Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10025
Lane Crothers, Grace Burgener
The attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021 was extraordinary. Analysts and commentators quickly attributed the attack as having been motivated by “populism” without much nuance or recognition of the diversity of voices and attitudes embedded in the insurrection. This commentary assesses the populist ideas and attitudes expressed by the insurrectionists in an effort to understand why they felt drawn to Washington, D.C. that day, as well as why they felt their attack on the U.S. Capitol was legitimate. In so doing, it addresses the particular ways the insurrectionists framed and legitimated their attack (at least to themselves). The January 6 insurrection was an extraordinary attack on American democracy, but it was related to deep themes and elements of US political culture. Understanding those dynamics is crucial to preventing such attacks in the future.
{"title":"Insurrectionary Populism? Assessing the January 6 Attack on the U.S. Capitol","authors":"Lane Crothers, Grace Burgener","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021 was extraordinary. Analysts and commentators quickly attributed the attack as having been motivated by “populism” without much nuance or recognition of the diversity of voices and attitudes embedded in the insurrection. This commentary assesses the populist ideas and attitudes expressed by the insurrectionists in an effort to understand why they felt drawn to Washington, D.C. that day, as well as why they felt their attack on the U.S. Capitol was legitimate. In so doing, it addresses the particular ways the insurrectionists framed and legitimated their attack (at least to themselves). The January 6 insurrection was an extraordinary attack on American democracy, but it was related to deep themes and elements of US political culture. Understanding those dynamics is crucial to preventing such attacks in the future.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49075024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-14DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10024
Kostiantyn Yanchenko
Narrative analysis represents the cutting edge in various domains of political communication research and has recently made its way into populism studies. Nevertheless, despite the growing academic interest in populist storytelling and populist narratives, a conceptual foundation of these phenomena remains scarce. Situated at the intersection of political communication and literary studies, the article fills this gap by proposing a systematized concept of a populist narrative. Building upon the minimum definitions of the background concepts, the study identifies a set of necessary attributes shared by populist narratives. It further discusses the effectiveness of populist narratives with the focus on four dimensions: archetypal structure, emotionality, suspensefulness, and ability to facilitate identification. Against the backdrop of the increasing role of storytelling in contemporary politics, the article facilitates a more coherent and meaningful examination of populist narratives.
{"title":"Conceptualizing a Populist Narrative","authors":"Kostiantyn Yanchenko","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Narrative analysis represents the cutting edge in various domains of political communication research and has recently made its way into populism studies. Nevertheless, despite the growing academic interest in populist storytelling and populist narratives, a conceptual foundation of these phenomena remains scarce. Situated at the intersection of political communication and literary studies, the article fills this gap by proposing a systematized concept of a populist narrative. Building upon the minimum definitions of the background concepts, the study identifies a set of necessary attributes shared by populist narratives. It further discusses the effectiveness of populist narratives with the focus on four dimensions: archetypal structure, emotionality, suspensefulness, and ability to facilitate identification. Against the backdrop of the increasing role of storytelling in contemporary politics, the article facilitates a more coherent and meaningful examination of populist narratives.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41516252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-14DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10020
Noelle McAfee
I argue here that the term “populism” captures too much, including movements that are enthralled by a fantasied ideal as well as genuine movements for plural and popular sovereignty. The term is too often used to deride all popular movements, but this is to the detriment of genuinely political and democratic movements for democratic sovereignty. I distinguish popular movements that are genuinely political and generative from those that are regressive and anti-political. The latter, I argue using psychoanalytic theory, are melancholically clinging to a lost Thing, while democratic popular movements are open to creating new societies. To explore these differences I draw on Lacan and Klein whose theories point to the need for creatively working to create new collective identities rather than melancholically clinging to old ones.
{"title":"Beyond “Populism”: The Psychodynamics of Antipolitical Popular Movements","authors":"Noelle McAfee","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000I argue here that the term “populism” captures too much, including movements that are enthralled by a fantasied ideal as well as genuine movements for plural and popular sovereignty. The term is too often used to deride all popular movements, but this is to the detriment of genuinely political and democratic movements for democratic sovereignty. I distinguish popular movements that are genuinely political and generative from those that are regressive and anti-political. The latter, I argue using psychoanalytic theory, are melancholically clinging to a lost Thing, while democratic popular movements are open to creating new societies. To explore these differences I draw on Lacan and Klein whose theories point to the need for creatively working to create new collective identities rather than melancholically clinging to old ones.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48444101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1163/25888072-BJA10023
D. Petz
Given a perceived qualitative and quantitative shift in the use of nonviolent action by rightwing populist actors in recent years, this article based on case studies from Austria (the Identitarian movement) and Indonesia (the 2/12 movement) discusses the methods, legitimacy, and effectiveness of the use of nonviolent action by right-wing populist movements. It finds that the use of nonviolent action by those actors is largely pragmatic and tactical and that it often is borderline in terms of remaining nonviolent. It further identifies that in line with right-wing populist ideology, rather than only addressing state authorities and elites, the movements addressees of the nonviolent action are often minority groups or people supporting minority groups. Developing a classification of nonviolent action in democracies (dissent, civil disobedience, political disobedience) the article further finds that right-wing use of nonviolent action has a tendency towards transcending normal dissent towards political disobedience.
{"title":"The Dark Side of Nonviolent Action?","authors":"D. Petz","doi":"10.1163/25888072-BJA10023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-BJA10023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Given a perceived qualitative and quantitative shift in the use of nonviolent action by rightwing populist actors in recent years, this article based on case studies from Austria (the Identitarian movement) and Indonesia (the 2/12 movement) discusses the methods, legitimacy, and effectiveness of the use of nonviolent action by right-wing populist movements. It finds that the use of nonviolent action by those actors is largely pragmatic and tactical and that it often is borderline in terms of remaining nonviolent. It further identifies that in line with right-wing populist ideology, rather than only addressing state authorities and elites, the movements addressees of the nonviolent action are often minority groups or people supporting minority groups. Developing a classification of nonviolent action in democracies (dissent, civil disobedience, political disobedience) the article further finds that right-wing use of nonviolent action has a tendency towards transcending normal dissent towards political disobedience.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48086217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10018
Stefan Bird-Pollan
I argue that the way philosophy conceives of the political subject fails to understand the populist subject. In Section I, I shall sketch an ambiguity in how Hobbes conceives of the political subject as both driven by the passions and yet capable of rationally subduing them. In Section II, I argue that these two different conceptions of the will lead to different models of political representation. In Section III, I offer an sketch of some of the ways the Hobbesian picture of the mind as fueled by the passions has been eschewed by modern liberal philosophy. Finally, in Section IV, I offer an account of two features of populism which seem to me to suggest that the Humean model of the will is appropriate to understand certain essential features of populist politics.
{"title":"Populism, Liberalism and the Eclipse of Emotion","authors":"Stefan Bird-Pollan","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10018","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000I argue that the way philosophy conceives of the political subject fails to understand the populist subject. In Section I, I shall sketch an ambiguity in how Hobbes conceives of the political subject as both driven by the passions and yet capable of rationally subduing them. In Section II, I argue that these two different conceptions of the will lead to different models of political representation. In Section III, I offer an sketch of some of the ways the Hobbesian picture of the mind as fueled by the passions has been eschewed by modern liberal philosophy. Finally, in Section IV, I offer an account of two features of populism which seem to me to suggest that the Humean model of the will is appropriate to understand certain essential features of populist politics.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42322001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-27DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10021
Treethep Srisa-nga
{"title":"When Democracy Trumps Populism: European and Latin American Lessons for the United States, written by Weyland, Kurt, and Raúl L Madrid","authors":"Treethep Srisa-nga","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49080179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-25DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10022
M. Monshipouri
{"title":"The Levant Express: The Arab Uprisings and the Future of the Middle East, written by Micheline R. Ishay","authors":"M. Monshipouri","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10022","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46018929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-11DOI: 10.1163/25888072-02021044
A. Makarychev, Lane Crothers
This special issue is a collection of articles whose authors explore different forms of populism in countries located beyond the Western core and therefore much less known to specialists in the field. The country-based case studies selected for this issue reflect diversity of populist forces in non-central polities in Europe. Each of them has a rich legacy of conflicts and controversies with major European powers, which serves as one of powerful sources of contemporary populist discourses, pushing many of them towards national reassertion and EU-skepticism. The articles collected in this issue cover a variety of aspects of populist politics. Olga Lavrinenko speaks about ‘technocratic populism’ in Hungary and Czech Republic, Alexandra Yatsyk addresses ‘biopolitical populism’ in Poland, Ionut Chiruta explores memory-based populism in Romania, Michael Cole and Silas Marker engage ideologically explicit forms of populism, with strong nationalist and ethno-religious connotations, in (correspondingly) Georgia and Denmark, and Aliaksei Kazharski with Andrey Makarychev analyze performative populism in Slovakia and Estonia. Lavrinenko’s article on technocratic populism represents a particularly tough challenge to the habitual categorizations of populist narratives as an expressive and emotive opposition to post-political / administrative / managerial policy making. In her study she argues that populism has colonized the whole political spectrum and does not respect the traditional left-right or liberal conservative divides. This assumption is also shared by Kazharski and Makarychev who conclude that in Estonia and Slovakia populist methods of gaining public visibility in the media and performatively addressing ‘the people’ are spread all across the entire political spectrum. The inscription of populist approaches and narratives into administrative and managerial logics blurs the line between populism and technocracy. By the same token, a conceptualization of populism as an “economic project” grounded in a certain type of expertise and knowledge opens new avenues for—perhaps paradoxically—examining populism from a Foucault-inspired governmentality perspective. The variety of social, cultural and political spheres where populism exposes itself as a discourse
{"title":"Assessing Populism at Europe’s Margins: Pervasive, Performative, Persistent","authors":"A. Makarychev, Lane Crothers","doi":"10.1163/25888072-02021044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-02021044","url":null,"abstract":"This special issue is a collection of articles whose authors explore different forms of populism in countries located beyond the Western core and therefore much less known to specialists in the field. The country-based case studies selected for this issue reflect diversity of populist forces in non-central polities in Europe. Each of them has a rich legacy of conflicts and controversies with major European powers, which serves as one of powerful sources of contemporary populist discourses, pushing many of them towards national reassertion and EU-skepticism. The articles collected in this issue cover a variety of aspects of populist politics. Olga Lavrinenko speaks about ‘technocratic populism’ in Hungary and Czech Republic, Alexandra Yatsyk addresses ‘biopolitical populism’ in Poland, Ionut Chiruta explores memory-based populism in Romania, Michael Cole and Silas Marker engage ideologically explicit forms of populism, with strong nationalist and ethno-religious connotations, in (correspondingly) Georgia and Denmark, and Aliaksei Kazharski with Andrey Makarychev analyze performative populism in Slovakia and Estonia. Lavrinenko’s article on technocratic populism represents a particularly tough challenge to the habitual categorizations of populist narratives as an expressive and emotive opposition to post-political / administrative / managerial policy making. In her study she argues that populism has colonized the whole political spectrum and does not respect the traditional left-right or liberal conservative divides. This assumption is also shared by Kazharski and Makarychev who conclude that in Estonia and Slovakia populist methods of gaining public visibility in the media and performatively addressing ‘the people’ are spread all across the entire political spectrum. The inscription of populist approaches and narratives into administrative and managerial logics blurs the line between populism and technocracy. By the same token, a conceptualization of populism as an “economic project” grounded in a certain type of expertise and knowledge opens new avenues for—perhaps paradoxically—examining populism from a Foucault-inspired governmentality perspective. The variety of social, cultural and political spheres where populism exposes itself as a discourse","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43010962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-23DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10010
Michael Cole
Georgia has proved no exception to recent political trends, which have seen the increased prominence and influence of far right populist parties and movements purporting to represent ‘the people’ in an antagonistic struggle against the ‘elites’ or ‘enemies’. However, while considerable academic attention has been devoted to cases in Central and Western Europe (CWE), studies of Georgian far right populism are less common. This paper examines the political styles of two Georgian far right actors, the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia (APG) and Georgian March (GM). I argue that the populist discursive frames both employ demonstrate enough commonalities with their CWE counterparts to consider them members of the far right populist ‘family’. However, the prevalence of populist politics, highly influential role of ‘traditional values’ promoted by the Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC), and Russian influence, are three important factors which produce a uniquely Georgian ‘flavour’ to far right populist movements in Georgia.
{"title":"A Taste of Georgia. Far Right Populism with a Unique Georgian Flavour","authors":"Michael Cole","doi":"10.1163/25888072-bja10010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Georgia has proved no exception to recent political trends, which have seen the increased prominence and influence of far right populist parties and movements purporting to represent ‘the people’ in an antagonistic struggle against the ‘elites’ or ‘enemies’. However, while considerable academic attention has been devoted to cases in Central and Western Europe (CWE), studies of Georgian far right populism are less common. This paper examines the political styles of two Georgian far right actors, the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia (APG) and Georgian March (GM). I argue that the populist discursive frames both employ demonstrate enough commonalities with their CWE counterparts to consider them members of the far right populist ‘family’. However, the prevalence of populist politics, highly influential role of ‘traditional values’ promoted by the Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC), and Russian influence, are three important factors which produce a uniquely Georgian ‘flavour’ to far right populist movements in Georgia.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/25888072-bja10010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45013857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-02-14DOI: 10.1163/25888072-02021042
Ralph Schroeder
The idea that populism is a ‘thin ideology’—unlike other full-bodied ‘thick’ ideologies like conservatism or socialism—has come close to being an orthodoxy among populism scholars. This paper challenges that view and argues that it is at best an open question whether populism meets the criteria of a thick ideology, which should be whether it offers a comprehensive program of political change and whether it has staying power. This argument will be made by reference to three countries, the United States, Sweden and India, all of which have recently seen a populist turn. The paper first summarizes debates about populism, ideology and social change. Then it provides a brief account of populism in the three country cases and argues that their populist turns may be a coherent and lasting new departure. The paper concludes with reflections about the broader ramifications of populism as ‘thick’ versus ‘thin’.
{"title":"The Dangerous Myth of Populism as a Thin Ideology","authors":"Ralph Schroeder","doi":"10.1163/25888072-02021042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/25888072-02021042","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The idea that populism is a ‘thin ideology’—unlike other full-bodied ‘thick’ ideologies like conservatism or socialism—has come close to being an orthodoxy among populism scholars. This paper challenges that view and argues that it is at best an open question whether populism meets the criteria of a thick ideology, which should be whether it offers a comprehensive program of political change and whether it has staying power. This argument will be made by reference to three countries, the United States, Sweden and India, all of which have recently seen a populist turn. The paper first summarizes debates about populism, ideology and social change. Then it provides a brief account of populism in the three country cases and argues that their populist turns may be a coherent and lasting new departure. The paper concludes with reflections about the broader ramifications of populism as ‘thick’ versus ‘thin’.","PeriodicalId":29733,"journal":{"name":"Populism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/25888072-02021042","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45833474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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