Nowadays, rural depopulation is one of the biggest problems in developed and developing countries, especially due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This pandemic impacts various sectors, especially the economic sector. However, the development of the 4.0 Industrial Revolution forced all sectors, including agriculture, to adapt and take advantage of internet-based digital technology by developing smart agriculture. Therefore, the objective of this study is to analyze the development of smart agriculture in rural areas. This study uses a systematic literature review with a TAA approach with secondary data collected from Scopus databases. The downloaded documents will be further analyzed using VOSviewer software to find the clustering. After the coding process by first-order categories, second layer theme, and aggregate dimension, this research found several theoretical concepts about the “Smart Village”. The definition of the ‘smart village’ concept is a combination of smart agriculture and industry 4.0 technology utilized by rural MSMEs to use the information and communication technology integrated into public services and economic activities. There are still many obstacles encountered in the application of ‘smart villages,’ such as the lack of youth participation and the low quality of human resources in the agricultural sector, limited internet network coverage, and the lack of optimal capital support. This research will contribute to the systematic literature review method by purposing filtering criteria of TAA to shade the light of the lack of data accuracy in several leading databases of scholarly impacts. This research also gives a clear direction for further research regarding industry 4.0 and Indonesia's smart agriculture concept application.
{"title":"THE CHALLENGES TO DEVELOPING SMART AGRICULTURAL VILLAGE IN THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 4.0.","authors":"J. Tumiwa, O. Tuegeh, Beáta Bittner, A. Nagy","doi":"10.12775/tis.2022.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2022.002","url":null,"abstract":"Nowadays, rural depopulation is one of the biggest problems in developed and developing countries, especially due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This pandemic impacts various sectors, especially the economic sector. However, the development of the 4.0 Industrial Revolution forced all sectors, including agriculture, to adapt and take advantage of internet-based digital technology by developing smart agriculture. Therefore, the objective of this study is to analyze the development of smart agriculture in rural areas. This study uses a systematic literature review with a TAA approach with secondary data collected from Scopus databases. The downloaded documents will be further analyzed using VOSviewer software to find the clustering. After the coding process by first-order categories, second layer theme, and aggregate dimension, this research found several theoretical concepts about the “Smart Village”. The definition of the ‘smart village’ concept is a combination of smart agriculture and industry 4.0 technology utilized by rural MSMEs to use the information and communication technology integrated into public services and economic activities. There are still many obstacles encountered in the application of ‘smart villages,’ such as the lack of youth participation and the low quality of human resources in the agricultural sector, limited internet network coverage, and the lack of optimal capital support. This research will contribute to the systematic literature review method by purposing filtering criteria of TAA to shade the light of the lack of data accuracy in several leading databases of scholarly impacts. This research also gives a clear direction for further research regarding industry 4.0 and Indonesia's smart agriculture concept application.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78001796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
V. Lebedynets, O. Prokhorenko, P. Brin, Mohamad Nehme
The aim of the research is to analyze typical problems in the implementation of quality management systems (QMS) on the basis of private production enterprises which operate in emerging economy context and to develop a rational strategic plan for the design and implementation of such a system, taking into account the experience of successful organizations. The main benefits of implementing QMS are presented. In the article it is recommended to consider the formation of QMS as a project with the appropriate stages of activities. The following positions are envisaged at the initiation stage: formalization of the decision on QMS implementation, appointment of project participants, project team training, as well as development of mission, vision, quality policy and QMS process structure. At the implementation stage, it is proposed to develop and approve QMS documents, as well as to implement an internal audit program. At the stage of project closure, it is advisable to put into operation the developed system and pass a certification audit in order to obtain a certificate of compliance with the requirements of ISO 9001. The article presents the structure, content, sequence and estimated duration of all the stages of the project, as well as the division of responsibilities between the project team members. Emphasis is placed on the main issues which can arise at different stages of such a project. In the paper the following range of issues was identified: inconsistency of QMS processes structure with the existing organizational structure of the enterprise; incorrect definition of the performance indicators for processes at different hierarchy levels; erroneous decisions in the internal documentation system organizing. In its turn, in the article the causes for the above-mentioned issues were identified, namely: insufficient motivation of project participants, lack of time or other necessary resources, unwillingness to change the current management system of the company, inconsistency of real goals with the stated ones, etc. In the article it is proposed to divide the main causes of issues into three basic groups: by project participants (personal), bureaucratic (systemic) and leadership (administrative). The authors propose a number of measures to minimize the risks of issues in the QMS implementation, and determine the distribution of areas of responsibility for these measures organizing.
{"title":"ON THE WAY TO QMS IMPLEMENTATION: THE MAIN MILESTONES AND ISSUES IN EMERGING ECONOMY","authors":"V. Lebedynets, O. Prokhorenko, P. Brin, Mohamad Nehme","doi":"10.12775/tis.2022.007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2022.007","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the research is to analyze typical problems in the implementation of quality management systems (QMS) on the basis of private production enterprises which operate in emerging economy context and to develop a rational strategic plan for the design and implementation of such a system, taking into account the experience of successful organizations. The main benefits of implementing QMS are presented. In the article it is recommended to consider the formation of QMS as a project with the appropriate stages of activities. The following positions are envisaged at the initiation stage: formalization of the decision on QMS implementation, appointment of project participants, project team training, as well as development of mission, vision, quality policy and QMS process structure. At the implementation stage, it is proposed to develop and approve QMS documents, as well as to implement an internal audit program. At the stage of project closure, it is advisable to put into operation the developed system and pass a certification audit in order to obtain a certificate of compliance with the requirements of ISO 9001. The article presents the structure, content, sequence and estimated duration of all the stages of the project, as well as the division of responsibilities between the project team members. Emphasis is placed on the main issues which can arise at different stages of such a project. In the paper the following range of issues was identified: inconsistency of QMS processes structure with the existing organizational structure of the enterprise; incorrect definition of the performance indicators for processes at different hierarchy levels; erroneous decisions in the internal documentation system organizing. In its turn, in the article the causes for the above-mentioned issues were identified, namely: insufficient motivation of project participants, lack of time or other necessary resources, unwillingness to change the current management system of the company, inconsistency of real goals with the stated ones, etc. In the article it is proposed to divide the main causes of issues into three basic groups: by project participants (personal), bureaucratic (systemic) and leadership (administrative). The authors propose a number of measures to minimize the risks of issues in the QMS implementation, and determine the distribution of areas of responsibility for these measures organizing.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78288906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
U. Ezenekwe, A. Nkamnebe, Maria Chinecherem Uzonwanne, G. E. Nzeribe, C. V. Madichie
Purpose: The new scramble for Africa is marked by an influx of direct investment for the extraction and exploitation of the region’s natural resources, which has undoubtedly boosted the expansion of African commodities such as oil and minerals, as well as promoting rapid economic growth in several countries in the continent. Regrettably, Africa’s labour has been largely ignored, as most oil and mineral investments are capital-intensive and are likely to displace labour in local production, while also jeopardizing the continent’s job prospects. The study looked at the impact of FDI in the oil sector on labour employment in ten oil-rich African countries from 1995 to 2018 as part of its investigation into the new scramble and labour in Africa. Methodology/approach: The study used the Instrumental Variable (IV) regression in the context of the system Generalized Method of Moment (SGMM) estimator, based on dynamic panel modelling. Findings: The findings suggest that foreign investments in the oil sector have a positive, but not significant, impact on African labour employment. This suggests that during the review period, foreign investment in the oil sector did not result in a considerable increase in productive job opportunities in the oil-rich African countries. This study established that the new scramble for Africa in the shape of foreign investments in the oil sector did not result in job creation in the region. Originality/value: First, there is sparse literature on oil sector FDI-employment relations in Africa and this study extends literature by employing 10 oil-rich African nations. Second, unlike prior studies, this study applied advanced econometric techniques to account for the problems of unobserved heterogeneity specific to individual countries, cross-sectional dependence, serial correlation and endogeneity issues which are common in panel data regression. Third, this study will assist policymakers in the region to develop policies that will maximize the gains from the oil sector in Africa.
{"title":"THE NEW SCRAMBLE FOR AFRICA’S OIL: IMPLICATION FOR LABOUR AND EMPLOYMENT","authors":"U. Ezenekwe, A. Nkamnebe, Maria Chinecherem Uzonwanne, G. E. Nzeribe, C. V. Madichie","doi":"10.12775/tis.2022.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2022.003","url":null,"abstract":"Purpose: The new scramble for Africa is marked by an influx of direct investment for the extraction and exploitation of the region’s natural resources, which has undoubtedly boosted the expansion of African commodities such as oil and minerals, as well as promoting rapid economic growth in several countries in the continent. Regrettably, Africa’s labour has been largely ignored, as most oil and mineral investments are capital-intensive and are likely to displace labour in local production, while also jeopardizing the continent’s job prospects. The study looked at the impact of FDI in the oil sector on labour employment in ten oil-rich African countries from 1995 to 2018 as part of its investigation into the new scramble and labour in Africa.\u0000Methodology/approach: The study used the Instrumental Variable (IV) regression in the context of the system Generalized Method of Moment (SGMM) estimator, based on dynamic panel modelling.\u0000Findings: The findings suggest that foreign investments in the oil sector have a positive, but not significant, impact on African labour employment. This suggests that during the review period, foreign investment in the oil sector did not result in a considerable increase in productive job opportunities in the oil-rich African countries. This study established that the new scramble for Africa in the shape of foreign investments in the oil sector did not result in job creation in the region.\u0000Originality/value: First, there is sparse literature on oil sector FDI-employment relations in Africa and this study extends literature by employing 10 oil-rich African nations. Second, unlike prior studies, this study applied advanced econometric techniques to account for the problems of unobserved heterogeneity specific to individual countries, cross-sectional dependence, serial correlation and endogeneity issues which are common in panel data regression. Third, this study will assist policymakers in the region to develop policies that will maximize the gains from the oil sector in Africa.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84641599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Tatmadaw’s military takeover in Myanmar on the 1st of February has marked a significant step back in the country’s path towards democracy. Several doubts are raised as to why the military has decided to dismiss the institutional changes that it agreed to grant the country after the Saffron Revolution of 2007 in the first place. This paper seeks to examine the current military takeover in Myanmar through the lenses of its complex post-colonial history, marked by the continuous evolution of various intra-state stakeholder’s interactions, such as the Sangha, the Tatmadaw and the students. Subsequent to the historical analysis, we provide a legal outlook combing through the salient constitutional provision on the division of powers, aiming to understand if the balance thereof has been seen as an existential threat undermining the military’s hegemonic position over time. Finally, we aim to offer an account on why western expectations regarding Aung San Suu Kyi as a representative of Western liberal democracy could not be factually met. We conclude that the 2007 constitution institutionalized a political system that allowed wiggle room for non-military stakeholders to obtain further democratic concessions, that could result in a significant threat to the Tatmadaw’s rule. Such approach sheds outlook on the causes of the coup d’état and allows projections for the near future.
{"title":"THE CONSTITUTION IN THE SHADOW OF A GUN: HISTORICAL AND LEGAL VIEWS ON MYANMAR’S COUP D’ÉTAT","authors":"P. Amarasinghe, Davide Orsitto","doi":"10.12775/tis.2021.008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2021.008","url":null,"abstract":"The Tatmadaw’s military takeover in Myanmar on the 1st of February has marked a significant step back in the country’s path towards democracy. Several doubts are raised as to why the military has decided to dismiss the institutional changes that it agreed to grant the country after the Saffron Revolution of 2007 in the first place. This paper seeks to examine the current military takeover in Myanmar through the lenses of its complex post-colonial history, marked by the continuous evolution of various intra-state stakeholder’s interactions, such as the Sangha, the Tatmadaw and the students. Subsequent to the historical analysis, we provide a legal outlook combing through the salient constitutional provision on the division of powers, aiming to understand if the balance thereof has been seen as an existential threat undermining the military’s hegemonic position over time. Finally, we aim to offer an account on why western expectations regarding Aung San Suu Kyi as a representative of Western liberal democracy could not be factually met. We conclude that the 2007 constitution institutionalized a political system that allowed wiggle room for non-military stakeholders to obtain further democratic concessions, that could result in a significant threat to the Tatmadaw’s rule. Such approach sheds outlook on the causes of the coup d’état and allows projections for the near future.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84435681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The COVID-19 hit the world heartlessly. Throughout the worldwide lockdown was imposed, which is now considered as an economic lockdown. Since the World Health Organization (WHO) announced COVID-19 as a global pandemic on 11 March 2020, this involved the world in the development of vaccine breakthroughs. Until December 2020, many new vaccines have been rolling out for use, e.g., Pfizer, AstraZeneca, Moderna, COVAXIN, Sputnik V, and others. The vaccines were roll-out, the vaccine diplomacy came into vogue in the international scenario. However, there are many questions about the distribution and export of vaccines, which is considered one of the state’s soft power instruments to influence the relationship with other countries. Similarly, the purpose of this article is to trace India’s vaccine diplomacy and space in the new changing order from the perspective of soft power. Recently, the second wave of COVID-19 devastated India. Though, the study also explores the challenges and increasing role of China in South Asia. Vaccine diplomacy is an approach to the soft power theory in international relations. The case study and content analysis methods are applied here to explain the current vaccine diplomacy. The study finds that initially India strongly showed its vaccine diplomacy widely in its neighbourhood and other developing countries, but the second wave of COVID-19 weakened its position of not providing vaccines to its own home. To provide validity to an argument, vaccine diplomacy of India as a soft power instrument provides a framework for analyzing India’s role in the new world order.
{"title":"India’s Vaccine Diplomacy: Role in New Order and Challenges","authors":"Simant Shankar Bharti, S. Bharti","doi":"10.12775/tis.2021.007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2021.007","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 hit the world heartlessly. Throughout the worldwide lockdown was imposed, which is now considered as an economic lockdown. Since the World Health Organization (WHO) announced COVID-19 as a global pandemic on 11 March 2020, this involved the world in the development of vaccine breakthroughs. Until December 2020, many new vaccines have been rolling out for use, e.g., Pfizer, AstraZeneca, Moderna, COVAXIN, Sputnik V, and others. The vaccines were roll-out, the vaccine diplomacy came into vogue in the international scenario. However, there are many questions about the distribution and export of vaccines, which is considered one of the state’s soft power instruments to influence the relationship with other countries. Similarly, the purpose of this article is to trace India’s vaccine diplomacy and space in the new changing order from the perspective of soft power. Recently, the second wave of COVID-19 devastated India. Though, the study also explores the challenges and increasing role of China in South Asia. Vaccine diplomacy is an approach to the soft power theory in international relations. The case study and content analysis methods are applied here to explain the current vaccine diplomacy. The study finds that initially India strongly showed its vaccine diplomacy widely in its neighbourhood and other developing countries, but the second wave of COVID-19 weakened its position of not providing vaccines to its own home. To provide validity to an argument, vaccine diplomacy of India as a soft power instrument provides a framework for analyzing India’s role in the new world order.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81476430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.
{"title":"COLOR REVOLUTIONS AS A THREAT TO SECURITY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION. THE ANALYSIS OF RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE","authors":"Mirosław Minkina, Malina Kaszuba","doi":"10.12775/TIS.2021.006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/TIS.2021.006","url":null,"abstract":"The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87881244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The problem of international cooperation for sustainable development in the areas of environmental protection, economics, energy and public goods is a well-known scope of research, which can be classified as a classic canon of analysis in this domain. There is an explicit lack of research in the area of security, particularly in those aspects relating to objectives 8 and 16 of Agenda 2030, referring to combating the crime of human trade. The aim of the publication is to analyse the dynamics of international cooperation for the implementation of sustainable principles in the fight against human trafficking, undertaken in the context of the diagnosis of its effects for the implementation of sustainable principles with the use of resources (created and implemented standards), cooperation structures (global international organisations and their Member States) forming a system of international cooperation, the directions of which are determined by security needs. The article shows the evolution of international law in this area, the cooperation of selected international structures and its effects, as well as the dynamics of change resulting from statistics indicating the directions of implementation of objectives 8 and 16 of the sustainable development of the Agenda 2030. To achieve the objective, the assumptions of institutional theory were applied. The analysis was made using historical, comparative methods and analysis of source documents. The analysis presented in the article allows us to conclude that after the adoption of the Agenda 2030, the dynamics of international cooperation in the analysed area has increased, which is reflected in the new impetus given to the implementation of provisions enshrined in international law and required actions undertaken by member states - signatories of the act. Combating the crime of trafficking in human beings takes place within the framework of a diagnosable multifaceted institutional formula expressed in a detailed division of tasks and competences, allowing for coordination at the global level of preventive and operational actions to combat this practice. Global international cooperation for sustainable development in the area of combating trafficking in human beings in the 21st century is implemented in a systemic way and brings results which provide better and better prospects for effective combating of this crime, thus meeting the assumptions and objectives 8 (p. 8.7) and 16 (p. 16.2) of the Agenda 2030.
{"title":"SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE AREA OF COMBATING HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN THE 21ST CENTURY","authors":"Tomasz Kownacki","doi":"10.12775/TIS.2021.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/TIS.2021.005","url":null,"abstract":"The problem of international cooperation for sustainable development in the areas of environmental protection, economics, energy and public goods is a well-known scope of research, which can be classified as a classic canon of analysis in this domain. There is an explicit lack of research in the area of security, particularly in those aspects relating to objectives 8 and 16 of Agenda 2030, referring to combating the crime of human trade. The aim of the publication is to analyse the dynamics of international cooperation for the implementation of sustainable principles in the fight against human trafficking, undertaken in the context of the diagnosis of its effects for the implementation of sustainable principles with the use of resources (created and implemented standards), cooperation structures (global international organisations and their Member States) forming a system of international cooperation, the directions of which are determined by security needs. The article shows the evolution of international law in this area, the cooperation of selected international structures and its effects, as well as the dynamics of change resulting from statistics indicating the directions of implementation of objectives 8 and 16 of the sustainable development of the Agenda 2030. To achieve the objective, the assumptions of institutional theory were applied. The analysis was made using historical, comparative methods and analysis of source documents. The analysis presented in the article allows us to conclude that after the adoption of the Agenda 2030, the dynamics of international cooperation in the analysed area has increased, which is reflected in the new impetus given to the implementation of provisions enshrined in international law and required actions undertaken by member states - signatories of the act. Combating the crime of trafficking in human beings takes place within the framework of a diagnosable multifaceted institutional formula expressed in a detailed division of tasks and competences, allowing for coordination at the global level of preventive and operational actions to combat this practice. Global international cooperation for sustainable development in the area of combating trafficking in human beings in the 21st century is implemented in a systemic way and brings results which provide better and better prospects for effective combating of this crime, thus meeting the assumptions and objectives 8 (p. 8.7) and 16 (p. 16.2) of the Agenda 2030.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86606531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents an analysis of the development of the Russian Anti Access/Anti Denial concept – A2/AD. The considerations contained in this article focus on identifying the threats that the Russian A2/AD concept creates for NATO and Poland. This article compiles empirical data from scientific publications, formal strategic and doctrinal documents, which allowed to define the A2/AD category, specify its essence and characterize it through the prism of military and non-military forces and resources engaged by Russia in several important operational regions: the Kaliningrad Oblast, Crimea, Syria and the Arctic.The aim of this article is to evaluate the Russian Anti-Access/Anti Denial concept from the perspective of the threats it creates for NATO and Poland.The obtained research results allow us to make the conclusion that when assessing the current external conditions, effective opposition to the Russian A2/AD by NATO will be very difficult to implement. Increasing the capabilities in this area will probably require the individual member states to increase their defense spending, mainly on the modernization and development of their armed forces. In addition to increasing the financial expenditures, increasing the ability to counteract the Russian A2/AD will require proper coordination and integration of the activities of the entire NATO structure around one coherent operational concept. This applies not only to counteracting the Russian A2/AD in Europe but also in other regions of the world, which in the near future may become the theatre of military operations, both classic, asymmetric or hybrid.
{"title":"DEVELOPMENT OF THE RUSSIAN ANTI ACCESS/ANTI DENIAL (A2/AD) CONCEPT AS A THREAT TO NATO AND POLAND","authors":"A. Radomyski","doi":"10.12775/TIS.2021.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/TIS.2021.004","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents an analysis of the development of the Russian Anti Access/Anti Denial concept – A2/AD. The considerations contained in this article focus on identifying the threats that the Russian A2/AD concept creates for NATO and Poland. This article compiles empirical data from scientific publications, formal strategic and doctrinal documents, which allowed to define the A2/AD category, specify its essence and characterize it through the prism of military and non-military forces and resources engaged by Russia in several important operational regions: the Kaliningrad Oblast, Crimea, Syria and the Arctic.The aim of this article is to evaluate the Russian Anti-Access/Anti Denial concept from the perspective of the threats it creates for NATO and Poland.The obtained research results allow us to make the conclusion that when assessing the current external conditions, effective opposition to the Russian A2/AD by NATO will be very difficult to implement. Increasing the capabilities in this area will probably require the individual member states to increase their defense spending, mainly on the modernization and development of their armed forces. In addition to increasing the financial expenditures, increasing the ability to counteract the Russian A2/AD will require proper coordination and integration of the activities of the entire NATO structure around one coherent operational concept. This applies not only to counteracting the Russian A2/AD in Europe but also in other regions of the world, which in the near future may become the theatre of military operations, both classic, asymmetric or hybrid.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84525047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russia can be understood in many different ways. Observation from the inside is still possible. Doing your own research is very important, but it can’t be done quickly. The fastest way to understand Russia leads through scientific texts. The level of scientific literature on Russia’s foreign policy can be examined in two ways – through an extensive and long-term analysis of the entire world publications or through a very careful study of the most representative ones. The second path is easier and more effective. Three monographs publishedby the most recognizable scientific publishing houses in the world were analysed: written by experts, scientists using International Relations (IR) paradigms and scholars representing the neo-Marxist approach. Each of the three schools of foreign policy research has significant academic achievements, and also succeeds in the legitimization or de-legitimization of political actors. Each of these schools also has weaknesses. While experts did not always understand the cultural determinants, scientists with a very good theoretical feedback did not always know all historical facts. By contrast, the authors declaring a neo-Marxist approach actually aimed to justify Russia’s policy rather than to understand it. A multi-level understanding of any (including Russian) foreign policy is possible thanks to the critical analysis of scientists work results.
{"title":"RUSSIA BETWEEN CHINA AND UKRAINE: THREE POINTS OF VIEW","authors":"Roman Backer","doi":"10.12775/tis.2021.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2021.003","url":null,"abstract":"Russia can be understood in many different ways. Observation from the inside is still possible. Doing your own research is very important, but it can’t be done quickly. The fastest way to understand Russia leads through scientific texts. The level of scientific literature on Russia’s foreign policy can be examined in two ways – through an extensive and long-term analysis of the entire world publications or through a very careful study of the most representative ones. The second path is easier and more effective. Three monographs publishedby the most recognizable scientific publishing houses in the world were analysed: written by experts, scientists using International Relations (IR) paradigms and scholars representing the neo-Marxist approach. Each of the three schools of foreign policy research has significant academic achievements, and also succeeds in the legitimization or de-legitimization of political actors. Each of these schools also has weaknesses. While experts did not always understand the cultural determinants, scientists with a very good theoretical feedback did not always know all historical facts. By contrast, the authors declaring a neo-Marxist approach actually aimed to justify Russia’s policy rather than to understand it. A multi-level understanding of any (including Russian) foreign policy is possible thanks to the critical analysis of scientists work results.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82408146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article seeks to research the propaganda narratives of the Russian Federation in Europe. The Russian Federation has a long “successful” history of creating propaganda narratives since Soviet times. Even today, it spreads national and grand narratives to influence the external and internal audience. The narrative method is used to analyse both the content and the structure of the stories. The author makes the conclusion that the main purpose of Russia’s propaganda narratives is to convince its citizens and the whole world of Russia’s indomitable greatness and power, as well as to demonstrate the degradation of Europe and the West in general. To form the image of an invincible fighter for Christian values, the only outpost of stability, development, security (at least in Europe), Russia promotes a grand narrative, which is disseminated through daily disinformation, fakes and propaganda messages. The article finds out how the EU counteracts these destructive influences, specifically owing to the activity of the EUvsDisinfo site.
{"title":"THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION PROPAGANDA NARRATIVES","authors":"N. Karpchuk","doi":"10.12775/TIS.2021.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/TIS.2021.002","url":null,"abstract":"The article seeks to research the propaganda narratives of the Russian Federation in Europe. The Russian Federation has a long “successful” history of creating propaganda narratives since Soviet times. Even today, it spreads national and grand narratives to influence the external and internal audience. The narrative method is used to analyse both the content and the structure of the stories. The author makes the conclusion that the main purpose of Russia’s propaganda narratives is to convince its citizens and the whole world of Russia’s indomitable greatness and power, as well as to demonstrate the degradation of Europe and the West in general. To form the image of an invincible fighter for Christian values, the only outpost of stability, development, security (at least in Europe), Russia promotes a grand narrative, which is disseminated through daily disinformation, fakes and propaganda messages. The article finds out how the EU counteracts these destructive influences, specifically owing to the activity of the EUvsDisinfo site.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76820394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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