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What Does “Environmental Populism” Mean? “环境民粹主义”是什么意思?
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10035
U. Sconfienza
The current article brings together and reviews the literature on “environmental populism”; that is, environmental issues that could be explored through a populist frame. The article reviews four different cases of environmental populism: (i) right-wing populism and climate denial, (ii) resource populism, (iii) eco-populism, and (iv) the populism of environmental movements. For each case, the article analyzes how different theories of populism explain the environmental issues under consideration and how the environment is constructed. Lastly, the article argues that these four different cases only share very abstract features between them, and greater clarity would be gained by dropping the “environmental populism” label altogether in favor of “environmental populisms,” in the plural.
本文汇集并回顾了有关“环境民粹主义”的文献;也就是说,可以通过民粹主义框架来探讨的环境问题。本文回顾了四种不同的环境民粹主义案例:(i)右翼民粹主义和气候否认,(ii)资源民粹主义,(iii)生态民粹主义,以及(iv)环境运动的民粹主义。对于每一个案例,文章都分析了民粹主义的不同理论如何解释所考虑的环境问题以及环境是如何构建的。最后,文章认为,这四种不同的情况之间只有非常抽象的特征,如果完全去掉“环境民粹主义”的标签,转而使用复数形式的“环境民粹主义者”,就会更加清晰。
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引用次数: 0
Republican Universalism at the Test of French Multicultural Society: Cultural Diversity and Social Cohesion According to Young People 法国多元文化社会检验中的共和党普遍主义:年轻人的文化多样性和社会凝聚力
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10039
Vincenzo Cicchelli, Sylvie Octobre
While the trial of modernity and its legacies, the rise of anti-universalistic discourses, and the temptations of identitarian closures are common Western trends, this paper will specifically focus on the French case, as its republican assimilationist model has been very much infused with universalism and endures many tensions facing multicultural society. By focusing on the arguments mobilized by young French adults to solve the tensions between republican universalism and national particularism, as well as envisioning social cohesion, we analyze their narratives and shed light on four “spirits”: Homo Nationalis, embodying a nationalistic passion for the homeland; Homo Civicus, expressing deep commitment to the res publica and the common good; Homo Culturalis, demanding recognition of minority cultures; and Homo Pontifex (the “bridge builder”), encouraging cosmopolitanism and a love of humanity.
虽然现代性的考验及其遗产、反普遍主义话语的兴起以及身份认同封闭的诱惑是西方的共同趋势,但本文将特别关注法国的情况,因为它的共和同化主义模式已经融入了普遍主义,并承受了多元文化社会面临的许多紧张局势。通过关注法国年轻人为解决共和普遍主义和民族特殊主义之间的紧张关系而动员起来的争论,以及对社会凝聚力的设想,我们分析了他们的叙事,并揭示了四种“精神”:体现对祖国的民族主义激情的民族主义精神;“公民”(Homo Civicus),表达对公共财产和共同利益的深切承诺;文化人,要求承认少数民族文化;和Homo Pontifex(“桥梁建设者”),鼓励世界主义和对人类的爱。
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引用次数: 0
Populism at Five – An Editor’s Reflections 民粹主义五点——一个编辑的思考
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10040
Lane Crothers
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引用次数: 0
Unequal America: Class Conflict, the News Media, and Ideology in an Era of Record Inequality, written by DiMaggio, Anthony R. 《不平等的美国:一个记录不平等时代的阶级冲突、新闻媒体和意识形态》,作者:迪马乔、安东尼·R·迪马乔
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-08-26 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10036
Kenneth Bryant
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引用次数: 0
The Emergence of Religious Populism? Insights from Israel, India, and Turkey 宗教民粹主义的兴起?来自以色列、印度和土耳其的见解
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-03-03 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10026
Sultan Tepe, Keith Simonds, Michael C. Dirksen
Although the concept of “populism” remains contested, many studies classify populist parties as left-right, ignoring important variations. Focusing on three populist parties that are often classified as right-wing: Israel’s Likud, India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP), we question how these parties and their leaders deploy religious symbols and discourse to draw the boundaries between “us” and “others,” define their stances on refugee, poverty, and water-related issues. The multilayered comparison shows that religion not only facilitates communication of these parties’ positions, but it informs their policies; more important, it allows parties to maintain what appear to be contradictory approaches. Remarkable similarities in the Likud, BJP, and AKP parties’ policies show that these parties can be seen as neither left nor right-wing; instead, they form a new subset of populism, religious-populism that needs to be included in the populism debate to better analyze its impact on democracy.
尽管“民粹主义”的概念仍然存在争议,但许多研究将民粹主义政党归类为左右派,忽略了重要的变化。关注三个经常被归类为右翼的民粹主义政党:以色列利库德集团、印度人民党和土耳其正义与发展党,我们质疑这些政党及其领导人如何利用宗教象征和话语来划定“我们”和“其他人”之间的界限,确定他们在难民、贫困和水相关问题上的立场。多层面的比较表明,宗教不仅促进了这些政党立场的沟通,而且为其政策提供了信息;更重要的是,它允许各方维持看似矛盾的做法。利库德集团、印度人民党和正义与发展党政策的显著相似之处表明,这些政党既不被视为左翼,也不被视是右翼;相反,他们形成了民粹主义的一个新子集,即宗教民粹主义,需要将其纳入民粹主义辩论中,以更好地分析其对民主的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Seven Essays on Populism, written by Paula Biglieri and Luciana Cadahia 《七篇论民粹主义》,作者:保拉·比格列里和露西安娜·卡达希亚
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10028
C. de la Torre
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引用次数: 0
Rebellion in America: Citizen Uprisings, The News Media, and the Politics of Plutocracy, written by DiMaggio, Anthony R. 《美国的叛乱:公民起义、新闻媒体和财阀政治》,作者:DiMaggio, Anthony R。
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10030
C. Barrow
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引用次数: 1
Resisting Authoritarian Populism 抵制威权民粹主义
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10029
W. Scheuerman
Authoritarian populism poses major challenges to democracy. Yet relatively little systematic political-theoretical or philosophical analysis has focused on how best to oppose or resist it. The present essay focuses on three possible approaches now being tentatively discussed. Some writers emphasize the possible virtues of civil disobedience, others are advocating a related yet broader strategy of civil resistance, and yet others abandon both “civil” approaches in favor of uncivil disobedience. Despite their many strengths, each approach suffers from weaknesses, in part because each responds incompletely to the challenges of authoritarian populism and its use of increasingly commonplace modes of “smart” repression. With ominous implications for those worried about democracy’s fate, populists are embracing coercive techniques designed to squelch dissent without generating public sympathy or a popular backlash.
威权民粹主义对民主构成重大挑战。然而,相对较少系统的政治理论或哲学分析关注如何最好地反对或抵制它。一些作家强调公民抗命的可能优点,另一些作家则主张一种相关但更广泛的公民抵抗策略,还有一些作家放弃了两种“公民”方法,转而支持不文明的抗命。尽管有很多优点,但每种方法都有缺点,部分原因是每种方法对威权民粹主义的挑战及其使用越来越常见的“聪明”镇压模式的反应都不完全。对于那些担心民主命运的人来说,民粹主义者正在接受旨在压制异见而不引起公众同情或民众反弹的强制性技术,这意味着不祥的预兆。
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引用次数: 1
Decency and Difference: Humanity and the Global Challenge of Identity Politics, written by Steven C. Roach 《体面与差异:人性与身份政治的全球挑战》,史蒂文·C·罗奇著
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-02-16 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10027
L. Langman
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引用次数: 2
Right-Wing Populism and the European Parliament’s Agonistic Politics 右翼民粹主义与欧洲议会的竞争政治
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-02-15 DOI: 10.1163/25888072-bja10032
Catherine Guisan
How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP’s elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it “protect democracy against democracy”? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the “judicialization of conflicts” without, which the EP discusses passionately also.
作为欧盟唯一的直接选举机构,欧洲议会(European Parliament, EP)是如何既赋予英国和法国右翼民粹主义政客权力,又帮助挑战匈牙利和波兰右翼民粹主义政府的?部分回应在于塑造欧洲议会选举及其权威的制度规则,本文对此进行了批判性的讨论。欧洲议会对欧洲右翼民粹主义的矛盾影响引出了另一个问题:欧洲议会是否应该给予右翼民粹主义和反体制行动者特权?或者,恰恰相反,它是否应该“保护民主对抗民主”?本文借鉴政治理论家尚塔尔·墨菲(Chantal Mouffe)的对抗政治理论,对欧洲议会多数派为限制右翼民粹主义者在欧盟成员国内外的影响力所采取的措施进行了比较评估。它批评了内部的排他性卫生警戒线,以及外部的条件性和“冲突的司法化”,欧洲议会也对此进行了热烈的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
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