Pub Date : 2022-09-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-408-418
M. Yakovlev
The Darknet is becoming an increasingly visible structural unit in the political sphere and at the same time remains a little-studied area of cyberspace. Therefore, the article aims to determine the conceptual prism for its consideration and its actual significance in the measurement of the political. With the help of comparative historical analysis, the study reveals the causes and time of the political birth of the Darknet, characterizes its resources and political role through system and content analysis, systematizes and clarifies the concepts of power and politics in the Network based on the provisions of R. Gel, M. Castels, K. Schmitt, etc. The author names the expansion of states (especially autocracies) in the digital space as the main factor in the politicization and transformation of the Darknet. The pressure of power and dominance systems aimed at maintaining sovereignty and control in cyberspace caused “digital resistance” of programmers and users seeking free data exchange and confidentiality, as well as civil activists who strived to avoid prosecution for dissent, which led to the renewed architecture and functionality of the Darknet, its transformation into an alternative space of informational interaction and a database to build up the opposition potential. Criminals also took advantage of the opportunities of the new network for their own purposes. The main result of the research is the thesis that the Darknet is being transformed into a special socio-technical system that is outside the sphere of international and state law, where all interactions are carried out exclusively through private agreements between clients, with an alternative world payment system based on cryptocurrencies.
{"title":"Darknet and the Political","authors":"M. Yakovlev","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-408-418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-408-418","url":null,"abstract":"The Darknet is becoming an increasingly visible structural unit in the political sphere and at the same time remains a little-studied area of cyberspace. Therefore, the article aims to determine the conceptual prism for its consideration and its actual significance in the measurement of the political. With the help of comparative historical analysis, the study reveals the causes and time of the political birth of the Darknet, characterizes its resources and political role through system and content analysis, systematizes and clarifies the concepts of power and politics in the Network based on the provisions of R. Gel, M. Castels, K. Schmitt, etc. The author names the expansion of states (especially autocracies) in the digital space as the main factor in the politicization and transformation of the Darknet. The pressure of power and dominance systems aimed at maintaining sovereignty and control in cyberspace caused “digital resistance” of programmers and users seeking free data exchange and confidentiality, as well as civil activists who strived to avoid prosecution for dissent, which led to the renewed architecture and functionality of the Darknet, its transformation into an alternative space of informational interaction and a database to build up the opposition potential. Criminals also took advantage of the opportunities of the new network for their own purposes. The main result of the research is the thesis that the Darknet is being transformed into a special socio-technical system that is outside the sphere of international and state law, where all interactions are carried out exclusively through private agreements between clients, with an alternative world payment system based on cryptocurrencies.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46221699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-339-350
S. Volodenkov
The guest editor of this issue, Sergey Volodenkov, is a recognized expert in digital political communications, manipulation and propaganda technologies in modern informational confrontations, public consciousness management, problems of national information security and hybrid wars. His editorial article presents this thematic issue dedicated to the phenomenon of digitalization of political processes and digital politics in general. The purpose of the issue is to demonstrate the achievements of Russian political scientists who develop their original approaches and work in collaboration with foreign academics in political communication studies and demonstrate the lines of the most rigorous research.
{"title":"Theorizing Digital Politics in Russian and Foreign Studies","authors":"S. Volodenkov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-339-350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-339-350","url":null,"abstract":"The guest editor of this issue, Sergey Volodenkov, is a recognized expert in digital political communications, manipulation and propaganda technologies in modern informational confrontations, public consciousness management, problems of national information security and hybrid wars. His editorial article presents this thematic issue dedicated to the phenomenon of digitalization of political processes and digital politics in general. The purpose of the issue is to demonstrate the achievements of Russian political scientists who develop their original approaches and work in collaboration with foreign academics in political communication studies and demonstrate the lines of the most rigorous research.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45205983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-545-561
E. Brodovskaya, R. Parma, Konstantiv A. Podrezov, M. Davydova
The article presents the results of an applied political research on the representation of the 2022 Kazakh events in the Russian segment of social media. The context of the study stems from the significant intersection of the Russian and Kazakh segments of social media and the mutual influence of political processes. Under the political mobilization of the mass protests in Kazakhstan, which turned into an attempted coup, the activities of Russian counterelites intensified in various regions of Russia. Using a hybrid research strategy combined with cognitive mapping and social media analysis the authors managed to identify dynamic, structural and substantive characteristics of the information representation of the Kazakh events in the Russian segment of the Internet. The authors concluded that the scale of the Kazakh protests allowed to draw the short-term interest of the Russian audience, mainly from the regions bordering Kazakhstan. The use of economic triggers (rising prices, inefficient social policy, etc.) led to the involvement of the adult audience in the discussions around the Kazakh events, while a significant part of youth and young adults was excluded from information flows around the events. The study revealed that the Russian opposition attempted to use manipulative “contamination” technology in order to extrapolate the political and economic discontent in Kazakhstan to the situation in Russia. At the same time, the greatest resonance in the Russian segment of users was caused directly by the participation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in the settlement, and not by the social and economic triggers that led to the events.
{"title":"Perception by Russian Social Media Users of Mass Protests During the Attempted Coup in Kazakhstan","authors":"E. Brodovskaya, R. Parma, Konstantiv A. Podrezov, M. Davydova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-545-561","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-545-561","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the results of an applied political research on the representation of the 2022 Kazakh events in the Russian segment of social media. The context of the study stems from the significant intersection of the Russian and Kazakh segments of social media and the mutual influence of political processes. Under the political mobilization of the mass protests in Kazakhstan, which turned into an attempted coup, the activities of Russian counterelites intensified in various regions of Russia. Using a hybrid research strategy combined with cognitive mapping and social media analysis the authors managed to identify dynamic, structural and substantive characteristics of the information representation of the Kazakh events in the Russian segment of the Internet. The authors concluded that the scale of the Kazakh protests allowed to draw the short-term interest of the Russian audience, mainly from the regions bordering Kazakhstan. The use of economic triggers (rising prices, inefficient social policy, etc.) led to the involvement of the adult audience in the discussions around the Kazakh events, while a significant part of youth and young adults was excluded from information flows around the events. The study revealed that the Russian opposition attempted to use manipulative “contamination” technology in order to extrapolate the political and economic discontent in Kazakhstan to the situation in Russia. At the same time, the greatest resonance in the Russian segment of users was caused directly by the participation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in the settlement, and not by the social and economic triggers that led to the events.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45971536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-317-330
Y. Belous, Andrei S. Tarasov
This article compares the positioning behaviour of parties and reveals why one party joins a coalition, while others do not. The cases of two regionalist parties of the UK and Spain are depicted: the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Basque National Party (BNP). The study is a contribution to the problems of positioning behaviour of parties in decentralised systems with strong regionalist elements and incentives of regionalist parties (RPs) to enter a coalition with state-wide parties (SWPs). Based on process tracing and comparative analysis of the main regionalist parties, electoral data, public statements, and media statements we conclude that the ideological proxi mity on the economic dimension of the parties, and the territorial dimension are of key importance in evaluating the coalition potential between SWPs and the RPs. Moreover, competition at the regional level creates incentives for RPs to enter a coalition with SWPs and there is no evident support for the minority government to be disposed to enter a coalition rather than a majority government.
{"title":"Coalition or Opposition? The Behaviour of Regionalist Parties in Multi-level Competition: The Cases of the Basque Country and Scotland","authors":"Y. Belous, Andrei S. Tarasov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-317-330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-317-330","url":null,"abstract":"This article compares the positioning behaviour of parties and reveals why one party joins a coalition, while others do not. The cases of two regionalist parties of the UK and Spain are depicted: the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Basque National Party (BNP). The study is a contribution to the problems of positioning behaviour of parties in decentralised systems with strong regionalist elements and incentives of regionalist parties (RPs) to enter a coalition with state-wide parties (SWPs). Based on process tracing and comparative analysis of the main regionalist parties, electoral data, public statements, and media statements we conclude that the ideological proxi mity on the economic dimension of the parties, and the territorial dimension are of key importance in evaluating the coalition potential between SWPs and the RPs. Moreover, competition at the regional level creates incentives for RPs to enter a coalition with SWPs and there is no evident support for the minority government to be disposed to enter a coalition rather than a majority government.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43131041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-183-186
Sergey A. Shein
The guest editor of this issue Sergey Shein, a recognized expert in European and British politics, conservative ideology, right-wing populism, and the role of traditional values, introduces the current issue of our journal and reflects on the stated topic - new nationalism - through the prism of approaches proposed at the 26th World Congress of the International Political Science Association. The editor defines the purpose of this issue as contributing to the scholarly discussion on the momentum of nationalist parties and movements in their various regional and national variations for world politics.
{"title":"World Politics and International Security Facing New Nationalism: Introducing the Issue","authors":"Sergey A. Shein","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-183-186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-183-186","url":null,"abstract":"The guest editor of this issue Sergey Shein, a recognized expert in European and British politics, conservative ideology, right-wing populism, and the role of traditional values, introduces the current issue of our journal and reflects on the stated topic - new nationalism - through the prism of approaches proposed at the 26th World Congress of the International Political Science Association. The editor defines the purpose of this issue as contributing to the scholarly discussion on the momentum of nationalist parties and movements in their various regional and national variations for world politics.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49225569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-247-267
Angelina A. Malashenkova, O. Kharitonova
The article considers the issue of populism in Latin American democracies and their evolution. The authors identify the factors leading to the electoral success of populist presidents in Latin American democracies. 13 cases were selected for research: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela. The authors formulated two hypotheses, according to which the probability of electoral success for populist presidents increases in case of low political participation rates, undeveloped civil society; in case of increasing levels of economic development, inequality and inflation. The dataset includes 377 country/year observations on 65 presidents from 1991 to 2019. The hypotheses were tested by logistic regression analysis. The independent variables for the electoral success of populist presidents were determined as the following: the level of civic participation, the level of the civil society development, political participation, economic inequality, and economic development. The quantitative analysis identified two variables with the most significant impact on the dependent variable, i.e., the civil society index and the level of GDP per capita. The article concludes that in the third-wave Latin American democracies high levels of civil participation and sustainable civil society can hinder the rise of populist leaders.
{"title":"Populist Presidents and Civil Society on Latin American Democracies","authors":"Angelina A. Malashenkova, O. Kharitonova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-247-267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-247-267","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the issue of populism in Latin American democracies and their evolution. The authors identify the factors leading to the electoral success of populist presidents in Latin American democracies. 13 cases were selected for research: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela. The authors formulated two hypotheses, according to which the probability of electoral success for populist presidents increases in case of low political participation rates, undeveloped civil society; in case of increasing levels of economic development, inequality and inflation. The dataset includes 377 country/year observations on 65 presidents from 1991 to 2019. The hypotheses were tested by logistic regression analysis. The independent variables for the electoral success of populist presidents were determined as the following: the level of civic participation, the level of the civil society development, political participation, economic inequality, and economic development. The quantitative analysis identified two variables with the most significant impact on the dependent variable, i.e., the civil society index and the level of GDP per capita. The article concludes that in the third-wave Latin American democracies high levels of civil participation and sustainable civil society can hinder the rise of populist leaders.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47318666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-234-246
I. Prokhorenko
The “Vox” party has turned into an influential actor of the European politics due to its electoral success; institutional and ideological adaptation to the country’s changing party landscape; attempts to create its own institutional, organizational, informational, and creative resources; as well as its policy of forming strong alliances with European and American rightwing conservative forces. Based on the spatial approach (categories of political space and political identity) and discourse-analysis, the author tries to comprehend the policy guidelines of “Vox”; determines the place of the party in the political system and the media sphere of Spain; defines the role that “Vox” plays in shaping the regional agenda of the EU. The study focuses on the political and institutional aspects of how “Vox” strengthens its relations with similar EU parties based on partisan and ideological identity, designing alternative projects of European integration, and establishing a new, ideologized format for the relations of Spain (and more broadly - the EU) and the Ibero-American countries. The author concludes about the structuring and the formal institutionalization of communications and political interactions between the far-right political elites which carries risks for the EU’s efforts to create a macropolitical identity and the metanarrative of memory, therefore, potentially leading to political divisions in the EU.
{"title":"Spanish Far-Right Party “Vox”: Its Role in Shaping of the EU Regional Agenda","authors":"I. Prokhorenko","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-234-246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-234-246","url":null,"abstract":"The “Vox” party has turned into an influential actor of the European politics due to its electoral success; institutional and ideological adaptation to the country’s changing party landscape; attempts to create its own institutional, organizational, informational, and creative resources; as well as its policy of forming strong alliances with European and American rightwing conservative forces. Based on the spatial approach (categories of political space and political identity) and discourse-analysis, the author tries to comprehend the policy guidelines of “Vox”; determines the place of the party in the political system and the media sphere of Spain; defines the role that “Vox” plays in shaping the regional agenda of the EU. The study focuses on the political and institutional aspects of how “Vox” strengthens its relations with similar EU parties based on partisan and ideological identity, designing alternative projects of European integration, and establishing a new, ideologized format for the relations of Spain (and more broadly - the EU) and the Ibero-American countries. The author concludes about the structuring and the formal institutionalization of communications and political interactions between the far-right political elites which carries risks for the EU’s efforts to create a macropolitical identity and the metanarrative of memory, therefore, potentially leading to political divisions in the EU.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41478452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-200-220
Sergey A. Shein, A. Alikin
The article attempts to reveal if it is possible to make a differentiated analysis of the global dimension of populism by systematizing foreign (mainly) and domestic studies. This allowed us to correlate the theoretical and comparative developments of research on populism, on the one hand, and the relevant, traditional problem areas of the international relations theory. This approach helped us to demonstrate both the existing and potential possibilities for a differentiated analysis of the global aspects of populism. The scientific novelty of the article lies in determining the possibilities of the academic field for the analysis of the foreign policy effects of populism. As a result of the study, the author concluded that the foreign policy positions and policies of populists derive from domestic politics and their opposition to traditional elites. Structural pressure (pressure of the international environment) and the adoption of the rules of the game after coming to power, even if the anti-elite discourse is maintained, make attempts to typify and classify populist foreign policy positions extremely complex and often unproductive.
{"title":"The Global Dimension of the “Populist Wave”: Possibilities for Differentiated Analysis","authors":"Sergey A. Shein, A. Alikin","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-200-220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-200-220","url":null,"abstract":"The article attempts to reveal if it is possible to make a differentiated analysis of the global dimension of populism by systematizing foreign (mainly) and domestic studies. This allowed us to correlate the theoretical and comparative developments of research on populism, on the one hand, and the relevant, traditional problem areas of the international relations theory. This approach helped us to demonstrate both the existing and potential possibilities for a differentiated analysis of the global aspects of populism. The scientific novelty of the article lies in determining the possibilities of the academic field for the analysis of the foreign policy effects of populism. As a result of the study, the author concluded that the foreign policy positions and policies of populists derive from domestic politics and their opposition to traditional elites. Structural pressure (pressure of the international environment) and the adoption of the rules of the game after coming to power, even if the anti-elite discourse is maintained, make attempts to typify and classify populist foreign policy positions extremely complex and often unproductive.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47754334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-268-278
D. Y. Meshcheryakov
There is an ongoing political debate on whether certain groups can be considered the electoral backbone of right-wing populist parties. On the one hand, it is argued that there is no concept of a “typical voter” for right-wing populists; on the other hand, some studies of election campaigns in different countries show that it is possible to define electoral support groups for such political parties based on the social, professional, and demographic characteristics. The cases of the “Alternative for Germany” and the “Austrian Freedom Party” analyzed in the article demonstrate that the latter statement is more likely to be true. Those support groups can be identified within the framework of the sociological theory of electoral behavior, as well as the theories of the losers of globalization by H. G. Betz and the cultural backlash of P. Norris and R. Inglehart, using the analysis of existing relevant statistics, mainly sociological surveys. The examples of Germany and Austria prove the assumptions that men, workers, people with no higher education and the unemployed are more likely to vote for right-wing populist parties.
关于某些团体是否可以被视为右翼民粹主义政党的选举中坚力量的政治争论正在进行。一方面，有人认为右翼民粹主义者没有“典型选民”的概念;另一方面，一些对不同国家选举活动的研究表明，可以根据社会、专业和人口特征来定义这些政党的选举支持团体。文中分析的“德国新选择党”和“奥地利自由党”的案例表明，后一种说法更有可能是正确的。这些支持团体可以在选举行为的社会学理论框架内，以及H. G. Betz的全球化输家理论和P. Norris和R. Inglehart的文化反弹理论中，利用现有的相关统计数据，主要是社会学调查的分析来确定。德国和奥地利的例子证明了一个假设，即男性、工人、没有受过高等教育的人和失业者更有可能投票给右翼民粹主义政党。
{"title":"The Main Electorate of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Europe: Cases of the Alternative for Germany and the Freedom Party of Austria","authors":"D. Y. Meshcheryakov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-268-278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-268-278","url":null,"abstract":"There is an ongoing political debate on whether certain groups can be considered the electoral backbone of right-wing populist parties. On the one hand, it is argued that there is no concept of a “typical voter” for right-wing populists; on the other hand, some studies of election campaigns in different countries show that it is possible to define electoral support groups for such political parties based on the social, professional, and demographic characteristics. The cases of the “Alternative for Germany” and the “Austrian Freedom Party” analyzed in the article demonstrate that the latter statement is more likely to be true. Those support groups can be identified within the framework of the sociological theory of electoral behavior, as well as the theories of the losers of globalization by H. G. Betz and the cultural backlash of P. Norris and R. Inglehart, using the analysis of existing relevant statistics, mainly sociological surveys. The examples of Germany and Austria prove the assumptions that men, workers, people with no higher education and the unemployed are more likely to vote for right-wing populist parties.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47065033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-303-316
N. Eremina
Ethno-regional parties play a vital role in the conflict between the center and the ethnic regions, which is relevant for all modern multiethnic EU states. The European integration allows these parties to participate in the regional policy of the EU (contributing to the decentralizing reforms in the member states), as well as to interact within Euroregions and on communitarian platforms, such as the European Parliament. This article aims to clarify if this ethno-regionalist faction is able to influence the integration processes in Europe, and to what extent. To achieve this goal, we need to answer the following questions: how can the ethno-regionalists be described from a theoretical point of view? What is the dynamic of their development within the European Parliament, considering the historical retrospective? What are their current ideological attitudes that allow them to maintain unity and achieve success? The article is based on the author’s concept of cultural-territorial differentiations, which points the correlation between the political ethno-regional movement and the existing ethnocultural features and historical territory. The author concludes that it was Europeanization that led to the strengthening of the ethno-regional movement in Europe as it made the question of the ethno-regional collective response relevant. Therefore, ethno-regionalists are an essential element of every political system at the national and supranational levels. At the same time, the historical evolution and experience of European regionalists prove that they cannot constitute an independent and autonomous political force at the supranational level as their cooperation depends on various legal and political circumstances occurring on the state level.
{"title":"Ethno-Regional Parties in the European Parliament: The Unevident Political Actor","authors":"N. Eremina","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-303-316","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-303-316","url":null,"abstract":"Ethno-regional parties play a vital role in the conflict between the center and the ethnic regions, which is relevant for all modern multiethnic EU states. The European integration allows these parties to participate in the regional policy of the EU (contributing to the decentralizing reforms in the member states), as well as to interact within Euroregions and on communitarian platforms, such as the European Parliament. This article aims to clarify if this ethno-regionalist faction is able to influence the integration processes in Europe, and to what extent. To achieve this goal, we need to answer the following questions: how can the ethno-regionalists be described from a theoretical point of view? What is the dynamic of their development within the European Parliament, considering the historical retrospective? What are their current ideological attitudes that allow them to maintain unity and achieve success? The article is based on the author’s concept of cultural-territorial differentiations, which points the correlation between the political ethno-regional movement and the existing ethnocultural features and historical territory. The author concludes that it was Europeanization that led to the strengthening of the ethno-regional movement in Europe as it made the question of the ethno-regional collective response relevant. Therefore, ethno-regionalists are an essential element of every political system at the national and supranational levels. At the same time, the historical evolution and experience of European regionalists prove that they cannot constitute an independent and autonomous political force at the supranational level as their cooperation depends on various legal and political circumstances occurring on the state level.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49381666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：