Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i2.1253
{"title":"The Papua Conflict: The Different Perspectives of The Indonesian Government and International Communities—Review from The English School Theory","authors":"","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i2.1253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i2.1253","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42644979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i2.1257
{"title":"SOLIDARITY FOR MYANMAR: #MILKTEAALLIANCE INDONESIA’S TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM IN PRESSURING THE GOVERNMENT OF INDONESIA AND ASEAN","authors":"","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i2.1257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i2.1257","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45114034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i1.668
Rizky Anggia Putri
Since the 1970s, marine debris pollution has been considered a global environmental problem because of the serious threat it poses. Based on 2010 data, the amount of marine debris pollution from the four ASEAN countries plus China has exceeded a quarter of the total global pollution. In 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular the 14th goal regarding life under water, were implemented to address this issue in the global realm. But regionally, ASEAN as the biggest pollutant has just formed the ASEAN Framework of Action on Marine Debris in 2019. The time lag is large considering the urgency to respond has emerged since 2010. Even since 2011, ASEAN countries have started research and individual handling efforts. Therefore, knowledge about this issue has emerged since the early 2010s. However, this knowledge does not necessarily get the attention of ASEAN to deal with it collectively. We see that there is an unexplained link between the emergence of urgency and knowledge regarding marine debris pollution in the early 2010s and the formation of the regime in 2019. In this paper, we attempt to analyze how this urgency and knowledge ultimately gained the attention of ASEAN and ultimately formed the regime. The analysis will be carried out using the Weak Cognitivism approach in Knowledge-based theory, focusing on the role of the epistemic community in creating shared knowledge as the key to the formation of an international regime.
{"title":"The Establishment of ASEAN Framework of Action on Marine Debris: The Role of Shared Knowledge","authors":"Rizky Anggia Putri","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i1.668","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i1.668","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1970s, marine debris pollution has been considered a global environmental problem because of the serious threat it poses. Based on 2010 data, the amount of marine debris pollution from the four ASEAN countries plus China has exceeded a quarter of the total global pollution. In 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular the 14th goal regarding life under water, were implemented to address this issue in the global realm. But regionally, ASEAN as the biggest pollutant has just formed the ASEAN Framework of Action on Marine Debris in 2019. The time lag is large considering the urgency to respond has emerged since 2010. Even since 2011, ASEAN countries have started research and individual handling efforts. Therefore, knowledge about this issue has emerged since the early 2010s. However, this knowledge does not necessarily get the attention of ASEAN to deal with it collectively. We see that there is an unexplained link between the emergence of urgency and knowledge regarding marine debris pollution in the early 2010s and the formation of the regime in 2019. In this paper, we attempt to analyze how this urgency and knowledge ultimately gained the attention of ASEAN and ultimately formed the regime. The analysis will be carried out using the Weak Cognitivism approach in Knowledge-based theory, focusing on the role of the epistemic community in creating shared knowledge as the key to the formation of an international regime.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45117185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i1.715
A. Tulga, Ahmet Yiğitalp
Technological developments in the last 20 years have affected people's daily lives and caused many innovations. The internet and social media are among the most important developments, and these developments have led to an increase in the speed of news and people's rapid access to information on various topics. However, progress in technology has also affected terrorist organisations. This effect has changed the methods, strategies, and visions of terrorist organisations. With these new methods and strategies, terrorist organisations could negatively affect the psychology of the people who are not directly affected by global terrorism. The best example of this is Taiwan. In this study, I focus on the impact of hard and soft terrorism on the Taiwanese. In this direction, I use the mixed-method approach in this study. I analyse the 7th wave of the World Values Survey with the Ordinary Least Square (OLS) regression method. Qualitative face-to-face interviews with Taiwanese will support the quantitative results.
{"title":"Are Taiwanese Afraid of Terrorism? The Impacts of Hard and Soft Terrorism on Taiwanese","authors":"A. Tulga, Ahmet Yiğitalp","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i1.715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i1.715","url":null,"abstract":"Technological developments in the last 20 years have affected people's daily lives and caused many innovations. The internet and social media are among the most important developments, and these developments have led to an increase in the speed of news and people's rapid access to information on various topics. However, progress in technology has also affected terrorist organisations. This effect has changed the methods, strategies, and visions of terrorist organisations. With these new methods and strategies, terrorist organisations could negatively affect the psychology of the people who are not directly affected by global terrorism. The best example of this is Taiwan. In this study, I focus on the impact of hard and soft terrorism on the Taiwanese. In this direction, I use the mixed-method approach in this study. I analyse the 7th wave of the World Values Survey with the Ordinary Least Square (OLS) regression method. Qualitative face-to-face interviews with Taiwanese will support the quantitative results.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45856693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i1.1245
Evie Fitriani
This article puts forward arguments to build a “Depok School” within the field of International Relations, as the paradigm for understanding the phenomenon of international relations is generally dominated by the perspective of powerful and wealthy Western countries. Through an analysis of empirical and theoretical developments in the study of International Relations, this paper examines the need for more non-Western perspectives. The mandate from the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia provides an axiological basis for a more suitable analytical framework that captures the unique phenomena of Indonesia and other developing countries, which is rarely seen through the lens of the West. To build the “Depok School”, the 5G and 3D ideas put forward by Juwono Sudarsono are an important starting point. His perspective emphasises links between five geographical (5G) scopes—local, provincial, national, regional, and global—and three dimensions (3D) of issues—political-security, economy, and social-culture—when analysing international and global phenomena.
{"title":"Developing Indonesian Perspectives in International Relations: The Argument For “Depok School”","authors":"Evie Fitriani","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i1.1245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i1.1245","url":null,"abstract":"This article puts forward arguments to build a “Depok School” within the field of International Relations, as the paradigm for understanding the phenomenon of international relations is generally dominated by the perspective of powerful and wealthy Western countries. Through an analysis of empirical and theoretical developments in the study of International Relations, this paper examines the need for more non-Western perspectives. The mandate from the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia provides an axiological basis for a more suitable analytical framework that captures the unique phenomena of Indonesia and other developing countries, which is rarely seen through the lens of the West. To build the “Depok School”, the 5G and 3D ideas put forward by Juwono Sudarsono are an important starting point. His perspective emphasises links between five geographical (5G) scopes—local, provincial, national, regional, and global—and three dimensions (3D) of issues—political-security, economy, and social-culture—when analysing international and global phenomena.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47136080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i1.699
Dwi Ardhanariswari Sundrijo
Norm of Multiculturalism deals with the acceptance and accommodation of differences in society. In the West, it is an approach that guarantees equal rights among white settlers, indigenous people, and the immigrants. It provides the idea that everyone can live together in harmony despite differences in their cultural background. Asian countries have different narratives of multiculturalism as – most of them were built upon heterogeneity, hence they were accustomed to living in diversity. By utilising qualitative research method, this paper presents a new conception of ‘circumscribed multiculturalism’ based on the practice of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika in Indonesia. Bhinneka Tunggal Ika is the country’s official slogan that describes the openness of the country to cultural differences, but with certain conditions that limit the openness. This article concludes that the circumscribed multiculturalism not only preserves Indonesia's national identity from the intervention of western and other external values but also withholds some traditional/local practices that might not be accepted by wider society.
{"title":"Bhinneka Tunggal Ika: Indonesia Circumscribed Norm Multiculturalism","authors":"Dwi Ardhanariswari Sundrijo","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i1.699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i1.699","url":null,"abstract":"Norm of Multiculturalism deals with the acceptance and accommodation of differences in society. In the West, it is an approach that guarantees equal rights among white settlers, indigenous people, and the immigrants. It provides the idea that everyone can live together in harmony despite differences in their cultural background. Asian countries have different narratives of multiculturalism as – most of them were built upon heterogeneity, hence they were accustomed to living in diversity. By utilising qualitative research method, this paper presents a new conception of ‘circumscribed multiculturalism’ based on the practice of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika in Indonesia. Bhinneka Tunggal Ika is the country’s official slogan that describes the openness of the country to cultural differences, but with certain conditions that limit the openness. This article concludes that the circumscribed multiculturalism not only preserves Indonesia's national identity from the intervention of western and other external values but also withholds some traditional/local practices that might not be accepted by wider society.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44946628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i1.706
Putu Shangrina Pramudia
This paper discusses the factors behind China's ambiguous stance on the issue of autonomous weapons and its relationship with China's rise. In 2016 at the United Nations on Certain Conventional Weapons (UN-CCW), China was the only Permanent Five (P5) country to call for the prohibition and importance of a binding protocol on autonomous weapons. Through its position paper, China stated that the characteristics of autonomous weapons are not in accordance with the principles of International Humanitarian Law (IHL), fears of an arms race, to the threat of war. However, in 2017 China issued the New Generation of AI Development Plan (AIDP), which became the basis for China's development of autonomous weapons. This action violates their commitment at the UN-CCW because, through AIDP, China has planned the use, development, and production of autonomous weapons. Using the framework of the technologically innovative imperative and the conception of strategic ambiguity, this paper argues that China's ambiguous stance is a strategic intention resulting from a response to technological lag and systemic barriers that China is currently facing. This paper concludes that China's ambiguous stance is; (1) aimed to maintain the consistency of China's Peaceful Rise; (2) dealing with technologically innovative imperatives dynamic; (3) helping China in achieving China's Dream to achieve a Great Power status.
{"title":"China's Strategic Ambiguity on the Issue of Autonomous Weapons Systems","authors":"Putu Shangrina Pramudia","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i1.706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i1.706","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the factors behind China's ambiguous stance on the issue of autonomous weapons and its relationship with China's rise. In 2016 at the United Nations on Certain Conventional Weapons (UN-CCW), China was the only Permanent Five (P5) country to call for the prohibition and importance of a binding protocol on autonomous weapons. Through its position paper, China stated that the characteristics of autonomous weapons are not in accordance with the principles of International Humanitarian Law (IHL), fears of an arms race, to the threat of war. However, in 2017 China issued the New Generation of AI Development Plan (AIDP), which became the basis for China's development of autonomous weapons. This action violates their commitment at the UN-CCW because, through AIDP, China has planned the use, development, and production of autonomous weapons. Using the framework of the technologically innovative imperative and the conception of strategic ambiguity, this paper argues that China's ambiguous stance is a strategic intention resulting from a response to technological lag and systemic barriers that China is currently facing. This paper concludes that China's ambiguous stance is; (1) aimed to maintain the consistency of China's Peaceful Rise; (2) dealing with technologically innovative imperatives dynamic; (3) helping China in achieving China's Dream to achieve a Great Power status.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42379828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i1.667
A. Jaknanihan
The concept of “Indo-Pacific” has been increasingly adopted in foreign policies during the past few years. Despite its multifaceted nature, China has consistently rejected the use of the Indo-Pacific concept in its official policy. Beijing’s attitude was reflected in Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s remarks that dismissed the Indo-Pacific as a “come-back of Cold War mentality” and “retrogression of history.” This study explains why China renounced the Indo-Pacific concept despite the increasing inclusion in defining the region. By employing realist constructivism theory, this paper finds that the prevalence of containment and anti-China narrative engenders Beijing’s threat perception to the concept. The dominant narratives in China’s regional strategy, such as “community of common destiny,” also affect how the country treats the Indo-Pacific as a Western-centric concept, aimed to limit China’s influence. Beyond seeking inclusion from the Indo-Pacific conception, China advances its own vision to the region. China’s vision is projected through the Belt and Road Initiatives and various concepts to shape regional order in Beijing's preference.
{"title":"Beyond Inclusion: Explaining China's Rejection on the Indo-Pacific Regional Construct","authors":"A. Jaknanihan","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i1.667","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i1.667","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of “Indo-Pacific” has been increasingly adopted in foreign policies during the past few years. Despite its multifaceted nature, China has consistently rejected the use of the Indo-Pacific concept in its official policy. Beijing’s attitude was reflected in Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s remarks that dismissed the Indo-Pacific as a “come-back of Cold War mentality” and “retrogression of history.” This study explains why China renounced the Indo-Pacific concept despite the increasing inclusion in defining the region. By employing realist constructivism theory, this paper finds that the prevalence of containment and anti-China narrative engenders Beijing’s threat perception to the concept. The dominant narratives in China’s regional strategy, such as “community of common destiny,” also affect how the country treats the Indo-Pacific as a Western-centric concept, aimed to limit China’s influence. Beyond seeking inclusion from the Indo-Pacific conception, China advances its own vision to the region. China’s vision is projected through the Belt and Road Initiatives and various concepts to shape regional order in Beijing's preference.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46642736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.7454/global.v24i1.684
Azza Bimantara, Kata Kunci
The international community encourages states to embrace the international cooperation to support and assist each other in reducing risks stemming from the digital divide. However, they cannot agree upon how international norms apply to cyberspace, let alone shaping and regulating international cybersecurity capacity building (CCB) assistance. States use international CCB assistance to impose cyber-norms based on their perceptions. It results in different forms of assistance provided by each donor country. Using social constructivism theory and the CCB concept as international assistance, this paper compares the practice of CCB assistance from two donor countries: Japan and South Korea. It emphasises the role of each donor country’s normative structure in shaping their identities, roles, interests, and behaviours in international CCB assistance. Japan’s international cybersecurity cooperation normative structure shapes Japan’s identities and roles that prioritise security-dominant normative and material interests. Meanwhile, South Korea’s developmental focus constructs the country’s identities and roles that shape developmental normative and material interests. This research finds that Japan’s assistance is highly security-oriented while South Korea’s is less security-oriented. Their differences highlight the fragmentation of global cyber-norms caused by different perception processes.
{"title":"The Normative Enactment of International Cybersecurity Capacity Building Assistance: A Comparative Analysis on Japanese and South Korean Practices","authors":"Azza Bimantara, Kata Kunci","doi":"10.7454/global.v24i1.684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v24i1.684","url":null,"abstract":"The international community encourages states to embrace the international cooperation to support and assist each other in reducing risks stemming from the digital divide. However, they cannot agree upon how international norms apply to cyberspace, let alone shaping and regulating international cybersecurity capacity building (CCB) assistance. States use international CCB assistance to impose cyber-norms based on their perceptions. It results in different forms of assistance provided by each donor country. Using social constructivism theory and the CCB concept as international assistance, this paper compares the practice of CCB assistance from two donor countries: Japan and South Korea. It emphasises the role of each donor country’s normative structure in shaping their identities, roles, interests, and behaviours in international CCB assistance. Japan’s international cybersecurity cooperation normative structure shapes Japan’s identities and roles that prioritise security-dominant normative and material interests. Meanwhile, South Korea’s developmental focus constructs the country’s identities and roles that shape developmental normative and material interests. This research finds that Japan’s assistance is highly security-oriented while South Korea’s is less security-oriented. Their differences highlight the fragmentation of global cyber-norms caused by different perception processes.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44428809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.7454/global.v23i2.645
Ghina Salsabila, I. Kusumawardhana
China is experiencing a fast and dynamic phase of economic development driven by its fast pace of industrialisation. The vast energy demand has pushed China to import energy from other countries with plentiful natural resources. To this aim, China conducts economic diplomacy worldwide, including Angola, a country with plentiful natural resources in Africa. The main concern of this research is China's economic diplomacy which is considered as a form of neocolonialism in this globalisation era. Therefore, the research question of this research is why China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation. To this aim, this study utilises the Neocolonialism theory in dissecting China's Economic Diplomacy against Angola. This study uses qualitative method with a case study approach using secondary data. Thus, the basis for this research is the author's interpretation. This research concludes that China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation since the economic means that China exerts on Angola enables China to indirectly control Angola's politics, economy and natural resources, which in turn leads to Angola's dependence on China.
{"title":"Cave! Hic Dragones: Understanding Neocolonialism in China’s Economic Diplomacy towards Angola","authors":"Ghina Salsabila, I. Kusumawardhana","doi":"10.7454/global.v23i2.645","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v23i2.645","url":null,"abstract":"China is experiencing a fast and dynamic phase of economic development driven by its fast pace of industrialisation. The vast energy demand has pushed China to import energy from other countries with plentiful natural resources. To this aim, China conducts economic diplomacy worldwide, including Angola, a country with plentiful natural resources in Africa. The main concern of this research is China's economic diplomacy which is considered as a form of neocolonialism in this globalisation era. Therefore, the research question of this research is why China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation. To this aim, this study utilises the Neocolonialism theory in dissecting China's Economic Diplomacy against Angola. This study uses qualitative method with a case study approach using secondary data. Thus, the basis for this research is the author's interpretation. This research concludes that China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation since the economic means that China exerts on Angola enables China to indirectly control Angola's politics, economy and natural resources, which in turn leads to Angola's dependence on China.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45428251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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