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Know My Name: Australian Women Artists 1900 To Now 知道我的名字:1900年至今的澳大利亚女艺术家
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2076035
J. Hoorn
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引用次数: 1
Kings and Queens and Caterpillars: Women’s Agency and a Seventeenth-century English Embroidery in Melbourne 国王、女王和毛毛虫:墨尔本的妇女机构和17世纪的英国刺绣
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2075617
A. Dunlop
The large embroidery 1) to be discussed here, in the collection National Gallery of Victoria (NGV), Melbourne, is an oddly doubled composition. 1 On the one hand, it is a picture of a king and queen at the centre of an idealised landscape. The rulers stand on a raised platform, framed by a draped pavilion supported by slim columns with a twisting vine decoration They are crowned and elaborately dressed. Each has a sceptre, and they hold up or exchange something that looks like a cup or chalice. Other regalia sit on a crimson throne behind them, including an orb of rule and a sword scabbard suspended on a blue belt; a dog chewing a bone lies peacefully at the king ’ s feet. Two small cas-tles hover near the top corners of the scene, where a line of clouds, a moon, and a rainbow mark the horizon and sky, and birds are shown in flight. At the bottom, a double-tiered fountain and a rocky pool with frogs and jumping fish suggest the earth and foreground.
这里要讨论的大型刺绣作品,收藏于墨尔本维多利亚国家美术馆(National Gallery of Victoria, NGV),是一幅奇怪的双重构图。一方面,这是一幅国王和王后站在理想风景中心的图画。统治者站在一个凸起的平台上,由细长的柱子支撑着,柱子上有扭曲的藤蔓装饰,他们戴着王冠,穿着精心打扮。每个人都有一根权杖,他们举起或交换一些看起来像杯子或圣杯的东西。他们身后的深红色宝座上还摆放着其他的王权,包括一个规则球和一把挂在蓝色腰带上的剑鞘;一只狗安静地躺在国王的脚边啃着骨头。两个小城堡盘旋在画面的上方角落,在那里,一排云、一个月亮和一道彩虹标志着地平线和天空,鸟儿在飞翔。在底部,一个双层喷泉和一个有青蛙和跳跃的鱼的岩石池暗示了地球和前景。
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引用次数: 0
The Physical Embodiment of the ‘Devil in Calicut’ in Pierre Boaistuau’s Histoires prodigieuses 皮埃尔·波阿斯图的《神童史》中“卡利卡特恶魔”的物理化身
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2076033
S. Chadbourne
A late sixteenth-century woodcut entitled ‘ Prodiges de Satan ’ depicts a peculiar image of the Devil enthroned, wearing a triple-tiered crown reminiscent of a papal tiara. Two attendants wait on Satan, conversing and swinging censers, venerating his physical form (fig. 1). This woodcut was included in the Histoires prodigieuses , first published in Paris in 1560 by humanist writer and translator Pierre Boaistuau (c. 1517 – 1566). A later edition, published in Paris in 1566, is held in the Rare Books Collection at the University of Melbourne. 1 This edition has the same wood-block prints found in the first printed edition of 1560. ‘ Prodiges de Satan ’ is the first chapter in the Histoires prodigieuses . In his narrative, Boaistuau ascertains that the Devil was of this world, and provides two locations at which God had provided most liberty for his tyrannous rule: Delphi, home of the oracle of Apollo, and the town of Calicut, in southern India. 2 Satan ’ s muscular and naked figure is portrayed as a half-human, half-beast hybrid, with the face of a lion, the feet of a cockerel, claws for hands, and what resembles a rat-like tail or an extended phal-lus. This strange figure is covered in fur, with drooping breasts, and the head of a demon appears to spring forth from its genitals. Satan ’ s open-armed stance suggests an appeal for an embrace, while the head protruding from between its splayed legs and its pendulous breasts imply a woman giving birth. 3 This essay furthers research undertaken by Jennifer Spinks on the relationship this image had with preceding instances of the ‘ Devil in Calicut ’ . 4 I make additional comments on how and why a misinterpreted image of a Hindu deity came to be converted into an image of the Devil, and emphasise how textual and visual accounts of South Indian religious practices were reinterpreted to more effectively warn and shock viewers,
16世纪末的一幅名为《撒旦的普罗迪格斯》的木刻画描绘了一个魔鬼登基的奇特形象,他戴着一顶三层王冠,让人想起教皇的头饰。两名侍从侍奉撒旦,谈天说地,挥舞香炉,崇敬他的身体形态(图1)。这幅木刻被收录在1560年由人文主义作家和翻译家Pierre Boaistuau(约1517-1566年)在巴黎首次出版的《天才历史》中。后来的版本于1566年在巴黎出版,保存在墨尔本大学的珍本收藏馆。1该版本与1560年第一次印刷版的木版印刷品相同。”《撒旦的化身》是历史上神童的第一章。在他的叙述中,Boaistuau确定魔鬼属于这个世界,并提供了两个上帝为其暴政提供最大自由的地方:阿波罗神谕的故乡德尔福和印度南部的卡利卡特镇。2撒旦肌肉发达、赤裸的形象被描绘成一个半人半兽的混血儿,有狮子的脸,公鸡的脚,手用爪子,还有一条类似老鼠的尾巴或一个延伸的阴茎。这个奇怪的人物浑身是毛,胸部下垂,恶魔的头似乎从生殖器里伸了出来。撒旦张开双臂的姿势暗示着一种拥抱的吸引力,而从张开的双腿和下垂的乳房之间突出的头部则暗示着一个女人正在分娩。3这篇文章进一步研究了詹妮弗·斯宾克斯对这张照片与之前“卡利卡特魔鬼”的关系所做的研究。4我对如何以及为什么一个被误解的印度教神的形象变成魔鬼的形象发表了更多的评论,并强调了如何重新解释对南印度宗教实践的文本和视觉描述,以更有效地警告和震撼观众,
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引用次数: 0
Clarice Beckett: The Present Moment Clarice Beckett:当下
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2076039
Siobhan Byford
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引用次数: 0
The Rhinoceros as ‘Mid-Wife to Divine Wonderment’ in Edward Topsell’s The Historie of Foure-footed Beastes 在爱德华·托普塞尔的《四足兽的历史》中,犀牛是“神圣奇迹的助产士”
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2075610
Catherine Kovesi
For the armchair zoologist of the early modern period, there were many foreign bodies to behold in wonderment. Thanks to the indefatigable work of Conrad Gessner and his five-volume Historiae animalium (1551–58; 1587) with some 3,500 folio pages and a fine collection of woodcuts, those keen to discover, document, reproduce, study, imagine, or simply gaze at the complexities of the animal kingdom had rich resources available. Here not only could they read about the familiar—the hedgehog and the dormouse—but they could wonder at the foreign—the unicorn, the dragon, the lamia, and the ferocious manticore. Fifty years later, in 1607 and 1608, two separate volumes of Gessner’s Latin works, together with their woodcuts, appeared in English. These were the product of a devout English clergyman, Edward Topsell, whose The Historie of Foure-footed Beastes (1607), based on Gessner’s first volume, and his The Historie of Serpents (1608), based on Gessner’s posthumously published fifth volume Qui est de serpentium natura (1587), were not only translations but summaries, commentaries, emendations, and at times revisionings of Gessner’s work, which brought it thereby for the first time to a broad English readership. In 1658, after Topsell’s death, another edition appeared with both volumes combined into one and with the addition of The Theater of Insects by the physician and naturalist Thomas Muffett (1553–1604), whose work, also derived from Gessner, completed the zoological categories of these English volumes. While Gessner was a layman—a physician, naturalist, bibliographer, and philologist—whose universalising and encyclopedic goals were reflected in his publications, Topsell, the Protestant cleric, had no such ambitions. His goal instead was a singular one, derived from his primary vocation and purpose in life, the worship of his God. For Topsell, as for others of his time, the natural world was inextricably bound with, as well as providing evidence for, providential history. In this short appraisal of a copy of Topsell’s 1607 volume held in the Rare Books Collection of the Baillieu Library at the University of Melbourne, I wish to focus
对于近代早期的纸上谈资的动物学家来说,有许多异物值得惊奇地观察。多亏了康拉德·格斯纳(Conrad Gessner)孜孜不倦的工作和他的五卷本《动物史》(1551 - 1558;《动物王国》(1587年)拥有3500页左右的对开本和精美的木刻收藏,那些热衷于发现、记录、复制、研究、想象或仅仅是凝视动物王国复杂性的人拥有丰富的资源。在这里,他们不仅可以读到熟悉的东西——刺猬和睡鼠——而且还可以对陌生的东西——独角兽、龙、羊足兽和凶猛的狮头兽——感到惊奇。五十年后,在1607年和1608年,Gessner的两卷拉丁语作品,连同他们的木刻,以英语出版。这些都是一位虔诚的英国牧师爱德华·托普塞尔的作品,他的《四足兽的历史》(1607年)是基于盖斯纳的第一卷,他的《蛇的历史》(1608年)是基于盖斯纳死后出版的第五卷《自然之蛇》(1587年),不仅是翻译,而且是对盖斯纳作品的总结、评论、修订和有时的修订,这使它第一次获得了广泛的英语读者。1658年,托普塞尔去世后,另一个版本出现了,两卷合而一,并增加了医生和博物学家托马斯·玛菲特(1553-1604)的《昆虫剧场》,他的作品也来自盖斯纳,完成了这些英文卷的动物学分类。盖斯纳是个门外汉——医生、博物学家、目录学家和语言学家——他的出版物反映了他的普及和百科全书式的目标,而新教牧师托普塞尔却没有这样的野心。相反,他的目标只有一个,源于他人生的主要使命和目的——敬拜他的上帝。对于托普塞尔和他那个时代的其他人来说,自然世界与天意历史有着千丝万缕的联系,也为天意历史提供了证据。在这篇关于托普塞尔1607年作品的简短评价中,我希望把重点放在墨尔本大学拜留图书馆的珍本藏书中
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引用次数: 1
Stitches and Patches: The Franciscan Habit in an Engraving by Lucas Vorsterman 卢卡斯·沃斯特曼的《缝线与补丁:方济各会的雕刻习惯》
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2075605
Cordelia Warr
The National Gallery of Victoria holds a number of prints from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that show Saint Francis of Assisi (d. 1226) as the main subject or protagonist, or as one of a number of saints. One of these is an early seventeenth-century engraving by Lucas Vorsterman (1595–1675) catalogued as The Death of Saint Francis, after a painting by the Antwerp Italianist painter Gerard Seghers (1591–1651) (fig. 1). The painting on which the engraving is based is now in the collection of the Louvre and has been dated to between 1620 and 1624. A pen-and-ink drawing by Seghers, related to the engraving, is in the Fondation Custodia in Paris. Other prints are held by the Wellcome Trust Collection (London), the Kaluga Regional Art Museum (Russia), and the Albertina (Vienna) among others. The dedicatory inscription at the bottom of the engraving is to Paul van Halmalus (c. 1562–1648), an Antwerp senator (‘Nobili vivo D. Paulo Halmalio Senatori Antuerpensi, sculptoriae artis amatori summo, Adfectissimus sui Lucas Vorsterman consecrabat’), a portrait of whom was included in Anthony van Dyck’s ‘Iconography’. The wording of the dedication shows that Vorsterman held Halmalus in great esteem as a connoisseur of engravings. Below this, the origin of the composition is given: ‘G. Seghers invent.’. In larger lettering directly below the image is the text ‘Vivo autem, iam non ego, vivit vero in me Christus’ (I no longer live, but Christ lives in me), from Paul’s letter to the Galatians 2:20 immediately following ‘Christo confixus sum cruci’ (I have been crucified in Christ). Francis had been represented with this text from the thirteenth century. It drew attention to him as one who suffered with and as Christ, as well as one who had received, miraculously, the wounds of Christ on the cross—the stigmata. However, the miraculous nature of Francis’s wounds is not the main focus of the composition. Only one of the five wounds is visible, that on the saint’s left hand. Rather, our attention is drawn to Francis’s state of collapse. The saint, who appears to have been kneeling, falls backward and is supported by two angels, while a third
维多利亚国家美术馆收藏了一些十六世纪和十七世纪的版画,将阿西西的圣方济各(公元1226年)作为主要主题或主角,或作为众多圣徒之一。其中之一是17世纪早期卢卡斯·沃斯特曼(1595-1675)的版画,以安特卫普意大利画家杰拉德·塞格斯(1591-1651)的一幅画作命名,被编目为《圣方济各之死》(图1)。雕刻所依据的这幅画现在被卢浮宫收藏,年代可以追溯到1620年至1624年之间。Seghers的一幅与版画有关的水墨画存放在巴黎的Custodia基金会。其他版画由威康信托收藏馆(伦敦)、卡卢加地区美术馆(俄罗斯)和阿尔贝蒂娜美术馆(维也纳)等收藏。雕刻底部的题词是献给安特卫普参议员Paul van Halmalus(约1562–1648年)(“Nobili vivo D.Paulo Halmalio Senatori Antuerpensi,雕刻家artis amatori summo,Adfectissimus sui Lucas Vorsterman consecrabat”),他的肖像被收录在Anthony van Dyck的“图像学”中。献词的措辞表明,Vorsterman非常尊重Halmalus作为版画鉴赏家。在这下面,给出了组成的来源:“G。Seghers发明了。在图像正下方的较大字体中,有文字“Vivo autem,iam non-ego,vivit vero In me Christus”(我不再活着,但基督住在我里面),这是保罗在“Christo confixus sum-craci”(我在基督里被钉十字架)之后给加拉太书2:20的信。方济各从十三世纪起就代表着这本书。这引起了人们的注意,他是一个与基督一起受苦的人,也是一个奇迹般地承受了基督在十字架上的创伤——污名的人。然而,方济各伤口的神奇性质并不是作品的主要焦点。五处伤口中只有一处可见,那就是圣人左手上的伤口。相反,我们的注意力被吸引到方济各的崩溃状态上。这位圣人似乎跪着,向后倒下,由两个天使支撑,而第三个天使
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引用次数: 0
A Case Study of the Blind Healer in Early Modern Europe 近代早期欧洲盲人治疗师个案研究
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2073994
Kerri Stone
The Baillieu Library’s Print Collection, which is part of Archives and Special Collections at the University of Melbourne, focuses primarily on the period between 1470 and 1850, having grown out of an initial donation of prints by Dr John Orde Poynton in 1959. Poynton’s collection comprises a diverse representation of European print practitioners, such as D€ urer, Rembrandt, and Hogarth. Unnoticed for many years in a drawer of miscellaneous pictures was a ‘foreign body’, an engraving from 1597–1601 depicting a blind man, which the catalogue record stated was ‘A Grotesque’ (fig. 1). This title was adopted from a handwritten inscription on the backing support. The Connecting Collections project inspired its reassessment in the collection, and as an early modern depiction of the blind healer. The subject of blindness occurs in works of art in the early modern period through biblical themes, such as Christ healing the blind man (John, 9:1–12). It is also a device used for purposes of allegory and metaphor, such as the blind leading the blind and the parable of the blind men and an elephant—an Eastern story of a group of blind men describing an elephant by feel and each coming up with such disparate accounts that they suspect each other of lying. In the early modern period blindness could occur from many circumstances, including war injury, disease, accident, or divine intervention. The blind could expect a life of hardship and poverty: abandoned and left to cling to the fringes of society, and frequently in the role of beggar. However, in art and literature, and in the imagination, the blind were also believed to be endowed with almost supernatural gifts that stemmed from their other heightened senses. As well as acute hearing and choral ability, the blind were understood to be gifted with an inner sight that could perhaps penetrate to truths that the sighted could not perceive. Villamena’s image of a blind man contains elements of social history, and metaphor, but also provides evidence for the practice of medicine and healing. The title, Cieco da Rimedio per i Calli (Blind Man, or Blind Man with Remedy for Corns), relates to a popular genre of prints of street criers that first emerged in Paris in 1500, and then spread to other European cities. This broadsheet style of
Baillieu图书馆的版画收藏是墨尔本大学档案和特别收藏的一部分,主要集中在1470年至1850年之间的时期,由John Orde Poynton博士于1959年最初捐赠的版画发展而来。波因顿的收藏包括欧洲印刷从业者的不同代表,如德乌尔,伦勃朗和贺加斯。多年来,在一个杂画抽屉里,有一个“异物”,这是一幅1597-1601年的雕刻作品,描绘了一个盲人,目录记录称其为“怪诞”(图1)。这个标题来自于背面支架上的手写铭文。连接收藏项目激发了它在收藏中的重新评估,并作为对盲人治疗者的早期现代描述。在现代早期,通过圣经主题的艺术作品中出现了失明的主题,例如基督治愈盲人(约翰福音9:1-12)。它也被用于寓言和隐喻的目的,比如盲人给盲人引路,以及盲人和大象的寓言——一个东方故事,一群盲人凭感觉描述一头大象,每个人都提出了截然不同的说法,以至于他们怀疑对方在说谎。在现代早期,失明可能是由多种情况造成的,包括战争伤害、疾病、事故或神的干预。盲人可能会过着艰苦和贫困的生活:被遗弃,被留在社会的边缘,经常扮演乞丐的角色。然而,在艺术和文学中,以及在想象中,盲人也被认为被赋予了几乎超自然的天赋,这些天赋源于他们其他高度的感官。除了敏锐的听觉和合唱能力外,盲人还被认为具有一种内在的视觉,这种视觉或许能洞悉正常人无法感知的真相。维拉梅纳的盲人形象包含了社会历史和隐喻的元素,但也为医学和治疗的实践提供了证据。这幅画的标题是《盲人》,与1500年在巴黎首次出现的街头叫卖者的流行版画类型有关,然后传播到其他欧洲城市。这种大报样式的
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引用次数: 0
The foreign and the out-of-place in Melbourne’s early modern collections 墨尔本早期现代收藏品中的外来和不合时宜
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2073974
A. Dunlop, Cordelia Warr
The essays in this issue take eleven objects in Melbourne collections to examine the concepts of foreignness and the out-of-place in the early modern world. The objects were made over a span of almost four centuries, from the 1400s into the 1700s, and in regions as far apart as England and the Philippines. They include manuscripts and sculptures, textiles, drawings, and prints. Some were made as art-works, while others began as practical objects with a specific use. The research presented here developed from a joint project between the Universities of Manchester and Melbourne, titled ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ and focused on the early-modern art collections in both cities. ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ began in 2017, and brought together scholars and curators from all over Australia and the United Kingdom to explore ideas of foreignness, exteriority, exclusion, and distance as manifested in early-modern art and culture. To date there have been two major outcomes from this work: the online exhibition ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ which presents objects from both cities (https://connectingcollections-manmel.com/) and a 2019 special issue of the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library (vol. 95, no. 2) with extended essays on objects in Manchester collections. The research essays presented here focus on Melbourne collections and are the final part of our project work. As we noted in the introduction to the 2019 volume, we chose ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ as a research theme both for its current and its early-modern importance. 1 Notions of the foreign and out-of-place are radically historically and socially contingent: they are shaped by contextual expectations of correct placement, appearance, or behaviour, and subtended by real or perceived exception to prevailing norms or conventions. As our research began, uncertainties associated with Brexit, the status of U.K. and Australian nationals identified as terrorists, and the Australian policy of off-shore refugee imprisonment were placing ideas about ‘ foreign ’ status and citizenship into sharp focus. As our work advanced, the protests in the wake of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis on 25 May 2020 and the Black Lives Matter movement brought debates about inclusivity and structural violence to the fore, and the ways in which these issues can (and
本期的文章选取了墨尔本收藏的十一件物品,来考察现代早期世界中的外来和不合时宜的概念。这些物品的制作时间跨度近四个世纪,从14世纪到18世纪,远至英国和菲律宾。它们包括手稿和雕塑、纺织品、绘画和版画。有些是作为艺术作品制作的,而另一些则是作为具有特定用途的实用物品开始的。这里介绍的研究源于曼彻斯特大学和墨尔本大学的一个名为“异物”的联合项目,重点关注这两个城市的早期现代艺术收藏《异物》始于2017年,汇集了来自澳大利亚和英国的学者和策展人,探索早期现代艺术和文化中表现出的异国、外在、排斥和距离的思想。到目前为止,这项工作有两个主要成果:在线展览“异物”,展示了来自两个城市的物体(https://connectingcollections-manmel.com/)以及《约翰·赖兰德图书馆公报》2019年特刊(第95卷,第2期),其中收录了关于曼彻斯特藏品的扩展文章。这里介绍的研究论文专注于墨尔本的收藏,是我们项目工作的最后一部分。正如我们在2019年卷的引言中所指出的,我们选择“异物”作为研究主题,既考虑到其当前的重要性,也考虑到其早期的现代重要性。1外来和不合时宜的概念在历史和社会上具有根本的偶然性:它们是由对正确位置、外表或行为的情境期望所塑造的,并由对现行规范或惯例的真实或感知的例外所涵盖。随着我们的研究开始,与英国脱欧、被认定为恐怖分子的英国和澳大利亚国民的身份以及澳大利亚的离岸难民监禁政策相关的不确定性,使关于“外国”身份和公民身份的想法成为焦点。随着我们工作的推进,2020年5月25日乔治·弗洛伊德在明尼阿波利斯被谋杀后的抗议活动和“黑人的命也是命”运动将关于包容性和结构性暴力的辩论带到了前台,以及这些问题可以(和
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引用次数: 0
Daniel Thomas: Recent past: writing Australian art 丹尼尔·托马斯:最近的经历:写澳大利亚艺术
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2076038
T. Bonyhady
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引用次数: 0
Vile Bodies in Guillaume de Deguileville’s Pelèrinage de la vie humaine
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2073980
H. Maddocks
As I went down into the deep valley, I saw in my path an old crone of a different sort of ugliness than I had seen before. She was very strange, and it seemed that she was deliberately lying in wait for me as her prey, and that she was going to attack me. I do not remember ever seeing any such beast described in Daniel or in Ezekiel, and none more hideous in the Apocalypse. She was lame, crippled, and humpbacked, dressed in a big old table-cloth edged with pieces of old rags and patches of cloth. She had a sack hanging from her neck and [... ] she was stuffing brass and iron into it. She had stuck out her tongue, which was helping her to do this, but it was all leprous, ulcered and scabrous. She had six hands and two stumps. On two hands she had the claws of a griffin, and another was behind her in a sinister way. In one of her other hands she had a file [... ] and a scale, in which she was weighing the zodiac and the sun very carefully, in order to offer them for sale. In another hand she had a bowl and a sack for bread. In the fifth she had a hook. On her head she had a Maumet that made her lower her eyes and look down. She rested the sixth hand on her crippled haunch and she kept lifting it up and touching her tongue with it.
当我走下深谷时,我看见路上有一个老太婆,她的丑陋和我以前看到的不一样。她很奇怪,好像是故意埋伏着等我,把我当作她的猎物,她要攻击我。我不记得在《但以理书》或《以西结书》中见过这样的野兽,《启示录》中也没有比这更可怕的了。她跛脚、跛脚、驼背,身上裹着一块又大又旧的桌布,边上镶着破布和破布。她脖子上挂着一个麻袋……她正在往里面塞黄铜和铁。她伸出舌头,帮助她这样做,但它都是麻风,溃烂和粗糙。她有六只手和两个残肢。她的两只手上长着狮鹫的爪子,另一只手凶狠地站在她身后。她另一只手里拿着一份文件……还有一个天平,她正在仔细地称黄道十二宫和太阳的重量,以便出售。她另一只手里拿着一个碗和一个装面包的袋子。在第五回合,她打出了一个钩子。她头上戴着一顶假发,使她垂下眼睛往下看。她把第六只手放在她残废的腰上,她不断地抬起手,用它触摸她的舌头。
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Australian and New Zealand Journal of Art
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