The establishment of the AUKUS system by the USA, Great Britain and Australia is a tangible proof of the change in the American maritime strategy and the rivalry with China for influence in the Indo-Pacific. Including Australia in the efforts to curb Chinese regional expansion is an undoubted success of Washington, which has skilfully used both the weaknesses of the QUAD agreement and the Australia-India-Indonesia trilateral cooperation to persuade Canberra to redefine its policy towards China and the region itself. As a result, Australia is becoming not only the second most important ally of the USA after Great Britain, but also the most important maritime player in the Indian Ocean. This status also poses a threat to the US, as it will weaken the community of interests with India and – to a lesser extent – with Saudi Arabia. Moreover, American politicians must accept the fact that they will be co-makers of policies in the Indo-Pacific region and that sometimes – in their own interest – they will be forced to remain passive in the face of actions taken by Canberra. The aim of the article is to analyze the political significance of the AUKUS agreement for American politics and to assess the possibility of its potential transformation into a political alliance or a regional maritime security complex. This assessment will be made based on the analysis of strategic documents of the signatories of the agreement and political and economic conditions in the Indo-Pacific region. The issue of approval by the American political establishment for recognizing Australia as an independent political player in this region was considered a major threat to the implementation of this political concept.
{"title":"AUKUS AS AN EFFECTIVE RESPONSE TO THE PROSPECTIVE LIMITATION OF AMERICAN DOMINATION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC","authors":"Piotr Mickiewicz","doi":"10.12775/tis.2023.011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2023.011","url":null,"abstract":"The establishment of the AUKUS system by the USA, Great Britain and Australia is a tangible proof of the change in the American maritime strategy and the rivalry with China for influence in the Indo-Pacific. Including Australia in the efforts to curb Chinese regional expansion is an undoubted success of Washington, which has skilfully used both the weaknesses of the QUAD agreement and the Australia-India-Indonesia trilateral cooperation to persuade Canberra to redefine its policy towards China and the region itself. As a result, Australia is becoming not only the second most important ally of the USA after Great Britain, but also the most important maritime player in the Indian Ocean. This status also poses a threat to the US, as it will weaken the community of interests with India and – to a lesser extent – with Saudi Arabia. Moreover, American politicians must accept the fact that they will be co-makers of policies in the Indo-Pacific region and that sometimes – in their own interest – they will be forced to remain passive in the face of actions taken by Canberra. The aim of the article is to analyze the political significance of the AUKUS agreement for American politics and to assess the possibility of its potential transformation into a political alliance or a regional maritime security complex. This assessment will be made based on the analysis of strategic documents of the signatories of the agreement and political and economic conditions in the Indo-Pacific region. The issue of approval by the American political establishment for recognizing Australia as an independent political player in this region was considered a major threat to the implementation of this political concept.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135032753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Daniel Michalski, Adam Marek Radomyski, Paweł Bernat
The research results presented in the article pertain to the organization of security systems by the host countries during the Summer Olympic Games in Athens (2004), Beijing (2008), London (2012), and Rio de Janeiro (2016). The central part of the considerations focuses on the complex issue of searching for methods and tools to effectively protect participants of such large mass sports events, not only against terrorists. Taking into account the identified problem situation, it was agreed that the aim of the article will be to characterize the security methods and tools employed by the organizers of the Summer Olympic Games. The research was conducted with the use of selected theoretical scientific methods, including analysis, synthesis, comparison, analogy, generalization, and inference. These methods were applied in a structured way to a research process that focused on case studies of selected Summer Olympic Games that were considered representative samples. The results of the carried out research clearly indicate a high complexity of the security systems created for the needs of the Olympic Games. In every analyzed case, the need occurred to integrate state institutions and international organizations, including various agencies dealing with security issues, including terrorism. Additionally, based on the obtained results, it was also determined that properly forecasting threats is crucial in ensuring the safety of participants in the Olympic Games. It should be further emphasized that in each analyzed case study, the organizers of these large sports events fulfilled their role as hosts very well. They should, therefore, be recognized as a good example for other countries that will apply for organizing this type of mass sports events in the future. They must also be aware that each sporting event of this type requires a significant organizational and financial effort and that the threats are not limited to terrorism but can be posed by various external and internal factors. This article is one of the first attempts to assess the justification of implementing various methods and tools to the security systems of mass international sporting events through the prism of their effectiveness. In addition, the proposed solutions, including the threat forecasting methodology, may be useful to both practitioners and theoreticians in creating more effective solutions in the field of national and international security.
{"title":"REVIEW OF COUNTER-TERRORISM SYSTEMS DURING SUMMER OLYMPIC GAMES IN THE 21ST CENTURY","authors":"Daniel Michalski, Adam Marek Radomyski, Paweł Bernat","doi":"10.12775/tis.2023.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2023.010","url":null,"abstract":"The research results presented in the article pertain to the organization of security systems by the host countries during the Summer Olympic Games in Athens (2004), Beijing (2008), London (2012), and Rio de Janeiro (2016). The central part of the considerations focuses on the complex issue of searching for methods and tools to effectively protect participants of such large mass sports events, not only against terrorists. Taking into account the identified problem situation, it was agreed that the aim of the article will be to characterize the security methods and tools employed by the organizers of the Summer Olympic Games. The research was conducted with the use of selected theoretical scientific methods, including analysis, synthesis, comparison, analogy, generalization, and inference. These methods were applied in a structured way to a research process that focused on case studies of selected Summer Olympic Games that were considered representative samples. The results of the carried out research clearly indicate a high complexity of the security systems created for the needs of the Olympic Games. In every analyzed case, the need occurred to integrate state institutions and international organizations, including various agencies dealing with security issues, including terrorism. Additionally, based on the obtained results, it was also determined that properly forecasting threats is crucial in ensuring the safety of participants in the Olympic Games. It should be further emphasized that in each analyzed case study, the organizers of these large sports events fulfilled their role as hosts very well. They should, therefore, be recognized as a good example for other countries that will apply for organizing this type of mass sports events in the future. They must also be aware that each sporting event of this type requires a significant organizational and financial effort and that the threats are not limited to terrorism but can be posed by various external and internal factors. This article is one of the first attempts to assess the justification of implementing various methods and tools to the security systems of mass international sporting events through the prism of their effectiveness. In addition, the proposed solutions, including the threat forecasting methodology, may be useful to both practitioners and theoreticians in creating more effective solutions in the field of national and international security.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136346050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the study was to construct a picture of the EU’s global position in a world defined by the US-Chinese technological Cold War. Morphological analysis has been used to enable a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the technological and social domains. Structured interviews were also used to support the analytical process. The results of the exploration showed a picture of the EU’s multi-level technological weakness compared to competing powers. While the EU is not a weak entity, its future international position will depend on the creation of its own technological capabilities and on cooperation with the United States. Both lines of action are subject to multiple risks. Firstly, some aggressive technological developments (such as the plans to place microchips production in Europe) can generate more problems than diversification. Secondly, the EU must extend its work on high-tech (primarily AI) beyond the logic of market regulation and focus on their geopolitical and military dimension. It must also be ready for possible obstacles in cooperation with the United States. The alternative to this track, as the analysis shows, is the technological, and hence the political and economic peripheral status, where two technological superpowers – the United States and authoritarian China will compete. The most negative result for the EU is the status of “digital colony”. The paper aspires to be a part of the effort to fill the existing void in the scientific output of Polish social sciences, regarding exploration of the geopolitical dimension of technological progress, especially its impact on EU’s position in the new power distribution model, which will be the result of the rivalry between the US and China.
{"title":"EUROPEAN UNION AT THE DAWN OF TECHNOLOGICAL COLD WAR","authors":"Tomasz Gajewski","doi":"10.12775/tis.2023.015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2023.015","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the study was to construct a picture of the EU’s global position in a world defined by the US-Chinese technological Cold War. Morphological analysis has been used to enable a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the technological and social domains. Structured interviews were also used to support the analytical process. The results of the exploration showed a picture of the EU’s multi-level technological weakness compared to competing powers. While the EU is not a weak entity, its future international position will depend on the creation of its own technological capabilities and on cooperation with the United States. Both lines of action are subject to multiple risks. Firstly, some aggressive technological developments (such as the plans to place microchips production in Europe) can generate more problems than diversification. Secondly, the EU must extend its work on high-tech (primarily AI) beyond the logic of market regulation and focus on their geopolitical and military dimension. It must also be ready for possible obstacles in cooperation with the United States. The alternative to this track, as the analysis shows, is the technological, and hence the political and economic peripheral status, where two technological superpowers – the United States and authoritarian China will compete. The most negative result for the EU is the status of “digital colony”. The paper aspires to be a part of the effort to fill the existing void in the scientific output of Polish social sciences, regarding exploration of the geopolitical dimension of technological progress, especially its impact on EU’s position in the new power distribution model, which will be the result of the rivalry between the US and China.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"162 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135032762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China in the Himalayan terrain to the Eastern region. India has been facing bigger security threats from China and Pakistan in the South Asia region. This article looks at defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region. India’s soft power policy is reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded by its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses case studies and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions and draw the main findings and conclusions of the study. Finally, as a result of the study, India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well.
{"title":"INDO–FRENCH DEFENCE PARTNERSHIP AND REGIONAL SECURITY BALANCE IN SOUTH ASIA","authors":"Mukesh Shankar Bharti","doi":"10.12775/tis.2023.013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2023.013","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China in the Himalayan terrain to the Eastern region. India has been facing bigger security threats from China and Pakistan in the South Asia region. This article looks at defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region. India’s soft power policy is reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded by its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses case studies and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions and draw the main findings and conclusions of the study. Finally, as a result of the study, India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"162 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136345682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the evolution of the energy security of Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in terms of natural gas supplies. Instead of framing energy dependencies on Russia in a descriptive way, this article shows the empirical validation of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine, which includes the use of energy resources as tool in foreign policy. Therefore, the authors propose a three-element Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine indicator to measure the power of this doctrine using the yearly data for 1991–2021. Authors argue that the impact of this doctrine should be assessed through the lens of energy supply security and then measured by appropriate indicators. This approach might be seen as opposite to the mainstream publications which are mostly descriptive in this field. In the article, the authors provided clear evidence of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine existence until the end of 2021, which was applied during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Actions taken by Russia over the years were aimed at making Central European countries dependent on natural gas supply, which would then prompt these countries to limit their aid to Ukraine during the conflict that began in 2022. In conclusion, Russia is able to pursue its political goals in the manner suggested by the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine as long as each Central European country tries to ensure its own energy security. However, the Falin-Kvitsky doctrine did not fully meet its objectives, as Central European countries, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, were able to quickly take steps to diversify the sources and directions of natural gas supplies by taking comprehensive measures and strengthening cooperation.
{"title":"RUSSIA’S FALIN–KVITSINSKY ENERGY DOCTRINE: HISTORY AND EXPERIENCE APPLYING TO SELECTED CENTRAL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES","authors":"Maciej Mróz, Michał Paszkowski","doi":"10.12775/tis.2023.014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2023.014","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the evolution of the energy security of Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in terms of natural gas supplies. Instead of framing energy dependencies on Russia in a descriptive way, this article shows the empirical validation of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine, which includes the use of energy resources as tool in foreign policy. Therefore, the authors propose a three-element Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine indicator to measure the power of this doctrine using the yearly data for 1991–2021. Authors argue that the impact of this doctrine should be assessed through the lens of energy supply security and then measured by appropriate indicators. This approach might be seen as opposite to the mainstream publications which are mostly descriptive in this field. In the article, the authors provided clear evidence of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine existence until the end of 2021, which was applied during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Actions taken by Russia over the years were aimed at making Central European countries dependent on natural gas supply, which would then prompt these countries to limit their aid to Ukraine during the conflict that began in 2022. In conclusion, Russia is able to pursue its political goals in the manner suggested by the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine as long as each Central European country tries to ensure its own energy security. However, the Falin-Kvitsky doctrine did not fully meet its objectives, as Central European countries, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, were able to quickly take steps to diversify the sources and directions of natural gas supplies by taking comprehensive measures and strengthening cooperation.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136346045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since President Donald Trump assumed his constitutional duties in January 2017 and ended his term in January 2021, he adopted strategic goals that were generally characterized by hardening towards Iran, which did not differ from the majority of previous administrations, even of president’s Barack Obama, who agreed with his predecessors on the goals, but differed in his ways to reach them. In the same context, the national security document, which was approved by the us administration, in December 2017, did not depart from the previous framework. Iran was present within its content, which reflected a hard-line image of Iran by focusing on what the latter poses as an increasing threat to American interests, as well as to its allies and the security and stability of the Middle East region in general. The document outlined the Iranian danger, describing it as “a dictatorial regime that seeks to undermine the region and destabilize its security, threaten the allies of the united states, and commit brutal acts against its people.” This strategy was, in terms of form, closer in many of its elements to what is generally accepted than the outcomes of successive administrations towards Iran. These were the same goals that the majority of US administrations had long been striving for, especially since the beginning of the new millennium and the exposure of the Iranian nuclear program, but the difference, as well as in the details and implementation mechanisms, are the paths and steps taken to achieve the goals.
{"title":"THE POLICY OF CONTAINING IRAN BY THE ADMINISTRATION OF DONALD TRUMP (2017-2021)","authors":"Amanj Othman","doi":"10.12775/tis.2023.012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2023.012","url":null,"abstract":"Since President Donald Trump assumed his constitutional duties in January 2017 and ended his term in January 2021, he adopted strategic goals that were generally characterized by hardening towards Iran, which did not differ from the majority of previous administrations, even of president’s Barack Obama, who agreed with his predecessors on the goals, but differed in his ways to reach them. In the same context, the national security document, which was approved by the us administration, in December 2017, did not depart from the previous framework. Iran was present within its content, which reflected a hard-line image of Iran by focusing on what the latter poses as an increasing threat to American interests, as well as to its allies and the security and stability of the Middle East region in general. The document outlined the Iranian danger, describing it as “a dictatorial regime that seeks to undermine the region and destabilize its security, threaten the allies of the united states, and commit brutal acts against its people.” This strategy was, in terms of form, closer in many of its elements to what is generally accepted than the outcomes of successive administrations towards Iran. These were the same goals that the majority of US administrations had long been striving for, especially since the beginning of the new millennium and the exposure of the Iranian nuclear program, but the difference, as well as in the details and implementation mechanisms, are the paths and steps taken to achieve the goals.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135032761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the paper is to analyze and evaluate the Polish-American alliance during the presidency of Donald Trump in the perspective of the concept of offensive bandwagoning. In Poland, the United States is invariably perceived as the main external guarantor of security. For this reason, Poland's security policy is clearly pro-American. The Polish authorities from the Law and Justice party and the US administration of President Donald Trump were brought together by many factors, including ideological closeness, disputes with Western European political elites, relativizing the principles of the rule of law and democracy, and a similar view of the geopolitics of Central and Eastern Europe. I argue that in recent years the Polish-American alliance was deepened, but at the same time the asymmetry in relations between the states increased. Even more than usual, symptoms of clientelism were noticeable in Poland's security policy towards the US, which was a consequence of the implementation of the offensive bandwagoning concept. I also argue that the tightening of Polish-American alliance was detrimental to the cohesion and solidarity in NATO and the EU, which was against the basic interests of Poland's security. During the research, the method of text source analysis was used. The research could support decision-makers in developing the basic principles of Poland's security policy towards the United States.
本文的目的是分析和评价在唐纳德·特朗普总统任期内的波美联盟在进攻性随大流的概念的角度。在波兰，美国总是被视为安全的主要外部保证者。出于这个原因，波兰的安全政策显然是亲美的。波兰法律与正义党(Law and Justice party)领导的波兰当局与美国总统唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)领导的政府走到一起，有许多因素，包括意识形态上的亲密、与西欧政治精英的争端、法治和民主原则的相对化，以及对中欧和东欧地缘政治的相似看法。我认为，近年来，波美同盟加深了，但与此同时，两国关系的不对称也在增加。在波兰对美国的安全政策中，庇护主义的症状比往常更为明显，这是实施进攻性随波附和概念的结果。我还认为，波美同盟的收紧不利于北约和欧盟的凝聚力和团结，这违背了波兰安全的基本利益。在研究过程中，采用了文本源分析的方法。这项研究可以支持决策者制定波兰对美安全政策的基本原则。
{"title":"POLISH-AMERICAN ALLIANCE DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF DONALD TRUMP IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF OFFENSIVE BANDWAGONING","authors":"Łukasz Jureńczyk","doi":"10.12775/tis.2022.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2022.004","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the paper is to analyze and evaluate the Polish-American alliance during the presidency of Donald Trump in the perspective of the concept of offensive bandwagoning. In Poland, the United States is invariably perceived as the main external guarantor of security. For this reason, Poland's security policy is clearly pro-American. The Polish authorities from the Law and Justice party and the US administration of President Donald Trump were brought together by many factors, including ideological closeness, disputes with Western European political elites, relativizing the principles of the rule of law and democracy, and a similar view of the geopolitics of Central and Eastern Europe. I argue that in recent years the Polish-American alliance was deepened, but at the same time the asymmetry in relations between the states increased. Even more than usual, symptoms of clientelism were noticeable in Poland's security policy towards the US, which was a consequence of the implementation of the offensive bandwagoning concept. I also argue that the tightening of Polish-American alliance was detrimental to the cohesion and solidarity in NATO and the EU, which was against the basic interests of Poland's security. During the research, the method of text source analysis was used. The research could support decision-makers in developing the basic principles of Poland's security policy towards the United States.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"114 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79839433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the significance of imperial diplomacy in postwar Japan. While the emperor performed many formal duties, he played only a symbolic role in decision-making process and was usually separated from politics. Nevertheless, the symbolic importance of the emperor was periodically used by politicians to promote friendly relations with other countries. The main aim of the article is to examine to what extent Japanese decision-makers took advantage of the emperor in diplomacy through drafting his speeches, arranging his appointments with foreign statespersons, and planning his visits abroad to realize their own foreign policy goals. Relying on institutional and legal analysis as well as short case studies, the authors argue that while the emperor was used in foreign policy, the reverence towards the emperor made such initiatives particularly controversial. The article tries to fill the gap in research on imperial diplomacy, which has been dominated by biographical studies on individual emperors.
{"title":"SYMBOLS MATTER: IMPERIAL DIPLOMACY IN POSTWAR JAPAN","authors":"K. Żakowski, Sylwia Łagnowska","doi":"10.12775/tis.2022.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2022.005","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the significance of imperial diplomacy in postwar Japan. While the emperor performed many formal duties, he played only a symbolic role in decision-making process and was usually separated from politics. Nevertheless, the symbolic importance of the emperor was periodically used by politicians to promote friendly relations with other countries. The main aim of the article is to examine to what extent Japanese decision-makers took advantage of the emperor in diplomacy through drafting his speeches, arranging his appointments with foreign statespersons, and planning his visits abroad to realize their own foreign policy goals. Relying on institutional and legal analysis as well as short case studies, the authors argue that while the emperor was used in foreign policy, the reverence towards the emperor made such initiatives particularly controversial. The article tries to fill the gap in research on imperial diplomacy, which has been dominated by biographical studies on individual emperors.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74195605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rail transport is paramount for the functioning of a sustainable and efficient transport system. EU policy identifying significant role of rail translates into a strong financial support allocated to the transport sector both in the form of services funding and of infrastructure investments. In the study conducted, the impact of public support for rail transport was analyzed in reference to several indicators describing the condition of that sector. The analysis covered an assessment of the impact of public support granted based on PSO – Public Service Obligation, and of the support for infrastructure investments. The results reveal a great variability of the outcome across countries. Countries which provide stronger support for infrastructure investments are characterized, as a rule, by better performance. In the Authors’ opinion, strengthening the support for infrastructure investments at the expense of support granted as part of PSO should be the path for rail funding policy redefinition.
{"title":"PUBLIC AID AS AN EFFICIENT TOOL FOR DEVELOPING THE RAIL SECTOR IN EU MEMBER STATES","authors":"Marta Postuła, S. Jarecki, Krzysztof Jaworski","doi":"10.12775/tis.2022.006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2022.006","url":null,"abstract":"Rail transport is paramount for the functioning of a sustainable and efficient transport system. EU policy identifying significant role of rail translates into a strong financial support allocated to the transport sector both in the form of services funding and of infrastructure investments. In the study conducted, the impact of public support for rail transport was analyzed in reference to several indicators describing the condition of that sector. The analysis covered an assessment of the impact of public support granted based on PSO – Public Service Obligation, and of the support for infrastructure investments. The results reveal a great variability of the outcome across countries. Countries which provide stronger support for infrastructure investments are characterized, as a rule, by better performance. In the Authors’ opinion, strengthening the support for infrastructure investments at the expense of support granted as part of PSO should be the path for rail funding policy redefinition.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82805755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Last century was significant for the public international law, which has developed rapidly, bringing some improvements regarding protecting human right despite the fact, it faces huge challenges regarding its effectivity. Through descriptive, normative and critical methods of research the article attempts to show, that there is a need for paradigm change in order to make public international law more effective. But what should be a new paradigm? What can increase the effectivity of the public international law? To answer these questions, the detailed inspection of the term of effectivity, as well as creation and the enforcement processes of the public international law norms is needed. Research shows common consent of states, legitimate constitutive act, authority as well as appropriate enforcement are pillars, based on which the public international law can uphold its effect. However, it will take some time.
{"title":"EFFECTIVITY OF PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW","authors":"Sopio Kiladze","doi":"10.12775/tis.2022.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/tis.2022.001","url":null,"abstract":"Last century was significant for the public international law, which has developed rapidly, bringing some improvements regarding protecting human right despite the fact, it faces huge challenges regarding its effectivity. Through descriptive, normative and critical methods of research the article attempts to show, that there is a need for paradigm change in order to make public international law more effective. But what should be a new paradigm? What can increase the effectivity of the public international law? To answer these questions, the detailed inspection of the term of effectivity, as well as creation and the enforcement processes of the public international law norms is needed. Research shows common consent of states, legitimate constitutive act, authority as well as appropriate enforcement are pillars, based on which the public international law can uphold its effect. However, it will take some time.","PeriodicalId":30841,"journal":{"name":"Torun International Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85342728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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