After the end of the Cold War, the idea of peacebuilding has been central to the main narrative within the study of international peace. For a significant period, the narrative was dominated by liberal and secular approaches which put state as the primary actor in peacebuilding processes. Nevertheless, many cases show that non-state actors, in particular faith-based transnational actors, might have contributed significantly to the conflict transformation mechanism through their faith-based peacebuilding activities. This article explores the modification that Rüland, von Lübke, and Baumann have made on Lederach’s concept on peacebuilding, which categorises peacebuilding processes into two dimensions: conflict evolution and crisis intervention. The first dimension of conflict evolution focuses on the identification of the root causes of the conflict and its development, while the second dimension is more concerned with the management of conflict and its transformation, as well as its impacts to the peace establishment process in certain areas. Referring to the Indonesian Nahdlatul Ulama’s involvement in the Afghanistan peacebuilding process, this article shows how the model offered by Rüland, von Lübke, and Baumann can well explain the opportunity transnational non-state actors have to contribute significantly to promote the establishment of peace in conflict areas.
{"title":"Faith-Based Transnational Actors and Peacebuilding: An Analysis of the Role Of Nahdlatul Ulama in Afghanistan’s Peace Process","authors":"Irvan Aladip Mahfudin, Dwi Ardhanariswari Sundrijo","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.582","url":null,"abstract":"After the end of the Cold War, the idea of peacebuilding has been central to the main narrative within the study of international peace. For a significant period, the narrative was dominated by liberal and secular approaches which put state as the primary actor in peacebuilding processes. Nevertheless, many cases show that non-state actors, in particular faith-based transnational actors, might have contributed significantly to the conflict transformation mechanism through their faith-based peacebuilding activities. This article explores the modification that Rüland, von Lübke, and Baumann have made on Lederach’s concept on peacebuilding, which categorises peacebuilding processes into two dimensions: conflict evolution and crisis intervention. The first dimension of conflict evolution focuses on the identification of the root causes of the conflict and its development, while the second dimension is more concerned with the management of conflict and its transformation, as well as its impacts to the peace establishment process in certain areas. Referring to the Indonesian Nahdlatul Ulama’s involvement in the Afghanistan peacebuilding process, this article shows how the model offered by Rüland, von Lübke, and Baumann can well explain the opportunity transnational non-state actors have to contribute significantly to promote the establishment of peace in conflict areas.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43634769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-09DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.489
Melly Masni
The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) is highly appreciated for its ability to stop further nuclear proliferation in the world. Since its existence, this treaty has been said to be successful in preventing potential states from possessing weapons of mass destruction. At least, there are more than 40 states who have the capability to develop their own nuclear programmes, although such programmes are restrained from coming to fruition. However, this successful story has not taken place in the area of nuclear disarmament. None of its nuclear weapon-owning members seem to proceed with realising a full disarmament aim. This raises the question of why the NPT is unable to achieve success in the field of nuclear disarmament as it has in the field of nuclear non-proliferation. The NPT does not only contain the idea of nuclear non-proliferation, but also the idea of nuclear disarmament. In understanding this question, using a political psychology approach, this study finds that nuclear-weapon states face the so-called moral dilemma between the desire to achieve national interests and the desire to fulfil social demands required by the international norm. By taking advantage of the shortcomings in the NPT narrative as well as relevant world situations, these states attempt to be exempted from dismantling nuclear weapons under their possession.
{"title":"Norm Exemption in States’ NPT Nuclear Disarmament Obligations","authors":"Melly Masni","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.489","url":null,"abstract":"The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) is highly appreciated for its ability to stop further nuclear proliferation in the world. Since its existence, this treaty has been said to be successful in preventing potential states from possessing weapons of mass destruction. At least, there are more than 40 states who have the capability to develop their own nuclear programmes, although such programmes are restrained from coming to fruition. However, this successful story has not taken place in the area of nuclear disarmament. None of its nuclear weapon-owning members seem to proceed with realising a full disarmament aim. This raises the question of why the NPT is unable to achieve success in the field of nuclear disarmament as it has in the field of nuclear non-proliferation. The NPT does not only contain the idea of nuclear non-proliferation, but also the idea of nuclear disarmament. In understanding this question, using a political psychology approach, this study finds that nuclear-weapon states face the so-called moral dilemma between the desire to achieve national interests and the desire to fulfil social demands required by the international norm. By taking advantage of the shortcomings in the NPT narrative as well as relevant world situations, these states attempt to be exempted from dismantling nuclear weapons under their possession.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41341163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-09DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.522
Idil Syawfi, Robby Cahyadi
This paper aims to explain the advent of the 2008 Russo-Georgian war. It is an important question to answer due to the historical, cultural, and economic relations between the two states, as well as Russia’s aspiration as a benign hegemon should have prevented the war from happening. The fact that two closely related ex-Soviet states went to war against each other points to a fundamental problem in their relationship that could happen to other states with similar preconditions, such as Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Moldova, and more. In order to address this issue, Wendtian Constructivism is used to analyse the social interaction, key events, and the culture of anarchy that led to open warfare. This paper mainly relies on official documents and previous research as the primary sources, using news and media coverage to validate truths and opinions on key events. Based on that, this paper finds that: 1) social interaction between the two states was consistent with the Hobbesian culture of anarchy; 2) Russia’s aspiration as a benign hegemon failed to reproduce itself due to rejection from Georgia and their success in balancing Russia with the U.S., giving Georgia the capabilities to resist Russian narratives; 3) Georgia’s confrontative behaviours led to reciprocal actions from Russia, and; 4) the Georgian offensive on Tskhinvali was the trigger that confirmed the suspicions from both sides, making both countries decision to be based on the logic of enmity.
{"title":"Russia’s Failure as a Benign Hegemon: The Domination of Hobbesian Culture in the 2008 Russo-Georgian War","authors":"Idil Syawfi, Robby Cahyadi","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.522","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explain the advent of the 2008 Russo-Georgian war. It is an important question to answer due to the historical, cultural, and economic relations between the two states, as well as Russia’s aspiration as a benign hegemon should have prevented the war from happening. The fact that two closely related ex-Soviet states went to war against each other points to a fundamental problem in their relationship that could happen to other states with similar preconditions, such as Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Moldova, and more. In order to address this issue, Wendtian Constructivism is used to analyse the social interaction, key events, and the culture of anarchy that led to open warfare. This paper mainly relies on official documents and previous research as the primary sources, using news and media coverage to validate truths and opinions on key events. Based on that, this paper finds that: 1) social interaction between the two states was consistent with the Hobbesian culture of anarchy; 2) Russia’s aspiration as a benign hegemon failed to reproduce itself due to rejection from Georgia and their success in balancing Russia with the U.S., giving Georgia the capabilities to resist Russian narratives; 3) Georgia’s confrontative behaviours led to reciprocal actions from Russia, and; 4) the Georgian offensive on Tskhinvali was the trigger that confirmed the suspicions from both sides, making both countries decision to be based on the logic of enmity.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48501789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-09DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.515
Mirah Satria Alamsyah, M. Alfian, Miftah Farid Darussalam
This paper frames the approach to determining policies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which either prioritise human health security protection or economic vulnerability. In this paper, the human security concept will be used to explain COVID-19 as a health security problem due to the existence of an existential threat. However, the same approach is not applicable in looking at COVID-19 as an economic security problem. Because the existential threat is less visible in human economic security aspects, it tends to be more appropriate to look at COVID-19 as the stressor that strengthens human vulnerabilities. This paper uses a qualitative descriptive approach by using the conceptual framework to analyse news, reports, books, and academic journals as the sources of data. The writers analyse and group the data by types of security, as well as based upon the root causes that contribute to human vulnerability, then compare both sectors. This paper argues that in the pandemic situation, human health is threatened, whereas the economy is at a vulnerable position due to COVID-19. This paper also argues that COVID-19 has not yet threatened human economic security in the early stage, but soon, it will. As a result, stakeholders need to prioritise policies based on the human health security approach.
{"title":"Human Health Threat and Economic Vulnerability: A Case Study on the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Mirah Satria Alamsyah, M. Alfian, Miftah Farid Darussalam","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.515","url":null,"abstract":"This paper frames the approach to determining policies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which either prioritise human health security protection or economic vulnerability. In this paper, the human security concept will be used to explain COVID-19 as a health security problem due to the existence of an existential threat. However, the same approach is not applicable in looking at COVID-19 as an economic security problem. Because the existential threat is less visible in human economic security aspects, it tends to be more appropriate to look at COVID-19 as the stressor that strengthens human vulnerabilities. This paper uses a qualitative descriptive approach by using the conceptual framework to analyse news, reports, books, and academic journals as the sources of data. The writers analyse and group the data by types of security, as well as based upon the root causes that contribute to human vulnerability, then compare both sectors. This paper argues that in the pandemic situation, human health is threatened, whereas the economy is at a vulnerable position due to COVID-19. This paper also argues that COVID-19 has not yet threatened human economic security in the early stage, but soon, it will. As a result, stakeholders need to prioritise policies based on the human health security approach.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41434851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i2.475
Fabian Nur Farizan, Dudy Heryadi
This article aims to understand and analyse Indonesia's involvement in ensuring peace, especially in peacebuilding efforts in Afghanistan. Indonesia’s commitment to improve its peace efforts in Afghanistan was expressed by President Joko Widodo during his visit to Kabul in 2018. This research used Lederach’s pyramid model of peacebuilding as the primary analysis tool. Lederach’s pyramid model identifies three approaches to peacebuilding, along with the main actors in the population affected by the conflict—namely top leadership, middle range leadership, and grass-root leadership. The results of the study show that Indonesia's involvement in Afghanistan in peace efforts has been carried out at all levels. Indonesia's peacebuilding efforts at the top level are focused on achieving Intra-Afghan Talks. At the middle range level, Indonesia runs capacity building programs and uses a religious approach through ulama. Furthermore, at the grassroots level, Indonesia focuses on empowering Afghan women as peace agents. The presence of Indonesia in all three approaches to Peacebuilding shows a positive mark for the overall Afghan peace process.
{"title":"Indonesia's Involvement in the Afghanistan Peacebuilding Process","authors":"Fabian Nur Farizan, Dudy Heryadi","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i2.475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.475","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to understand and analyse Indonesia's involvement in ensuring peace, especially in peacebuilding efforts in Afghanistan. Indonesia’s commitment to improve its peace efforts in Afghanistan was expressed by President Joko Widodo during his visit to Kabul in 2018. This research used Lederach’s pyramid model of peacebuilding as the primary analysis tool. Lederach’s pyramid model identifies three approaches to peacebuilding, along with the main actors in the population affected by the conflict—namely top leadership, middle range leadership, and grass-root leadership. The results of the study show that Indonesia's involvement in Afghanistan in peace efforts has been carried out at all levels. Indonesia's peacebuilding efforts at the top level are focused on achieving Intra-Afghan Talks. At the middle range level, Indonesia runs capacity building programs and uses a religious approach through ulama. Furthermore, at the grassroots level, Indonesia focuses on empowering Afghan women as peace agents. The presence of Indonesia in all three approaches to Peacebuilding shows a positive mark for the overall Afghan peace process.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" February","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41251565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i2.422
Najamuddin Khairur Rijal
This study examines the role of global civil society at the local level in climate change mitigation. Climate change issue is one of the global issues that is responded at the local level, as the impact of the problem concerns the universal livelihood of the world’s population. This study focuses on Earth Hour’s activities in the Malang region as a part of a global civil society. This research uses global civil society and its role in environmental governance as the analytical framework. The data are collected through documentation studies and interviews. The results show that Earth Hour Malang’s activities have three important roles in climate change mitigation efforts, namely information-based role, providing policy inputs to the government, and performing operational functions.
{"title":"The Role of Global Civil Society at the Local Level in Climate Change Mitigation: A Case Study of Earth Hour’s Activities in Malang","authors":"Najamuddin Khairur Rijal","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i2.422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.422","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the role of global civil society at the local level in climate change mitigation. Climate change issue is one of the global issues that is responded at the local level, as the impact of the problem concerns the universal livelihood of the world’s population. This study focuses on Earth Hour’s activities in the Malang region as a part of a global civil society. This research uses global civil society and its role in environmental governance as the analytical framework. The data are collected through documentation studies and interviews. The results show that Earth Hour Malang’s activities have three important roles in climate change mitigation efforts, namely information-based role, providing policy inputs to the government, and performing operational functions.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42148105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i2.485
Ignatius Hubert, W. Dermawan, Akim Akim
This article seeks to analyse how Catalan identity, within the context of its conflict with the Spanish government, contributes to its foreign relations with the global public through paradiplomacy. This article uses qualitative research method with literature study. It finds that Catalonia, as one of Spain’s autonomous regions, have a distinct history, language, and culture from other Spanish regions. To protect their identity, there have been an emergence of movement for greater Catalan autonomy, even independence. This conflict reached climax on 1 October 2017 when the Catalan government initiated an independence referendum amongst Catalan people, with the majority voted for independence from Spain. Since then, the Catalan independence movement has faced many changes until now, with one of the moves done by Catalonia to seek support from global public through their paradiplomacy. As such, it is worth noting how paradiplomacy done by the Catalan government was an effort to protect the existence of their identity, which increases the complication and dynamics of Catalan and Spanish governments’ internal conflict. Findings from this study may show important implications for the resolution of similar internal conflicts, especially those involving identity and paradiplomacy.
{"title":"Catalan Identity and Paradiplomacy Strategy in Catalonia’s Independence Movement","authors":"Ignatius Hubert, W. Dermawan, Akim Akim","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i2.485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.485","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to analyse how Catalan identity, within the context of its conflict with the Spanish government, contributes to its foreign relations with the global public through paradiplomacy. This article uses qualitative research method with literature study. It finds that Catalonia, as one of Spain’s autonomous regions, have a distinct history, language, and culture from other Spanish regions. To protect their identity, there have been an emergence of movement for greater Catalan autonomy, even independence. This conflict reached climax on 1 October 2017 when the Catalan government initiated an independence referendum amongst Catalan people, with the majority voted for independence from Spain. Since then, the Catalan independence movement has faced many changes until now, with one of the moves done by Catalonia to seek support from global public through their paradiplomacy. As such, it is worth noting how paradiplomacy done by the Catalan government was an effort to protect the existence of their identity, which increases the complication and dynamics of Catalan and Spanish governments’ internal conflict. Findings from this study may show important implications for the resolution of similar internal conflicts, especially those involving identity and paradiplomacy.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43834728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i2.516
Petrus Putut Pradhopo Wening
Frente Farabundo Martí Para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was a Marxist guerrilla group, known for its activities in the 1980s and 1990s to seize El Salvador’s government through war. Post-peace accords, FMLN transformed into an electoral political party and successfully won to lead the government of El Salvador in 2009-2019, but then they compromised their economic policies to suit neoliberalism. This article uses Gill and Law’s conceptualisation of the theory of direct and structural power of capital to explain the causes of FMLN’s neoliberalism-compromising economic policy adjustment in 2009-2019. This article finds that El Salvador’s social and political-economy historical dynamics, which were dominated by the bourgeoisie class since Spain’s colonisation, strengthened transnational capitalists and enabled them to directly penetrate El Salvador’s economy by forming and intervening in political parties, along with dominating the bureaucracy. The combination of these factors caused transnational capitalists to encourage neoliberal reforms which supported the development of the structural power: deindustrialisation, deagrarianisation, and decapitalisation; El Salvador’s economic dependency; dollarisation; and the hegemony of neoliberalism discourses. This article argues that FMLN regime’s economic moderation is caused by the El Salvador bourgeoisies’ strengthened position after neoliberal reforms, allowing them to determine FMLN’s policies through their direct and structural power.
{"title":"The Moderation of Frente Farabundo Martí Para La Liberación Nacional’s Economic Orientation in El Salvador, 2009-2019","authors":"Petrus Putut Pradhopo Wening","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i2.516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.516","url":null,"abstract":"Frente Farabundo Martí Para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was a Marxist guerrilla group, known for its activities in the 1980s and 1990s to seize El Salvador’s government through war. Post-peace accords, FMLN transformed into an electoral political party and successfully won to lead the government of El Salvador in 2009-2019, but then they compromised their economic policies to suit neoliberalism. This article uses Gill and Law’s conceptualisation of the theory of direct and structural power of capital to explain the causes of FMLN’s neoliberalism-compromising economic policy adjustment in 2009-2019. This article finds that El Salvador’s social and political-economy historical dynamics, which were dominated by the bourgeoisie class since Spain’s colonisation, strengthened transnational capitalists and enabled them to directly penetrate El Salvador’s economy by forming and intervening in political parties, along with dominating the bureaucracy. The combination of these factors caused transnational capitalists to encourage neoliberal reforms which supported the development of the structural power: deindustrialisation, deagrarianisation, and decapitalisation; El Salvador’s economic dependency; dollarisation; and the hegemony of neoliberalism discourses. This article argues that FMLN regime’s economic moderation is caused by the El Salvador bourgeoisies’ strengthened position after neoliberal reforms, allowing them to determine FMLN’s policies through their direct and structural power.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48358432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i2.430
Ikhwan Rahmatika Latif, D. Mutiarin, Achmad Nurmandi, Jusuf Kalla
This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.
{"title":"The Quality of Peace in Post-Conflict Situation: A Comparative Study Between Armed Conflicts in Aceh and Bangsamoro","authors":"Ikhwan Rahmatika Latif, D. Mutiarin, Achmad Nurmandi, Jusuf Kalla","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i2.430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.430","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42867046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i2.492
P. M. E. Killian
The purpose of this article is to examine the various FTAs that Indonesia has been involved in within the last 15 years by looking at the three core elements of trade diplomacy: actors, processes, and goals of FTAs. Based on these elements, this research finds that Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be dominated by foreign policy interests compared to economic ones, which can be observed through several elements. First, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy is dominated by state actors and foreign policy players with little involvement from economic players and non-state actors. The numerous FTAs signed through ASEAN also reinforced this domination since ASEAN’s distribution of authority placed foreign policy players at a higher hierarchy than trade actors. Second, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be inefficient and ineffective due to dualism in its diplomatic process, which involves collective negotiations through ASEAN and at the same time, individually through the national government. This resulted in a multiplicity of agreements, leading to the low number of FTA utilisation by private sectors. Third, Indonesia’s continued use of ASEAN as a medium for FTA negotiations leads to the strengthening of foreign policy goals relative to economic ones, due to ASEAN’s internal characteristics which focuses more on political-security relations, rather than economic ones. Based on these observations, Indonesia needs to reposition its FTA diplomacy to find a better balance between its foreign policy and trade goals.
{"title":"Indonesia’s Trade Diplomacy Through FTA: Analysis on Actors, Processes, and Goals of Diplomacy","authors":"P. M. E. Killian","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i2.492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.492","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to examine the various FTAs that Indonesia has been involved in within the last 15 years by looking at the three core elements of trade diplomacy: actors, processes, and goals of FTAs. Based on these elements, this research finds that Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be dominated by foreign policy interests compared to economic ones, which can be observed through several elements. First, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy is dominated by state actors and foreign policy players with little involvement from economic players and non-state actors. The numerous FTAs signed through ASEAN also reinforced this domination since ASEAN’s distribution of authority placed foreign policy players at a higher hierarchy than trade actors. Second, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be inefficient and ineffective due to dualism in its diplomatic process, which involves collective negotiations through ASEAN and at the same time, individually through the national government. This resulted in a multiplicity of agreements, leading to the low number of FTA utilisation by private sectors. Third, Indonesia’s continued use of ASEAN as a medium for FTA negotiations leads to the strengthening of foreign policy goals relative to economic ones, due to ASEAN’s internal characteristics which focuses more on political-security relations, rather than economic ones. Based on these observations, Indonesia needs to reposition its FTA diplomacy to find a better balance between its foreign policy and trade goals.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43515635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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