Pub Date : 2024-05-02DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2024.73559
Décio Vieira da Rocha, Paula Cruz Pimentel
The main objective of this paper is to analyze the phenomenon of the formation and success of new parties in the period of redemocratization and the return of Brazilian multipartyism (1979-2018). Although the phenomenon is recurrent in Brazil, few studies have looked more directly at the subject in Brazil. What are the determinants of the ongoing formation of new parties? Our hypotheses are that the permissiveness of the electoral system loses effect when actors adapt to it and that factors endogenous to political competition increase the likelihood of new parties emerging. We use previous methodologies and conceptualize new parties as those that are organizationally new (obtain a new registration) and win at least one seat in the Chamber of Deputies. We divided the parties into contestation or coaptation parties to assess the impact of institutional and economic variables on them. Our results indicate that parties that are totally "outside the system" (those of contestation) have more difficulty in becoming competitive, demonstrating that the phenomenon of the appearance of new acronyms is more linked to a strategic reorganization of the elites than to a demand from voters.
{"title":"building of Brazilian Party System","authors":"Décio Vieira da Rocha, Paula Cruz Pimentel","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2024.73559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2024.73559","url":null,"abstract":"The main objective of this paper is to analyze the phenomenon of the formation and success of new parties in the period of redemocratization and the return of Brazilian multipartyism (1979-2018). Although the phenomenon is recurrent in Brazil, few studies have looked more directly at the subject in Brazil. What are the determinants of the ongoing formation of new parties? Our hypotheses are that the permissiveness of the electoral system loses effect when actors adapt to it and that factors endogenous to political competition increase the likelihood of new parties emerging. We use previous methodologies and conceptualize new parties as those that are organizationally new (obtain a new registration) and win at least one seat in the Chamber of Deputies. We divided the parties into contestation or coaptation parties to assess the impact of institutional and economic variables on them. Our results indicate that parties that are totally \"outside the system\" (those of contestation) have more difficulty in becoming competitive, demonstrating that the phenomenon of the appearance of new acronyms is more linked to a strategic reorganization of the elites than to a demand from voters.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"11 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141022600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71016
Alessandro Santoni, E. Fediakova, Pablo Lacoste
La Empresa Pisquera del Estado tenía como objetivo crear de un símbolo del prestigio para la revolución socialista en Chile a partir del destilado emblemático y patrimonial de Chile. A su vez, representaba la radicalización de la Reforma Agraria y apuntaba a legitimar la expropiación de viñedos de acuerdo a los criterios establecidos por Benito Marianetti que representaba la visión del PC, inspirado en los socialismos reales. La investigación se realizó a partir de las actas de la principal cooperativa pisquera, la prensa de la época y entrevistas personales a informantes en el contexto de las luchas políticas y las tensiones internacionales de la Guerra Fría. Se detecta que la falta de planificación, el exceso de improvisación y las contradicciones ideológicas de las fuerzas gubernistas comprometieron la viabilidad del proyecto.
国家葡萄园公司（Empresa Pisquera del Estado）的目标是以智利的标志性遗产蒸馏物为基础，为智利的社会主义革命创造一个声望的象征。与此同时，它还代表了土地改革的激进化，旨在根据贝尼托-马里亚内蒂（Benito Marianetti）制定的标准，将征用葡萄园合法化。研究是在冷战时期政治斗争和国际紧张局势的背景下，根据主要皮斯卡合作社的会议记录、当时的新闻媒体以及对知情者的个人访谈进行的。研究发现，缺乏规划、过度的即兴创作以及管理力量的意识形态矛盾损害了项目的可行性。
{"title":"Guerra Fría, Reforma Agraria y patrimonio agroalimentario: la Empresa Pisquera del Estado (Chile, 1970-1973)","authors":"Alessandro Santoni, E. Fediakova, Pablo Lacoste","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71016","url":null,"abstract":"La Empresa Pisquera del Estado tenía como objetivo crear de un símbolo del prestigio para la revolución socialista en Chile a partir del destilado emblemático y patrimonial de Chile. A su vez, representaba la radicalización de la Reforma Agraria y apuntaba a legitimar la expropiación de viñedos de acuerdo a los criterios establecidos por Benito Marianetti que representaba la visión del PC, inspirado en los socialismos reales. La investigación se realizó a partir de las actas de la principal cooperativa pisquera, la prensa de la época y entrevistas personales a informantes en el contexto de las luchas políticas y las tensiones internacionales de la Guerra Fría. Se detecta que la falta de planificación, el exceso de improvisación y las contradicciones ideológicas de las fuerzas gubernistas comprometieron la viabilidad del proyecto.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"349 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139148900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71278
Maria Regina Araújo Ramos, Alexandrina Sobreira de Moura, Luiza Vilela Amelotti
How do socioeconomic and political arrangements relate to sustainability? Based on a sample of 24 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between 2011 and 2019, this study examines the hypothesis that better performance in socioeconomic and political variables is associated with higher levels of sustainability. Here, this concept is measured through the Social Progress Index (SPI) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 10, "Reduced Inequalities", and 11, "Sustainable Cities and Communities". The research design considers correlation tests, panel data regression, and an empirical description of the Chilean and Brazilian contexts. The results show that performance in the SPI and the SDG 11 is primarily associated with economic arrangements, while the SDG 10 is more closely linked to the political dynamics of the state. Furthermore, by analyzing Chile and Brazil, this study identifies that the countries also have particular effects on the indices. The conceptual impact of these results enriches socioeconomic and political interventions for sustainability and provides valuable insights for future research.
{"title":"Sustainability in Latin America and the Caribbean","authors":"Maria Regina Araújo Ramos, Alexandrina Sobreira de Moura, Luiza Vilela Amelotti","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71278","url":null,"abstract":"How do socioeconomic and political arrangements relate to sustainability? Based on a sample of 24 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between 2011 and 2019, this study examines the hypothesis that better performance in socioeconomic and political variables is associated with higher levels of sustainability. Here, this concept is measured through the Social Progress Index (SPI) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 10, \"Reduced Inequalities\", and 11, \"Sustainable Cities and Communities\". The research design considers correlation tests, panel data regression, and an empirical description of the Chilean and Brazilian contexts. The results show that performance in the SPI and the SDG 11 is primarily associated with economic arrangements, while the SDG 10 is more closely linked to the political dynamics of the state. Furthermore, by analyzing Chile and Brazil, this study identifies that the countries also have particular effects on the indices. The conceptual impact of these results enriches socioeconomic and political interventions for sustainability and provides valuable insights for future research.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"311 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139152458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.73187
O. Avendaño, M. C. Escudero
Este artículo analiza el proceso de construcción de dos partidos de centro-izquierda latinoamericanos. Se trata del Frente Amplio (FA) uruguayo, creado en 1971, y del Frente Para el País Solidario (Frepaso), surgido en Argentina en la primera mitad de los años noventa. En base al “método de la semejanza”, utilizado para la comparación de tipo binaria, se realiza la selección de los casos dado que ambos partidos comparten el hecho de haber surgido en épocas de crisis y haber logrado ser alternativa a los partidos tradicionales. Por su parte, con el uso del “método de la diferencia” se pudo contrastar las especificidades entre ambos casos y advertir que la existencia de elementos distintivos explica trayectorias y resultados tan disímiles. La comparación entre el FA y el Frepaso se realiza, además, tomando en cuenta la literatura sobre las oposiciones, en el contexto de las democracias contemporáneas y, en especial, de los presidencialismos latinoamericanos.
本文分析了两个拉丁美洲中左翼政党的建设过程。这两个政党分别是创建于 1971 年的乌拉圭人民阵线（Frente Amplio，FA）和 20 世纪 90 年代前半期在阿根廷崛起的国家团结阵线（Frente Para el País Solidario，Frepaso）。鉴于这两个政党都是在危机时期崛起，并成功地成为传统政党的替代者，因此根据用于二元比较的 "相似法 "选择了这两个案例。使用 "差异法 "可以对比两个案例之间的特殊性，并注意到独特因素的存在可以解释这种不同的轨迹和结果。在对足总杯和弗莱帕索进行比较时，还考虑到了有关当代民主政体，特别是拉丁美洲总统制背景下的反对派的文献。
{"title":"Trayectorias diferenciadas en la centro-izquierda latinoamericana","authors":"O. Avendaño, M. C. Escudero","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.73187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.73187","url":null,"abstract":"Este artículo analiza el proceso de construcción de dos partidos de centro-izquierda latinoamericanos. Se trata del Frente Amplio (FA) uruguayo, creado en 1971, y del Frente Para el País Solidario (Frepaso), surgido en Argentina en la primera mitad de los años noventa. En base al “método de la semejanza”, utilizado para la comparación de tipo binaria, se realiza la selección de los casos dado que ambos partidos comparten el hecho de haber surgido en épocas de crisis y haber logrado ser alternativa a los partidos tradicionales. Por su parte, con el uso del “método de la diferencia” se pudo contrastar las especificidades entre ambos casos y advertir que la existencia de elementos distintivos explica trayectorias y resultados tan disímiles. La comparación entre el FA y el Frepaso se realiza, además, tomando en cuenta la literatura sobre las oposiciones, en el contexto de las democracias contemporáneas y, en especial, de los presidencialismos latinoamericanos.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"298 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139152502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.73188
Ignacio Arana Araya
Who belongs to the inner circle of presidents remains understudied. Preceding research has mostly focused on advisors and ministers separately, and has not integrated other groups who also influence presidents. I argue that families, advisors, and ministers are members of the inner circle of presidents and support the leaders’ affective, intellectual, and political needs, respectively. I also propose that the inner circle becomes more functional when its three component groups work with a clear division of labor, are diverse, and combine hierarchical and horizontal relations with presidents. Semi-structured interviews conducted with 24 former Latin American presidents support that inner circles are composed of family, advisors, and ministers, although more evidence is needed to assess what constitutes a functional inner circle.
{"title":"inner circle of presidents","authors":"Ignacio Arana Araya","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.73188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.73188","url":null,"abstract":"Who belongs to the inner circle of presidents remains understudied. Preceding research has mostly focused on advisors and ministers separately, and has not integrated other groups who also influence presidents. I argue that families, advisors, and ministers are members of the inner circle of presidents and support the leaders’ affective, intellectual, and political needs, respectively. I also propose that the inner circle becomes more functional when its three component groups work with a clear division of labor, are diverse, and combine hierarchical and horizontal relations with presidents. Semi-structured interviews conducted with 24 former Latin American presidents support that inner circles are composed of family, advisors, and ministers, although more evidence is needed to assess what constitutes a functional inner circle.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"57 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139150879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71171
Geélison Ferreira da Silva, Carlos Ranulfo Felix de Melo, Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro, Diego Maradona Cortezzi Guimarães Pedras
O objetivo deste artigo é explicar a confiança na polícia através da abordagem atitudinal que considera o efeito das atitudes políticas, micro e macrossociais, sobre a variável dependente (confiança na polícia) com dados do Lapop (2012) em 22 países latino-americanos. A hipótese é que em contexto de baixa qualidade democrática e ineficácia da polícia para garantir segurança pública e limitado respeito à lei é possível existir confiança institucional se as atitudes políticas dos cidadãos forem autoritárias. São testados os efeitos das atitudes políticas sobre a variável dependente através do modelo de efeitos fixos por país. Os resultados confirmam que atitudes políticas são importantes para explicar a confiança nas instituições policiais e que as atitudes autoritárias analisadas apresenaram impacto positivo sobre ela, na América Latina. A principal contribuição do estudo é identificar associação positiva entre autoritarismo e confiança institucional em contexto de percalços da democracia e das instituições policiais.
{"title":"Confiança na polícia e atitudes políticas autoritárias na América Latina","authors":"Geélison Ferreira da Silva, Carlos Ranulfo Felix de Melo, Ludmila Mendonça Lopes Ribeiro, Diego Maradona Cortezzi Guimarães Pedras","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71171","url":null,"abstract":"O objetivo deste artigo é explicar a confiança na polícia através da abordagem atitudinal que considera o efeito das atitudes políticas, micro e macrossociais, sobre a variável dependente (confiança na polícia) com dados do Lapop (2012) em 22 países latino-americanos. A hipótese é que em contexto de baixa qualidade democrática e ineficácia da polícia para garantir segurança pública e limitado respeito à lei é possível existir confiança institucional se as atitudes políticas dos cidadãos forem autoritárias. São testados os efeitos das atitudes políticas sobre a variável dependente através do modelo de efeitos fixos por país. Os resultados confirmam que atitudes políticas são importantes para explicar a confiança nas instituições policiais e que as atitudes autoritárias analisadas apresenaram impacto positivo sobre ela, na América Latina. A principal contribuição do estudo é identificar associação positiva entre autoritarismo e confiança institucional em contexto de percalços da democracia e das instituições policiais.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"82 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139151840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.72312
Vlademir Monteiro, Vinícius Santana, Rafael Mesquita
Soviet countries were the most cohesive bloc in the UN General Assembly (UNGA) during the bipolar era, after which the East-West cleavage was replaced by a North-South division. Hence, the Soviet space fell out of the attention of UN research in the post-Cold War era. However, this North-South polarization arises mainly from voting analyses that ignore other interstate activities at the UN. An analysis of sponsorship patterns of draft resolutions from the last decade, in contrast, reveals alternative groups, including a cluster with former Soviet, Eastern European, and Turkish-speaking countries, suggesting some unity among Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Türkiye, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. In light of such evidence, this exploratory paper uses data on UNGA sponsorship between 2009 and 2019 to descriptively characterize this newfound coalition of Eurasian countries, probing what their pattern of UNGA activity is and what topics bind them together as a group.
{"title":"A NEW EURASIAN BLOC? CHARACTERIZING THE ACTIVITY OF FORMER SOVIET AND TURKIC COUNTRIES AT THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY","authors":"Vlademir Monteiro, Vinícius Santana, Rafael Mesquita","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.72312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.72312","url":null,"abstract":"Soviet countries were the most cohesive bloc in the UN General Assembly (UNGA) during the bipolar era, after which the East-West cleavage was replaced by a North-South division. Hence, the Soviet space fell out of the attention of UN research in the post-Cold War era. However, this North-South polarization arises mainly from voting analyses that ignore other interstate activities at the UN. An analysis of sponsorship patterns of draft resolutions from the last decade, in contrast, reveals alternative groups, including a cluster with former Soviet, Eastern European, and Turkish-speaking countries, suggesting some unity among Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Türkiye, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. In light of such evidence, this exploratory paper uses data on UNGA sponsorship between 2009 and 2019 to descriptively characterize this newfound coalition of Eurasian countries, probing what their pattern of UNGA activity is and what topics bind them together as a group.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"223 16","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139153057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-22DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.70690
Nicolás Albertoni
Este artículo no trata sobre el libre comercio ni sobre el proteccionismo. Se trata del punto donde los dos pueden converger. Un aspecto distintivo del aumento del proteccionismo durante la última década es que se produce en un contexto de mayor interconectividad global. Durante las últimas tres décadas, los países de todo el mundo se han integrado más a través de acuerdos comerciales preferenciales (ACP) y cadenas de valor globales (CVG), al mismo tiempo que han erigido nuevas barreras comerciales. ¿Qué explica estas trayectorias contradictorias? La literatura sobre la economía política del proteccionismo comercial muestra fácilmente que los ACP promueven las interdependencias comerciales; también ofrece argumentos convincentes sobre las circunstancias en las que los gobiernos se ven obligados a proteger sus economías. Sin embargo, tenemos poca evidencia de cómo estas dos trayectorias ocurren a la vez. Este artículo ofrece nueva evidencia de que los mecanismos institucionales como los ACP, que durante décadas han impulsado la difusión de la liberalización comercial, también pueden convertirse en canales para la propagación de proteccionismo menos transparente (por ejemplo, medidas no arancelarias).
{"title":"riesgo del proteccionismo comercial turbio en una economía global interconectada e incierta","authors":"Nicolás Albertoni","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.70690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.70690","url":null,"abstract":"Este artículo no trata sobre el libre comercio ni sobre el proteccionismo. Se trata del punto donde los dos pueden converger. Un aspecto distintivo del aumento del proteccionismo durante la última década es que se produce en un contexto de mayor interconectividad global. Durante las últimas tres décadas, los países de todo el mundo se han integrado más a través de acuerdos comerciales preferenciales (ACP) y cadenas de valor globales (CVG), al mismo tiempo que han erigido nuevas barreras comerciales. ¿Qué explica estas trayectorias contradictorias? La literatura sobre la economía política del proteccionismo comercial muestra fácilmente que los ACP promueven las interdependencias comerciales; también ofrece argumentos convincentes sobre las circunstancias en las que los gobiernos se ven obligados a proteger sus economías. Sin embargo, tenemos poca evidencia de cómo estas dos trayectorias ocurren a la vez. Este artículo ofrece nueva evidencia de que los mecanismos institucionales como los ACP, que durante décadas han impulsado la difusión de la liberalización comercial, también pueden convertirse en canales para la propagación de proteccionismo menos transparente (por ejemplo, medidas no arancelarias).","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135718087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-22DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71362
Tito Olavarría Azocar
Entre 1980 y 2022, veintidós presidentes interinos han asumido el poder en América Latina. Si bien las causas son múltiples, la mayoría se relaciona con la inestabilidad y las crisis presidenciales. Este artículo propone una clasificación tipológica basada en casos empíricos y utiliza un enfoque metodológico configuracional con las técnicas del conjunto nítido del Método Cualitativo Comparativo (csQCA). Además, se ofrece un análisis descriptivo para profundizar en la relación entre la tipología y los casos seleccionados. Los resultados definen los tipos de presidencias interinas como: provisionales, fuertes, desafiantes, débiles y fallidas, lo que demuestra la variedad de dinámicas en los diferentes casos. En la descripción, se profundiza en la aplicación de la clasificación en dos casos específicos: Itamar Franco y Martín Vizcarra, lo que demuestra la utilidad de la tipología.
{"title":"propuesta tipológica para entender los gobiernos interinos latinoamericanos (1980-2022)","authors":"Tito Olavarría Azocar","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71362","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71362","url":null,"abstract":"Entre 1980 y 2022, veintidós presidentes interinos han asumido el poder en América Latina. Si bien las causas son múltiples, la mayoría se relaciona con la inestabilidad y las crisis presidenciales. Este artículo propone una clasificación tipológica basada en casos empíricos y utiliza un enfoque metodológico configuracional con las técnicas del conjunto nítido del Método Cualitativo Comparativo (csQCA). Además, se ofrece un análisis descriptivo para profundizar en la relación entre la tipología y los casos seleccionados. Los resultados definen los tipos de presidencias interinas como: provisionales, fuertes, desafiantes, débiles y fallidas, lo que demuestra la variedad de dinámicas en los diferentes casos. En la descripción, se profundiza en la aplicación de la clasificación en dos casos específicos: Itamar Franco y Martín Vizcarra, lo que demuestra la utilidad de la tipología.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135718092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-22DOI: 10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71195
Juan Enrique Serrano Moreno
This study focuses on the actions and perceptions of individuals who participated in the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong initiated in April 2019 and interrupted by the covid 19 pandemic and the adoption of the National Security Law in June 2020. Based on semi-structured interviews, the article explains how ordinary citizens and first-time activists helped shape a political crisis and how it changed their political perceptions. The study adopts a theoretical perspective inspired by studies of collective action in contexts of political crises, placing the individual at the centre of the analysis and adopting a situational and processual approach. The findings show that the actors perceived themselves as protagonists of historical events produced by the authoritarian turn of the Hong Kong political system thanks to the appropriation of new identities, the radicalisation of their liberal values and the mobilisation of their previous skills and resources.
{"title":"Ordinary citizens and political crises: The Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Movement (2019-2020)","authors":"Juan Enrique Serrano Moreno","doi":"10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71195","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on the actions and perceptions of individuals who participated in the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong initiated in April 2019 and interrupted by the covid 19 pandemic and the adoption of the National Security Law in June 2020. Based on semi-structured interviews, the article explains how ordinary citizens and first-time activists helped shape a political crisis and how it changed their political perceptions. The study adopts a theoretical perspective inspired by studies of collective action in contexts of political crises, placing the individual at the centre of the analysis and adopting a situational and processual approach. The findings show that the actors perceived themselves as protagonists of historical events produced by the authoritarian turn of the Hong Kong political system thanks to the appropriation of new identities, the radicalisation of their liberal values and the mobilisation of their previous skills and resources.","PeriodicalId":30847,"journal":{"name":"Estudios Internacionales","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135718090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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