This paper addresses multiple classifier constructions (MCCs) in terms of internal structure and derivation. Based on a summary of the major features of MCCs, the paper proposes that MCCs are composed of DP and NumP. The combination of the two numeral-classifiers denotes a complete structure, which presents the pattern of double numeral-classifiers. DP serves as the head while NumP serves as the complement. There is no coordination but topic-comment relation between the embedded DP and NumP. The embedded DP c-commands NumP. NumP moves across the board to the specifier position of the external DP to give rise to various types of MCCs. Movement of the classifier of MCCs is triggered by numeral gapping. Based on this, it is argued that all MCCs must be of this nature in terms of the underlying structure. This contention can provide a reasonable solution to many long-standing puzzles related to MCCs.
{"title":"The Structure of Multiple Classifier Constructions and Some Related Theoretical Issues","authors":"Yang Yongzhong","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.17.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.17.1","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses multiple classifier constructions (MCCs) in terms of internal structure and derivation. Based on a summary of the major features of MCCs, the paper proposes that MCCs are composed of DP and NumP. The combination of the two numeral-classifiers denotes a complete structure, which presents the pattern of double numeral-classifiers. DP serves as the head while NumP serves as the complement. There is no coordination but topic-comment relation between the embedded DP and NumP. The embedded DP c-commands NumP. NumP moves across the board to the specifier position of the external DP to give rise to various types of MCCs. Movement of the classifier of MCCs is triggered by numeral gapping. Based on this, it is argued that all MCCs must be of this nature in terms of the underlying structure. This contention can provide a reasonable solution to many long-standing puzzles related to MCCs.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43380976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I argue in favor of the view that a generative lexicon, as advanced in lexicalist theories, might not be needed to derive verbal’s argument structure. I instead support the hypothesis that a verb’s meaning emerges as a result of the syntactic structure in which it is merged and that the role of lexical items/roots reduces to their idiosyncratic encyclopedic content. These two assumptions are executed via adopting the proposal that splits the traditional VP structure into two main functional heads, namely VoiceP and vP, and via endorsing the architectural assumptions advanced in the framework of Distributed Morphology. The main empirical support for this claim comes from verbs that appear in syntactic structures that are not in consonance with their semantic-conceptual content, Arabic varieties that lost their vocalic melodies that would otherwise encode thematic roles, and spray-load alternation. This paper concludes by exploring language-particular processes whose non-applicability goes beyond morphology, the analysis of which supports the role of the Encyclopedia.
{"title":"On the VP Structure in Arabic","authors":"Loutfi A.","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.17.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.17.2","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I argue in favor of the view that a generative lexicon, as advanced in lexicalist theories, might not be needed to derive verbal’s argument structure. I instead support the hypothesis that a verb’s meaning emerges as a result of the syntactic structure in which it is merged and that the role of lexical items/roots reduces to their idiosyncratic encyclopedic content. These two assumptions are executed via adopting the proposal that splits the traditional VP structure into two main functional heads, namely VoiceP and vP, and via endorsing the architectural assumptions advanced in the framework of Distributed Morphology. The main empirical support for this claim comes from verbs that appear in syntactic structures that are not in consonance with their semantic-conceptual content, Arabic varieties that lost their vocalic melodies that would otherwise encode thematic roles, and spray-load alternation. This paper concludes by exploring language-particular processes whose non-applicability goes beyond morphology, the analysis of which supports the role of the Encyclopedia.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47674437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study analyses locus equations and regression lines relating to second and third formants as a measure of co-articulatory influence of vowels following stop consonants in EkeGusii. Coarticulation can be represented statistically using a schematic representation of locus equations by tracking consonant-vowel (CV) transition as a useful tool in the discrimination of place of articulation. Acoustic data was collected using Praat version 6.0 from four males and four females, native speakers of EkeGusii. Locus equations for the eight speakers were derived from CV words with intervocalic voiceless bilabial /p/, voiceless alveolar /t/ and voiceless velar /k/ preceding vowel /i/, /a/ and /o/ contexts. Scatter plots of locus equation of F2 and F3 onsets-F2 and F3 midpoints revealed patterns for each of the three voiceless stops in EkeGusii. The strongest degree of coarticulation is reported for velars then bilabials and the least degree of coarticulation with alveolars.
{"title":"Analysis of Second and Third Formant Locus Pattern and C-V Coarticulation in EkeGusii","authors":"Otieno P.N., E. G. Mecha","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.17.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.17.5","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyses locus equations and regression lines relating to second and third formants as a measure of co-articulatory influence of vowels following stop consonants in EkeGusii. Coarticulation can be represented statistically using a schematic representation of locus equations by tracking consonant-vowel (CV) transition as a useful tool in the discrimination of place of articulation. Acoustic data was collected using Praat version 6.0 from four males and four females, native speakers of EkeGusii. Locus equations for the eight speakers were derived from CV words with intervocalic voiceless bilabial /p/, voiceless alveolar /t/ and voiceless velar /k/ preceding vowel /i/, /a/ and /o/ contexts. Scatter plots of locus equation of F2 and F3 onsets-F2 and F3 midpoints revealed patterns for each of the three voiceless stops in EkeGusii. The strongest degree of coarticulation is reported for velars then bilabials and the least degree of coarticulation with alveolars.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42802450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines negativity and aspect in Mbaise dialect of the Igbo language. The specific objectives of this study are to examine how aspect and negation are marked/realised in Mbaise Igbo, as well as to examine their tonal patterns. Data for the study are got through elicitation method, intuition and printed materials, and are then transcribed and analysed descriptively using the X-bar theory as its framework. Findings reveal the presence of perfective, progressive and habitual aspects in Mbaise Igbo with their various markers. This study equally observes that Mbaise Igbo has two negative markers. Also, these aspect forms can be combined with negations to form negative sentences. In line with the second objective, the findings of this study reveal that aspect has various tone patterns. In the formation of negative sentences, however, these aspect markers do change their tonal patterns. This study concludes that aspect and negation as functional/verbal categories are robust and indeed exist in the Mbaise Igbo.
{"title":"Negativity and Aspect in Mbaise Lect of Igbo","authors":"Onuoha V. N.","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.17.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.17.4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines negativity and aspect in Mbaise dialect of the Igbo language. The specific objectives of this study are to examine how aspect and negation are marked/realised in Mbaise Igbo, as well as to examine their tonal patterns. Data for the study are got through elicitation method, intuition and printed materials, and are then transcribed and analysed descriptively using the X-bar theory as its framework. Findings reveal the presence of perfective, progressive and habitual aspects in Mbaise Igbo with their various markers. This study equally observes that Mbaise Igbo has two negative markers. Also, these aspect forms can be combined with negations to form negative sentences. In line with the second objective, the findings of this study reveal that aspect has various tone patterns. In the formation of negative sentences, however, these aspect markers do change their tonal patterns. This study concludes that aspect and negation as functional/verbal categories are robust and indeed exist in the Mbaise Igbo.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48218458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines patterns of Amharic-English code-switching in the Amharic media language use. It employed a qualitative descriptive approach, which helped break down the recordings and transcripts into intelligible units that helped explain the various language use forms created by code-switching in the Amharic media. Thus, five Amharic media outlets focusing on sport, medical science, and science and technology were purposively selected to study language use in the Amharic media. Hence, 1090 examples which have both Amharic and English elements were selected. A generic step of data analysis was made so as to classify the different types and patterns of code-switching instances. The findings indicated that the three different types of code-switching, namely tag switching, inter-sentential code-switching, and intra-sentential code-switching, are found in the Amharic media language use. Moreover, it was found that there are different patterns of code-switching from English to Amharic. Thus, it is shown that Amharic is the matrix language and is quite resistant against any change of its basic word order. It can also be seen that the mixed constituents found in the Amharic media confirm that the matrix language frame (MLF) model can satisfactorily explain the patterns of Amharic-English code-switching.
{"title":"Patterns of Code-switching in the Amharic Media","authors":"Elias Hussein Emam, Abebayehu Messele Mekonnen","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.17.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.17.6","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines patterns of Amharic-English code-switching in the Amharic media language use. It employed a qualitative descriptive approach, which helped break down the recordings and transcripts into intelligible units that helped explain the various language use forms created by code-switching in the Amharic media. Thus, five Amharic media outlets focusing on sport, medical science, and science and technology were purposively selected to study language use in the Amharic media. Hence, 1090 examples which have both Amharic and English elements were selected. A generic step of data analysis was made so as to classify the different types and patterns of code-switching instances. The findings indicated that the three different types of code-switching, namely tag switching, inter-sentential code-switching, and intra-sentential code-switching, are found in the Amharic media language use. Moreover, it was found that there are different patterns of code-switching from English to Amharic. Thus, it is shown that Amharic is the matrix language and is quite resistant against any change of its basic word order. It can also be seen that the mixed constituents found in the Amharic media confirm that the matrix language frame (MLF) model can satisfactorily explain the patterns of Amharic-English code-switching.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49179727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study explores the wh-movement in Hadhrami Arabic (HA), a non-standard variety of Arabic, focusing on the simple and embedded questions as well as definite restrictive relative clauses within the framework of Chomsky’s (1995) Minimalist Program (MP). The researchers adopted a descriptive ethnographic qualitative research design collecting their data from 10 purposefully chosen HA speakers through a questionnaire, interviews and participant observation. The study reveals that the wh-phrases in HA SVO word order are base-generated and exhibit no movement. It also reveals that HA questions may have apparent optional movement of the wh-phrases in the left periphery or in the right one. Finally, it is found that HA definite restrictive relative clauses are not derived by movements.
{"title":"Wh-Movement in Hadhrami Arabic: A minimalist perspective","authors":"Al-Haidi D.A.A., K. Mukhashin","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.17.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.17.3","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the wh-movement in Hadhrami Arabic (HA), a non-standard variety of Arabic, focusing on the simple and embedded questions as well as definite restrictive relative clauses within the framework of Chomsky’s (1995) Minimalist Program (MP). The researchers adopted a descriptive ethnographic qualitative research design collecting their data from 10 purposefully chosen HA speakers through a questionnaire, interviews and participant observation. The study reveals that the wh-phrases in HA SVO word order are base-generated and exhibit no movement. It also reveals that HA questions may have apparent optional movement of the wh-phrases in the left periphery or in the right one. Finally, it is found that HA definite restrictive relative clauses are not derived by movements.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46039606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Numeral systems in natural languages show astonishing variety, though with very strong unifying tendencies that are increasing as many indigenous numeral systems disappear through language contact and globalization. Most numeral systems make use of a base, typically 10, less commonly 20, followed by a wide range of other possibilities. Higher numerals are formed from primitive lower numerals by applying the processes of addition and multiplication, in many languages also exponentiation; sometimes, however, numerals are formed from a higher numeral, using subtraction or division. Numerous complexities and idiosyncrasies are discussed, as are numeral systems that fall outside this general characterization, such as restricted numeral systems with no internal arithmetic structure, and some New Guinea extended body-part counting systems.
{"title":"The Arithmetic of Natural Language: Toward a typology of numeral systems","authors":"Comrie B.","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.16.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.16.1","url":null,"abstract":"Numeral systems in natural languages show astonishing variety, though with very strong unifying tendencies that are increasing as many indigenous numeral systems disappear through language contact and globalization. Most numeral systems make use of a base, typically 10, less commonly 20, followed by a wide range of other possibilities. Higher numerals are formed from primitive lower numerals by applying the processes of addition and multiplication, in many languages also exponentiation; sometimes, however, numerals are formed from a higher numeral, using subtraction or division. Numerous complexities and idiosyncrasies are discussed, as are numeral systems that fall outside this general characterization, such as restricted numeral systems with no internal arithmetic structure, and some New Guinea extended body-part counting systems.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49142592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it explores the order of the development of nominal and verbal gender of Amharic, which is one of the Ethio-Semitic languages. Second, it provides empirical evidence for the typological plausibility of processability theory (PT). In fact, PT has been tested in typologically different languages (e.g., English, Italian, and Japan); however, it does not have any validation from Ethiopian languages in general and Ethio-Semitic languages in particular yet. Relevant data was collected from sixteen respondents via picture description tasks, short storytelling, interviews, story re-telling, and spot the difference tasks. Distributional analysis was conducted for the analysis, and the point of emergence of target structures was determined using the emergence criteria. Accordingly, the result shows that the development of gender assignment is compatible with processability theory’s predictions in that lexical procedure precedes phrasal procedure, which is followed by S-procedure. Moreover, the masculine gender emerged earlier than its feminine counterpart at all developmental stages. However, subject agreement markers in pro-drop context emerged at stage two preceding subject-verb agreement. This finding is against processability theory’s claim that suggests subject agreement markers only emerge at stage four of the processability hierarchy disregarding their stages of development in pro-drop context in particular.
{"title":"Exploring the Developmental Stages of Amharic Nominal and Verbal Gender: Evidence for processability theory","authors":"Alemu H., D. Ado","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.16.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.16.2","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it explores the order of the development of nominal and verbal gender of Amharic, which is one of the Ethio-Semitic languages. Second, it provides empirical evidence for the typological plausibility of processability theory (PT). In fact, PT has been tested in typologically different languages (e.g., English, Italian, and Japan); however, it does not have any validation from Ethiopian languages in general and Ethio-Semitic languages in particular yet. Relevant data was collected from sixteen respondents via picture description tasks, short storytelling, interviews, story re-telling, and spot the difference tasks. Distributional analysis was conducted for the analysis, and the point of emergence of target structures was determined using the emergence criteria. Accordingly, the result shows that the development of gender assignment is compatible with processability theory’s predictions in that lexical procedure precedes phrasal procedure, which is followed by S-procedure. Moreover, the masculine gender emerged earlier than its feminine counterpart at all developmental stages. However, subject agreement markers in pro-drop context emerged at stage two preceding subject-verb agreement. This finding is against processability theory’s claim that suggests subject agreement markers only emerge at stage four of the processability hierarchy disregarding their stages of development in pro-drop context in particular.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49305462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the assumptions underlying theories of phonological derivation is that the phonological architecture of any language consists of, at least, an abstract underlying form, its surface form and conditions which derive the surface form from its underlying form. It is further assumed that the conditions are serially ordered in frameworks which subscribe to the rule ordering such as orthodox generative phonology and lexical phonology. In the present study, these issues are engaged in the case of Uvwie. In particular, the study seeks to investigate the conditions (processes and rules) which derive surface forms from their corresponding underlying forms, and the order in which they apply. Thus the study will examine the different well-motivated phonological rules attested in the derivation of Uvwie formatives, and provide evidence for the order in which the processes apply. The study employe data documented in Ekiugbo (2016), and couched its analysis within rule ordering principle of generative phonology. The study identifies six rules, which are ordered thus: nasal assimilation > glide formation > vowel elision > tone fusion > vowel lengthening > consonant elision.
{"title":"Rule Ordering in Uvwie","authors":"Ekiugbo P.O.","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.16.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.16.4","url":null,"abstract":"One of the assumptions underlying theories of phonological derivation is that the phonological architecture of any language consists of, at least, an abstract underlying form, its surface form and conditions which derive the surface form from its underlying form. It is further assumed that the conditions are serially ordered in frameworks which subscribe to the rule ordering such as orthodox generative phonology and lexical phonology. In the present study, these issues are engaged in the case of Uvwie. In particular, the study seeks to investigate the conditions (processes and rules) which derive surface forms from their corresponding underlying forms, and the order in which they apply. Thus the study will examine the different well-motivated phonological rules attested in the derivation of Uvwie formatives, and provide evidence for the order in which the processes apply. The study employe data documented in Ekiugbo (2016), and couched its analysis within rule ordering principle of generative phonology. The study identifies six rules, which are ordered thus: nasal assimilation > glide formation > vowel elision > tone fusion > vowel lengthening > consonant elision.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43238578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper focuses on a descriptive method of valency-increasing devices in five South Ethio-Semitic languages (Amharic, Harari, Kɨstane, Məsqan, and Endəgaɲ). The five languages were selected for two reasons. The first reason is that conducting a valency study on all South Ethio-Semitic languages would have been impossible. With limited resources and time, it will prove difficult to cover all languages. The second reason is that, except for Amharic, these languages are known for being the least studied. Most of them even lack sufficient recording and description. So this research needs to choose the representative language in each branch. As a result, no explicit theoretical framework is followed; data analysis is guided solely by a descriptive perspective. The study’s data was gathered by consulting native speakers via elicitation. Valency has been considered as both a semantic and syntactic notion. As a semantic notion, it is used to refer to the participants in an event; as a syntactic notion, it is used to indicate the number of arguments in a construction. There are different types of transitivity classes of verbs in the South Ethio-Semitic Language, which is spoken in Ethiopia: intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive. Apart from these, there are verbs that can be used both intransitively and transitively. The facts that provide clear evidence for grammatical relations in South Ethio-Semitic languages are crucial to the study of the concept of valency-increasing devices. As is the case in many languages, South Ethio-Semitic languages possess morphosyntactic means through which the valency of verbs can be adjusted. The application of these morphosyntactic processes decreases or increases the valency of verbs. This article looks at valency-increasing devices in Causative and Applicative South Ethio-Semitic languages.
{"title":"Valency Increasing in South Ethio-Semitic","authors":"Zeleke T.Y.","doi":"10.26478/ja2022.10.16.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26478/ja2022.10.16.5","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper focuses on a descriptive method of valency-increasing devices in five South Ethio-Semitic languages (Amharic, Harari, Kɨstane, Məsqan, and Endəgaɲ). The five languages were selected for two reasons. The first reason is that conducting a valency study on all South Ethio-Semitic languages would have been impossible. With limited resources and time, it will prove difficult to cover all languages. The second reason is that, except for Amharic, these languages are known for being the least studied. Most of them even lack sufficient recording and description. So this research needs to choose the representative language in each branch. As a result, no explicit theoretical framework is followed; data analysis is guided solely by a descriptive perspective. The study’s data was gathered by consulting native speakers via elicitation. Valency has been considered as both a semantic and syntactic notion. As a semantic notion, it is used to refer to the participants in an event; as a syntactic notion, it is used to indicate the number of arguments in a construction. There are different types of transitivity classes of verbs in the South Ethio-Semitic Language, which is spoken in Ethiopia: intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive. Apart from these, there are verbs that can be used both intransitively and transitively. The facts that provide clear evidence for grammatical relations in South Ethio-Semitic languages are crucial to the study of the concept of valency-increasing devices. As is the case in many languages, South Ethio-Semitic languages possess morphosyntactic means through which the valency of verbs can be adjusted. The application of these morphosyntactic processes decreases or increases the valency of verbs. This article looks at valency-increasing devices in Causative and Applicative South Ethio-Semitic languages.","PeriodicalId":31949,"journal":{"name":"Macrolinguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44403269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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