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Adam Smith: Philosophy, Science, and Social Science 亚当·斯密:哲学、科学和社会科学
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002594
D. Raphael
What darkness was the ‘Enlightenment’ supposed to have removed? The answer is irrational forms of religion. Most of the ‘enlightened’ took the view that revealed religion was irrational and that natural religion could be rational; but some were sceptical about natural religion too. Hume was the most honest and the most penetrating thinker of the latter group. His biographer, Professor E. C. Mossner, is not alone in believing that the Dialogues concerning Natural Religion is ‘his philosophical testament’.
“启蒙运动”应该消除什么样的黑暗?答案是非理性的宗教形式。大多数“开明”的人认为,启示宗教是非理性的,自然宗教可以是理性的;但也有一些人对自然宗教持怀疑态度。休谟是后者中最诚实、最具洞察力的思想家。他的传记作者E. C. Mossner教授并不是唯一一个相信《关于自然宗教的对话录》是“他的哲学遗嘱”的人。
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引用次数: 15
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Philosopher of Nature Jean-Jacques Rousseau,自然哲学家
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002648
R. Grimsley
From the very outset of his literary and intellectual career Rousseau saw himself as an uncompromising critic of contemporary society. As he has vividly related in his personal writings, the famous moment of ‘illumination’ when he was on the way to visit his friend Diderot imprisoned in the Chateau de Vincennes not only gave him a vision of ‘another universe’ but transformed him into ‘another man’. An overwhelming ‘enthusiasm for truth, freedom and virtue’ made him henceforth reject the corrupt values of the society he saw around him; ‘to be free and virtuous and above fortune and opinion’ seemed a greater and nobler attitude than servile acquiescence in the ‘maxims of his age’.
从他的文学和知识生涯的一开始,卢梭就把自己看作是一个对当代社会毫不妥协的批评家。正如他在个人作品中生动描述的那样,他在去拜访被囚禁在文森城堡的朋友狄德罗的路上,经历了一个著名的“顿悟”时刻,这不仅让他看到了“另一个宇宙”,也让他变成了“另一个人”。“对真理、自由和美德的强烈热情”使他从此拒绝接受周围社会的腐败价值观;比起卑躬屈膝地默认“他那个时代的格言”,“自由、高尚、超越财富和舆论”似乎是一种更伟大、更高尚的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Kant and the Sincere Fanatic 康德与真诚的狂热者
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002661
B. Harrison
‘I see well enough what poor Kant would be at’ said James Mill on first looking into the Kritik der reinen Vernunft. No one would wish to say that the reception of Kant in England has remained at this level: abundance of sound scholarship, innumerable Kant seminars and the swell of interest in transcendental argument which has developed since the Second World War all exist to prove the contrary. But in spite of all that, Mill's response still touches a chord in English breasts. We are prone to think Kant a conjurer. If we are to accept, or even to work seriously with, any version of Kantianism it must be a demythologized, logically aseptic version. Strawson's Kant, for instance, is a Kant freed from the ‘strained analogy’ between the study of the conditions of sense, or intelligibility, and the study of the human cognitive system. And in moral philosophy too, the English Kantianism chiefly represented by the work of Professor R. M. Hare has scrupulously avoided those parts of Kant's ethics which have a suspiciously speculative flavour: the notion of an unqualified good, for example, or that of treating moral agents as Ends-in-Themselves; and more generally the whole notion, which permeates Kant's moral philosophy, that morality can only ultimately be understood in terms of a set of ideal relationships that entirely transcend all considerations of common-sense mutual accommodation or rational self-interest: transcend all such considerations so radically, in fact, as to point mutely towards the possibility of a life after death.
詹姆斯·密尔第一次读《人的生命批判》时说:"我很清楚可怜的康德会是什么意思。"没有人愿意说英国对康德的接受一直停留在这个水平上:大量健全的学术研究,无数的康德研讨会,以及自第二次世界大战以来发展起来的对先验论证的兴趣激增,都证明了相反的情况。尽管如此,密尔的回应仍然触动了英国人的心弦。我们倾向于认为康德是个魔术师。如果我们要接受,甚至认真对待,任何版本的康德主义,它必须是一个去神话化的,逻辑无菌的版本。例如,斯特劳森笔下的康德,是一个从研究感觉条件或可解性与研究人类认知系统之间的“紧张类比”中解放出来的康德。在道德哲学方面,主要以黑尔教授的著作为代表的英国康德主义,也小心翼翼地避免康德伦理学中那些带有可疑思辨色彩的部分,例如无条件的善的概念,或把道德行为者当作自在目的的概念;更广泛地说,贯穿康德道德哲学的整个概念,即道德最终只能被理解为一系列理想关系,这些关系完全超越了所有对常识性相互适应或理性自利的考虑,超越了所有这些考虑,事实上,如此彻底地超越了所有这些考虑,以至于无声地指向死后生命的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Butler's Theory of Moral Judgment 巴特勒的道德判断理论
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S008044360000265X
R. Shiner
It is something of a commonplace of Butlerian interpretation that the main interest and achievements of Butler's moral philosophy are in normative ethics, and not metaethics. He wishes to bring moral enlightenment to citizens and not, to philosophers, epistemological enlightenment. Nonetheless for that he makes a number of remarks which, if we were collecting for some bizarre purpose metaethical forms of words, we would note down and include in our collection. Thus he makes some progress towards the development of a moral epistemology, a theory of moral judgment. My purpose here is to assess those steps, and to see how far the structure which results can be called a theory. I have the impression that much of the reluctance among scholars to allow that Butler does have a theory of moral judgment is caused by the metaethical blinkers that they themselves wear; what is in fact the beginnings of an unfashionable and unconventional theory is seen as unsophisticated confusion. But I shall not overdo praise of Butler. I shall suggest that Aristotle does a somewhat better job of developing this type of theory.
巴特勒的道德哲学的主要兴趣和成就是在规范伦理学,而不是元伦理学,这是巴特勒解释的一个老生常谈。他希望给公民带来道德启蒙,而不是给哲学家带来认识论启蒙。尽管如此,他还是做了一些评论,如果我们为了一些奇怪的目的收集元伦理形式的词汇,我们会把它们记下来,并收录在我们的收藏中。因此,他在道德认识论,道德判断理论的发展上取得了一些进展。我在这里的目的是评估这些步骤,看看结果的结构能在多大程度上被称为理论。我的印象是很多学者不愿意承认巴特勒确实有一个道德判断理论是因为他们自己戴着元伦理的眼罩;事实上,一种不时髦、不传统的理论的开端被视为不成熟的混乱。不过我不会过分赞扬巴特勒的。我认为亚里士多德在发展这类理论方面做得更好。
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引用次数: 0
Hume as Moralist: a Social Historian's Perspective 作为道德家的休谟:一个社会历史学家的视角
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002624
N. Phillipson
In this paper I want to discuss David Hume's views about morals, politics and citizenship and the role of philosophers and philosophizing in modern civil society - what I shall call his theory of civic morality. This is a subject which has been neglected by philosophers, presumably because it is of limited philosophical interest. But it is of considerable interest to the historian who wants to understand Hume's development as a philosopher, to locate his thought within a specific, Scottish context and to arrive at some understanding of his surprisingly close and cordial relations with the literary and social world of enlightened Edinburgh. These are large claims and I cannot hope to substantiate them fully in a short paper. My purpose is first, to show that, historically speaking, Hume's preoccupation with civic morality was of central rather than peripheral interest to him as a philosopher and that it helps to explain his otherwise rather puzzling decision to give up philosophizing systematically in the manner of Hobbes and Locke, in favour of polite essay-writing in the manner of Addison and Steele. My second purpose is to suggest that Hume's interest in civic morality, his neo-Addisonian (or perhaps I should say, neo-Ciceronian) mode of philosophizing about it and the nature of his understanding of politics, citizenship and philosophizing in a modern age was, unlike his thought about religion, responsive to and consonant with some of the most important ideological preoccupations of his Scottish contemporaries. It was, I suspect, a shared interest which helped to contain some of the anxieties Hume's notorious religious scepticism caused his contemporaries. Without it, he could not possibly have emerged as one of the leaders of Edinburgh's intellectual life in the age of the Scottish Enlightenment.
在本文中,我想讨论大卫·休谟关于道德、政治和公民身份的观点,以及哲学家和哲学化在现代公民社会中的作用——我将称之为他的公民道德理论。这是一个被哲学家们所忽视的主题,大概是因为它的哲学兴趣有限。但是,对于那些想要了解休谟作为哲学家的发展历程的历史学家来说,将他的思想置于特定的苏格兰背景中,并对他与开明的爱丁堡文学界和社交圈惊人的密切和亲切的关系有所了解,这是相当有趣的。这些都是很大的主张,我不能指望在一篇短文中充分证实它们。我的目的首先是,从历史的角度来看,休谟对公民道德的关注是他作为哲学家的核心兴趣,而不是次要兴趣,这有助于解释他放弃霍布斯和洛克那样系统的哲学思考,转而喜欢艾迪生和斯蒂尔那样有礼貌的散文写作的决定。我的第二个目的是提出休谟对公民道德的兴趣,他的新艾迪生式(或者我应该说,新西塞罗式)关于公民道德的哲学思考模式,以及他对现代政治,公民身份和哲学思考的理解的本质,与他对宗教的思考不同,是对他的苏格兰同时代人最重要的意识形态关注的回应和一致的。我猜想,这是一种共同的兴趣,有助于遏制休谟臭名昭著的宗教怀疑主义给同时代人带来的一些焦虑。没有它,他不可能成为苏格兰启蒙运动时期爱丁堡知识界的领袖之一。
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引用次数: 9
Hume and the Scottish Enlightenment 休谟和苏格兰启蒙运动
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002600
D. Forbes
The term ‘Scottish Enlightenment’ annoys some Scottish historians, because to them it seems to suggest that a state of unenlightenment prevailed in Scotland before the mideighteenth century, but ‘enlightenment’ when used by the historian of ideas is simply a technical term to describe certain aspects of eighteenth-century thought. The trouble is in defining precisely what aspects of eighteenth-century thought it is meant to describe. Different people study the eighteenth century Scottish thinkers for different reasons; for Professor Pocock, for example, they belong to the tradition of ‘civic humanism’ and constitute one of his Machiavellian moments. But they are more widely known nowadays for the modernity and sophistication of their social theory.
"苏格兰启蒙运动"这个词让一些苏格兰历史学家很恼火,因为在他们看来,这似乎表明,在18世纪之前,苏格兰普遍处于非启蒙状态,但"启蒙运动"在思想历史学家看来只是一个专业术语用来描述18世纪思想的某些方面。问题在于,它究竟要描述的是18世纪思想的哪些方面。不同的人出于不同的原因研究18世纪的苏格兰思想家;例如,对波考克教授来说,它们属于“公民人文主义”的传统,构成了他的马基雅维利式时刻之一。但如今,他们更广为人知的是其社会理论的现代性和复杂性。
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引用次数: 9
The ‘Principle’ of Natural Order: or What the Enlightened Sceptics did not doubt 自然秩序的“原则”:或开明的怀疑论者所不怀疑的
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002582
Stuart Brown
My title advertizes a paradox. The characteristic complaint of the sceptic is that others make assumptions they are not entitled to make. A philosophical sceptic is committed to a systematic refusal to accept such assumptions in the absence of the kind of justification they think is required. A sceptic who, none the less, helps himself to such an assumption, seems to be caught in a paradoxical position. This is the kind of situation in which, it seems, certain eighteenth-century sceptical philosophers were placed in relation to the ‘principle’ of natural order. They did not doubt that there is such a principle, that there is a source or ultimate cause of the order to be found in the universe. And yet, on their own terms, is not the existence of such a principle something we should expect them to have doubted? What I shall try to do in this lecture is to bring out why they did not doubt the existence of such a principle and how serious their failure to do so is for their sceptical position.
我的标题宣扬了一个悖论。怀疑论者的典型抱怨是,别人做出了他们无权做出的假设。哲学上的怀疑论者在缺乏他们认为必需的那种证明的情况下,致力于系统地拒绝接受这些假设。一个怀疑论者,尽管如此,帮助自己做出这样的假设,似乎陷入了一个矛盾的境地。这似乎就是某些18世纪怀疑主义哲学家与自然秩序“原则”的关系所处的情境。他们并不怀疑存在这样一个原则,在宇宙中存在着秩序的来源或最终原因。然而,从他们自己的角度来看,我们不应该期望他们怀疑这样一个原则的存在吗?在这一讲中,我将试图说明他们为什么不怀疑这一原则的存在,以及他们的怀疑立场造成的失败有多严重。
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引用次数: 0
Diderot: Man and Society 狄德罗:人与社会
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002636
J. Brumfitt
Principal editor of the great Encyclopedia, novelist and prose writer of genius, contributor to the development of scientific thought and method, to the theory of the bourgeois drama and to the practice of art criticism, Diderot perhaps embodies the rich variety of the Enlightenment spirit more than any other man. His only real rival is surely Voltaire. Rousseau, whose influence was greater than Diderot's, would not thank us for classing him among the philosophes. The more profound philosophers - a Hume or a Kant - not only lack his range, but are less unquestionably ‘Enlightenment men’.
伟大的百科全书的主编,天才的小说家和散文作家,对科学思想和方法的发展,对资产阶级戏剧理论和艺术批评实践的贡献,狄德罗可能比任何其他人都更能体现丰富多样的启蒙精神。他唯一真正的对手无疑是伏尔泰。卢梭的影响比狄德罗还要大,他不会感谢我们把他归入哲学家之列。更深刻的哲学家——如休谟或康德——不仅缺乏他的视野,而且毫无疑问是“启蒙主义者”。
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引用次数: 1
Condorcet: Politics and Reason 孔多塞:《政治与理性
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0080443600002612
I. White
From the time of its clearest origins with Pascal, the theory of probabilities seemed to offer means by which the study of human affairs might be reduced to the same kind of mathematical discipline that was already being achieved in the study of nature. Condorcet is to a great extent merely representative of the philosophers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries who were led on by the prospect of developing moral and political sciences on the pattern of the natural sciences, specifically physics. The development of economics and the social sciences, from the eighteenth century onwards, may be said in part to have fulfilled and in a manner to have perpetuated these ambitions. In so far as the new sciences have been susceptible of mathematical treatment, this has not been confined to the calculus of probabilities. But there is a temptation at every stage to ascribe fundamental significance and universal applicability to each latest mathematical device that is strikingly useful or illuminating on its first introduction. It is the theory of games that enjoys this position at present, and shapes the common contemporary conception of the very same problems that preoccupied Condorcet.
从帕斯卡最清晰的起源开始,概率论似乎提供了一种方法,通过这种方法,对人类事务的研究可能会简化为与研究自然时已经实现的数学学科相同的数学学科。孔多塞在很大程度上只是17和18世纪哲学家的代表,他们被道德科学和政治科学的发展前景所引导,以自然科学,特别是物理学的模式为基础。从18世纪开始,经济学和社会科学的发展可以说部分地实现了这些雄心壮志,并在某种程度上延续了这些雄心壮志。就新科学容易受到数学处理而言,这并不局限于概率演算。但是,在每个阶段都有一种倾向,认为每一个最新的数学方法都具有基本意义和普遍适用性,因为它们在首次引入时非常有用或具有启发性。目前享有这一地位的是博弈论,它塑造了孔多塞对同样问题的共同当代观念。
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引用次数: 1
PHS volume 12 Cover and Back matter 小灵通卷12封面和背面的问题
Pub Date : 1978-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0080443600002545
A. Rogers, S. C. Brown, P. Winch
Foreward (S. C. Brown); The Empiricism of Locke and Newton (G. A. J. Rogers, University of Keele); Hume, Newton and 'the Hill called Difficulty' (Christine Battersby, University of Warwick); The 'Principle' of Natural Order: or What the Enlightened Sceptics did not doubt (S. C. Brown, Open University); Adam Smith: Philosophy, Science and Social Science (D. D. Raphael, University of London); Hume and the Scottish Enlightenment (Duncan Forbes, Cambridge University); Condorcet: Politics and Reason (Ian White, University of Cambridge); Hume as Moralist: a Social Historian's Perspective (Nicholas Phillipson, University of Edinburgh); Diderot: Man and Society (J. H. Brumfitt, University of St. Andrews); Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Philosopher of Nature (Ronald Grimsley, University of Bristol); Butler's Theory of Moral Judgement (R. A. Shiner, University of Alberta); Kant and the Sincere Fanatic (Bernard Harrison, University of Sussex); Index.
前轮(S. C. Brown);洛克和牛顿的经验主义(G. A. J. Rogers,美国基尔大学)休谟、牛顿和《困难之山》(克里斯汀·巴特斯比,华威大学);自然秩序的“原则”:或开明的怀疑论者所不怀疑的(S. C. Brown,开放大学)亚当·斯密:哲学、科学与社会科学(伦敦大学拉斐尔博士);休谟与苏格兰启蒙运动(邓肯·福布斯,剑桥大学);孔多塞:《政治与理性》(伊恩·怀特,剑桥大学);作为道德家的休谟:一个社会历史学家的视角(尼古拉斯·菲利普森,爱丁堡大学);《狄德罗:人与社会》(j·h·布鲁姆菲特,圣安德鲁斯大学);让-雅克·卢梭,自然哲学家(罗纳德·格里姆斯利,布里斯托大学);巴特勒的道德判断理论(r.a.夏纳,阿尔伯塔大学);康德与真诚的狂热者(伯纳德·哈里森,苏塞克斯大学);索引。
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引用次数: 0
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Royal Institute of Philosophy Lectures
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