Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2075617
A. Dunlop
The large embroidery 1) to be discussed here, in the collection National Gallery of Victoria (NGV), Melbourne, is an oddly doubled composition. 1 On the one hand, it is a picture of a king and queen at the centre of an idealised landscape. The rulers stand on a raised platform, framed by a draped pavilion supported by slim columns with a twisting vine decoration They are crowned and elaborately dressed. Each has a sceptre, and they hold up or exchange something that looks like a cup or chalice. Other regalia sit on a crimson throne behind them, including an orb of rule and a sword scabbard suspended on a blue belt; a dog chewing a bone lies peacefully at the king ’ s feet. Two small cas-tles hover near the top corners of the scene, where a line of clouds, a moon, and a rainbow mark the horizon and sky, and birds are shown in flight. At the bottom, a double-tiered fountain and a rocky pool with frogs and jumping fish suggest the earth and foreground.
这里要讨论的大型刺绣作品，收藏于墨尔本维多利亚国家美术馆(National Gallery of Victoria, NGV)，是一幅奇怪的双重构图。一方面，这是一幅国王和王后站在理想风景中心的图画。统治者站在一个凸起的平台上，由细长的柱子支撑着，柱子上有扭曲的藤蔓装饰，他们戴着王冠，穿着精心打扮。每个人都有一根权杖，他们举起或交换一些看起来像杯子或圣杯的东西。他们身后的深红色宝座上还摆放着其他的王权，包括一个规则球和一把挂在蓝色腰带上的剑鞘;一只狗安静地躺在国王的脚边啃着骨头。两个小城堡盘旋在画面的上方角落，在那里，一排云、一个月亮和一道彩虹标志着地平线和天空，鸟儿在飞翔。在底部，一个双层喷泉和一个有青蛙和跳跃的鱼的岩石池暗示了地球和前景。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2076039
Siobhan Byford
{"title":"Clarice Beckett: The Present Moment","authors":"Siobhan Byford","doi":"10.1080/14434318.2022.2076039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14434318.2022.2076039","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29864,"journal":{"name":"Australian and New Zealand Journal of Art","volume":"22 1","pages":"141 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46929455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2075610
Catherine Kovesi
For the armchair zoologist of the early modern period, there were many foreign bodies to behold in wonderment. Thanks to the indefatigable work of Conrad Gessner and his five-volume Historiae animalium (1551–58; 1587) with some 3,500 folio pages and a fine collection of woodcuts, those keen to discover, document, reproduce, study, imagine, or simply gaze at the complexities of the animal kingdom had rich resources available. Here not only could they read about the familiar—the hedgehog and the dormouse—but they could wonder at the foreign—the unicorn, the dragon, the lamia, and the ferocious manticore. Fifty years later, in 1607 and 1608, two separate volumes of Gessner’s Latin works, together with their woodcuts, appeared in English. These were the product of a devout English clergyman, Edward Topsell, whose The Historie of Foure-footed Beastes (1607), based on Gessner’s first volume, and his The Historie of Serpents (1608), based on Gessner’s posthumously published fifth volume Qui est de serpentium natura (1587), were not only translations but summaries, commentaries, emendations, and at times revisionings of Gessner’s work, which brought it thereby for the first time to a broad English readership. In 1658, after Topsell’s death, another edition appeared with both volumes combined into one and with the addition of The Theater of Insects by the physician and naturalist Thomas Muffett (1553–1604), whose work, also derived from Gessner, completed the zoological categories of these English volumes. While Gessner was a layman—a physician, naturalist, bibliographer, and philologist—whose universalising and encyclopedic goals were reflected in his publications, Topsell, the Protestant cleric, had no such ambitions. His goal instead was a singular one, derived from his primary vocation and purpose in life, the worship of his God. For Topsell, as for others of his time, the natural world was inextricably bound with, as well as providing evidence for, providential history. In this short appraisal of a copy of Topsell’s 1607 volume held in the Rare Books Collection of the Baillieu Library at the University of Melbourne, I wish to focus
{"title":"The Rhinoceros as ‘Mid-Wife to Divine Wonderment’ in Edward Topsell’s The Historie of Foure-footed Beastes","authors":"Catherine Kovesi","doi":"10.1080/14434318.2022.2075610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14434318.2022.2075610","url":null,"abstract":"For the armchair zoologist of the early modern period, there were many foreign bodies to behold in wonderment. Thanks to the indefatigable work of Conrad Gessner and his five-volume Historiae animalium (1551–58; 1587) with some 3,500 folio pages and a fine collection of woodcuts, those keen to discover, document, reproduce, study, imagine, or simply gaze at the complexities of the animal kingdom had rich resources available. Here not only could they read about the familiar—the hedgehog and the dormouse—but they could wonder at the foreign—the unicorn, the dragon, the lamia, and the ferocious manticore. Fifty years later, in 1607 and 1608, two separate volumes of Gessner’s Latin works, together with their woodcuts, appeared in English. These were the product of a devout English clergyman, Edward Topsell, whose The Historie of Foure-footed Beastes (1607), based on Gessner’s first volume, and his The Historie of Serpents (1608), based on Gessner’s posthumously published fifth volume Qui est de serpentium natura (1587), were not only translations but summaries, commentaries, emendations, and at times revisionings of Gessner’s work, which brought it thereby for the first time to a broad English readership. In 1658, after Topsell’s death, another edition appeared with both volumes combined into one and with the addition of The Theater of Insects by the physician and naturalist Thomas Muffett (1553–1604), whose work, also derived from Gessner, completed the zoological categories of these English volumes. While Gessner was a layman—a physician, naturalist, bibliographer, and philologist—whose universalising and encyclopedic goals were reflected in his publications, Topsell, the Protestant cleric, had no such ambitions. His goal instead was a singular one, derived from his primary vocation and purpose in life, the worship of his God. For Topsell, as for others of his time, the natural world was inextricably bound with, as well as providing evidence for, providential history. In this short appraisal of a copy of Topsell’s 1607 volume held in the Rare Books Collection of the Baillieu Library at the University of Melbourne, I wish to focus","PeriodicalId":29864,"journal":{"name":"Australian and New Zealand Journal of Art","volume":"22 1","pages":"71 - 84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47690929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2075605
Cordelia Warr
The National Gallery of Victoria holds a number of prints from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that show Saint Francis of Assisi (d. 1226) as the main subject or protagonist, or as one of a number of saints. One of these is an early seventeenth-century engraving by Lucas Vorsterman (1595–1675) catalogued as The Death of Saint Francis, after a painting by the Antwerp Italianist painter Gerard Seghers (1591–1651) (fig. 1). The painting on which the engraving is based is now in the collection of the Louvre and has been dated to between 1620 and 1624. A pen-and-ink drawing by Seghers, related to the engraving, is in the Fondation Custodia in Paris. Other prints are held by the Wellcome Trust Collection (London), the Kaluga Regional Art Museum (Russia), and the Albertina (Vienna) among others. The dedicatory inscription at the bottom of the engraving is to Paul van Halmalus (c. 1562–1648), an Antwerp senator (‘Nobili vivo D. Paulo Halmalio Senatori Antuerpensi, sculptoriae artis amatori summo, Adfectissimus sui Lucas Vorsterman consecrabat’), a portrait of whom was included in Anthony van Dyck’s ‘Iconography’. The wording of the dedication shows that Vorsterman held Halmalus in great esteem as a connoisseur of engravings. Below this, the origin of the composition is given: ‘G. Seghers invent.’. In larger lettering directly below the image is the text ‘Vivo autem, iam non ego, vivit vero in me Christus’ (I no longer live, but Christ lives in me), from Paul’s letter to the Galatians 2:20 immediately following ‘Christo confixus sum cruci’ (I have been crucified in Christ). Francis had been represented with this text from the thirteenth century. It drew attention to him as one who suffered with and as Christ, as well as one who had received, miraculously, the wounds of Christ on the cross—the stigmata. However, the miraculous nature of Francis’s wounds is not the main focus of the composition. Only one of the five wounds is visible, that on the saint’s left hand. Rather, our attention is drawn to Francis’s state of collapse. The saint, who appears to have been kneeling, falls backward and is supported by two angels, while a third
维多利亚国家美术馆收藏了一些十六世纪和十七世纪的版画，将阿西西的圣方济各（公元1226年）作为主要主题或主角，或作为众多圣徒之一。其中之一是17世纪早期卢卡斯·沃斯特曼（1595-1675）的版画，以安特卫普意大利画家杰拉德·塞格斯（1591-1651）的一幅画作命名，被编目为《圣方济各之死》（图1）。雕刻所依据的这幅画现在被卢浮宫收藏，年代可以追溯到1620年至1624年之间。Seghers的一幅与版画有关的水墨画存放在巴黎的Custodia基金会。其他版画由威康信托收藏馆（伦敦）、卡卢加地区美术馆（俄罗斯）和阿尔贝蒂娜美术馆（维也纳）等收藏。雕刻底部的题词是献给安特卫普参议员Paul van Halmalus（约1562–1648年）（“Nobili vivo D.Paulo Halmalio Senatori Antuerpensi，雕刻家artis amatori summo，Adfectissimus sui Lucas Vorsterman consecrabat”），他的肖像被收录在Anthony van Dyck的“图像学”中。献词的措辞表明，Vorsterman非常尊重Halmalus作为版画鉴赏家。在这下面，给出了组成的来源：“G。Seghers发明了。在图像正下方的较大字体中，有文字“Vivo autem，iam non-ego，vivit vero In me Christus”（我不再活着，但基督住在我里面），这是保罗在“Christo confixus sum-craci”（我在基督里被钉十字架）之后给加拉太书2:20的信。方济各从十三世纪起就代表着这本书。这引起了人们的注意，他是一个与基督一起受苦的人，也是一个奇迹般地承受了基督在十字架上的创伤——污名的人。然而，方济各伤口的神奇性质并不是作品的主要焦点。五处伤口中只有一处可见，那就是圣人左手上的伤口。相反，我们的注意力被吸引到方济各的崩溃状态上。这位圣人似乎跪着，向后倒下，由两个天使支撑，而第三个天使
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2073974
A. Dunlop, Cordelia Warr
The essays in this issue take eleven objects in Melbourne collections to examine the concepts of foreignness and the out-of-place in the early modern world. The objects were made over a span of almost four centuries, from the 1400s into the 1700s, and in regions as far apart as England and the Philippines. They include manuscripts and sculptures, textiles, drawings, and prints. Some were made as art-works, while others began as practical objects with a specific use. The research presented here developed from a joint project between the Universities of Manchester and Melbourne, titled ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ and focused on the early-modern art collections in both cities. ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ began in 2017, and brought together scholars and curators from all over Australia and the United Kingdom to explore ideas of foreignness, exteriority, exclusion, and distance as manifested in early-modern art and culture. To date there have been two major outcomes from this work: the online exhibition ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ which presents objects from both cities (https://connectingcollections-manmel.com/) and a 2019 special issue of the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library (vol. 95, no. 2) with extended essays on objects in Manchester collections. The research essays presented here focus on Melbourne collections and are the final part of our project work. As we noted in the introduction to the 2019 volume, we chose ‘ Foreign Bodies ’ as a research theme both for its current and its early-modern importance. 1 Notions of the foreign and out-of-place are radically historically and socially contingent: they are shaped by contextual expectations of correct placement, appearance, or behaviour, and subtended by real or perceived exception to prevailing norms or conventions. As our research began, uncertainties associated with Brexit, the status of U.K. and Australian nationals identified as terrorists, and the Australian policy of off-shore refugee imprisonment were placing ideas about ‘ foreign ’ status and citizenship into sharp focus. As our work advanced, the protests in the wake of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis on 25 May 2020 and the Black Lives Matter movement brought debates about inclusivity and structural violence to the fore, and the ways in which these issues can (and
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2073994
Kerri Stone
The Baillieu Library’s Print Collection, which is part of Archives and Special Collections at the University of Melbourne, focuses primarily on the period between 1470 and 1850, having grown out of an initial donation of prints by Dr John Orde Poynton in 1959. Poynton’s collection comprises a diverse representation of European print practitioners, such as D€ urer, Rembrandt, and Hogarth. Unnoticed for many years in a drawer of miscellaneous pictures was a ‘foreign body’, an engraving from 1597–1601 depicting a blind man, which the catalogue record stated was ‘A Grotesque’ (fig. 1). This title was adopted from a handwritten inscription on the backing support. The Connecting Collections project inspired its reassessment in the collection, and as an early modern depiction of the blind healer. The subject of blindness occurs in works of art in the early modern period through biblical themes, such as Christ healing the blind man (John, 9:1–12). It is also a device used for purposes of allegory and metaphor, such as the blind leading the blind and the parable of the blind men and an elephant—an Eastern story of a group of blind men describing an elephant by feel and each coming up with such disparate accounts that they suspect each other of lying. In the early modern period blindness could occur from many circumstances, including war injury, disease, accident, or divine intervention. The blind could expect a life of hardship and poverty: abandoned and left to cling to the fringes of society, and frequently in the role of beggar. However, in art and literature, and in the imagination, the blind were also believed to be endowed with almost supernatural gifts that stemmed from their other heightened senses. As well as acute hearing and choral ability, the blind were understood to be gifted with an inner sight that could perhaps penetrate to truths that the sighted could not perceive. Villamena’s image of a blind man contains elements of social history, and metaphor, but also provides evidence for the practice of medicine and healing. The title, Cieco da Rimedio per i Calli (Blind Man, or Blind Man with Remedy for Corns), relates to a popular genre of prints of street criers that first emerged in Paris in 1500, and then spread to other European cities. This broadsheet style of
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2076038
T. Bonyhady
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2073980
H. Maddocks
As I went down into the deep valley, I saw in my path an old crone of a different sort of ugliness than I had seen before. She was very strange, and it seemed that she was deliberately lying in wait for me as her prey, and that she was going to attack me. I do not remember ever seeing any such beast described in Daniel or in Ezekiel, and none more hideous in the Apocalypse. She was lame, crippled, and humpbacked, dressed in a big old table-cloth edged with pieces of old rags and patches of cloth. She had a sack hanging from her neck and [... ] she was stuffing brass and iron into it. She had stuck out her tongue, which was helping her to do this, but it was all leprous, ulcered and scabrous. She had six hands and two stumps. On two hands she had the claws of a griffin, and another was behind her in a sinister way. In one of her other hands she had a file [... ] and a scale, in which she was weighing the zodiac and the sun very carefully, in order to offer them for sale. In another hand she had a bowl and a sack for bread. In the fifth she had a hook. On her head she had a Maumet that made her lower her eyes and look down. She rested the sixth hand on her crippled haunch and she kept lifting it up and touching her tongue with it.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2075607
Catherine Mahoney
Medieval herbals were encyclopedic medicinal compilations that detailed the physical structure and therapeutic properties of a wide range of plants, animals, and minerals. These books were essential to the practice of medieval physicians and herbalists, who often cultivated or collected their own medicinal specimens for use in the treatment of patients. 1 A fifteenth-century printed herbal held in the University of Melbourne ’ s Baillieu Library Rare Books Collection has been identified through examination of a hand-written inscription as a first edition Hortus sanitatis , published in 1491 by the Mainz printer Jacob Meydenbach. 2 The 1491 edition is the only one produced by Meydenbach, although three more economical editions were published by the printer Johann Pr € uss, who reduced the amount of paper required by using a smaller type and increasing the lines in each column of text. The Baillieu acquired its copy of the Hortus in 1903 and, prior to conservation treatment at the University ’ s Centre for Cultural Materials Conservation, the book was in extremely fragile condition and missing its original binding and title page. 3 Containing only 386 of the original 454 leaves, the copy is imperfect; it retained, however, two alphabetised indices, several hundred hand-coloured woodcut illustrations, and a number of annotations in a later hand. 4 Many of the taxonomic entries in Meydenbach ’ s Hortus were Latin translations from a 1485 German-language compilation (also known as Hortus sanitatis, or Garten der Gesundheit ) by the printer Peter Sch € offer (c. 1425 – c. 1503), who was employed in the workshop of Johannes Gutenberg. 5 Unlike Sch € offer ’ s herbal, how-ever, Meydenbach ’ s version introduced a variety of fantastical and monstrous fauna, including the unicorn, the dragon, the manticore, the satyr, and the siren. Ostensibly a book of popular medicine, Meydenbach ’ s Hortus aligned itself closely with the tradition of the Christian bestiary, wherein the characteristics of various animals and monsters provided a didactic
中世纪草药是百科全书式的医学汇编，详细介绍了各种植物、动物和矿物的物理结构和治疗特性。这些书对中世纪医生和草药医生的实践至关重要，他们经常培养或收集自己的医学标本用于治疗患者。1通过对美因茨印刷商Jacob Meydenbach于1491年出版的《Hortus sanitatis》第一版手写铭文的检查，发现墨尔本大学Baillieu图书馆珍本收藏的一种15世纪印刷草药。2 1491年的版本是唯一一个由梅登巴赫生产的版本，尽管印刷商Johann Pr€uss出版了三个更经济的版本，他通过使用较小的字体和增加每列文本的行数来减少所需的纸张量。Baillieu于1903年获得了《Hortus》的副本，在大学文化材料保护中心进行保护处理之前，这本书处于极其脆弱的状态，缺少了最初的装订和扉页。3原件454页中只有386页，复印件不完善；然而，它保留了两个按字母顺序排列的索引，几百幅手绘木刻插图，以及后来的一些注释。4梅登巴赫的《Hortus》中的许多分类条目都是1485年印刷商Peter Sch€offer（约1425年至约1503年）的德语汇编（也称为Hortus sanitatis或Garten der Gesundheit）的拉丁语翻译，他受雇于约翰内斯·古腾堡的工作室。5与Sch€offer的草药不同，Meydenbach的版本引入了各种幻想和可怕的动物，包括独角兽、龙、螳螂、色狼和警笛。梅登巴赫的《霍图斯》表面上是一本流行医学的书，它与基督教动物寓言的传统紧密相连，其中各种动物和怪物的特征提供了一种说教
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14434318.2022.2076037
C. De Lorenzo
As long ago as 2007 Florence Derieux was able to claim that ‘the art history of the second half of the twentieth century is no longer a history of artworks, but a history of exhibitions’. Exhibition histories allow a shift away from individual works, artists or art movements, to contingences across space that also invite social and political critique. In Australia, while there have been many studies of exhibitions at home and abroad, it is only relatively recently that an examination of the impact of art exhibitions on art history has been undertaken. Unlike some of these recent studies that embraced exhibitions across multiple media, Daniel Palmer and Martyn Jolly’s Installation View: Photography Exhibitions in Australia (1848-2020), focuses on a single medium, photography, albeit in many permutations over the last 170 years. Installation View draws the reader’s attention to the ways in which photography has been exhibited, and in so doing steps aside from the usual run of photography monographs on individuals, technologies or collections. It would seem that the first exhibition of photography for other than commercial gain was in 1854 when the Australian Museum enabled local audiences to preview diverse works, including daguerreotypes, from the colonies of Victoria and New South Wales before despatching them to the Exposition Universelle (1855) in Paris. By the final chapters, and there are 37 in all, the reader is reminded that photographers have long used posters, billboards, electronic screens and projections to take photography into the streets. The narrative centres on visual records of exhibitions; in the authors’ own words, it is ‘driven by installation photographs’ sourced from institutional and private archives. Arranged roughly chronologically, the visual material in each chapter is supported by mini chapters, or ‘vignettes’, ranging from less than 400 words to maybe 3,000. To document photo exhibitions from 1854 to 2020 is no mean feat, and it is very likely that established scholars in the field will encounter new information. While the specific focus perpetuates a separation of photography from other art forms, it also enables a vastly more comprehensive account of photography exhibitions than is possible in cross-media studies. Even so, a predilection for a single (if not singular) medium warrants a sustained argument, one that takes into account the very disciplinary-diverse readership and scholarship on photo histories. It may be that researchers across the humanities and the social sciences find
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