Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.7454/global.v21i2.404
A. Kartikasari
This paper discusses the image of Indonesia in the eyes of China on the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. China circulated the map of Nine-dotted lines in 1993 and since then China has behaved ambiguously towards Indonesia as the dotted lines encompasses some part of Indonesia’s North Natuna waters. China insists two countries have overlapping interests over some of Indonesia’s Natuna Exclusive Economic Zone which China claims as it traditional fishing ground. China, however recognizes Indonesia’s sovereignty over the Natuna Islands and has been cautious when dealing with Indonesia on the Natuna issue. This behavior continues until the last three incidents occurred in Natuna waters in 2016. Although there are many studies on the South China Sea dispute and China’s policy towards Indonesia, few if any of them discuss specifically on China’s perspective towards Indonesia. Adopting image theory as an analytical framework, this paper figures Indonesia’s image on the eyes of China, which then shaped China’s perception toward Indonesia on SCS dispute. The main argument in this paper is China captures Indonesia’s image as an ally image. In this image, Indonesia is seen as an actor who can work together, has similar capabilities and cultural dimensions with China.
{"title":"Indonesia’s Image from China’s Perspective on South China Sea Dispute (A Preliminary Study on China’s Perception on Indonesia)","authors":"A. Kartikasari","doi":"10.7454/global.v21i2.404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.404","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the image of Indonesia in the eyes of China on the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. China circulated the map of Nine-dotted lines in 1993 and since then China has behaved ambiguously towards Indonesia as the dotted lines encompasses some part of Indonesia’s North Natuna waters. China insists two countries have overlapping interests over some of Indonesia’s Natuna Exclusive Economic Zone which China claims as it traditional fishing ground. China, however recognizes Indonesia’s sovereignty over the Natuna Islands and has been cautious when dealing with Indonesia on the Natuna issue. This behavior continues until the last three incidents occurred in Natuna waters in 2016. Although there are many studies on the South China Sea dispute and China’s policy towards Indonesia, few if any of them discuss specifically on China’s perspective towards Indonesia. Adopting image theory as an analytical framework, this paper figures Indonesia’s image on the eyes of China, which then shaped China’s perception toward Indonesia on SCS dispute. The main argument in this paper is China captures Indonesia’s image as an ally image. In this image, Indonesia is seen as an actor who can work together, has similar capabilities and cultural dimensions with China.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48847358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.7454/global.v21i2.398
Elistania Elistania, Farandy Nurmeiga, Agung Permadi
The European Union is an example of regional cooperations that represents regional identity. In the midst of the process of integration and expansion of membership, the European Union has an interest in building good relations with non-member countries in the immediate region, including the Mediterranean. The process of establishing cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries continues to change. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995 was the place for regional cooperation with most member countries and had a well-structured pillar of cooperation. However, the two entities re-formed a new cooperative platform, The Union for Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. This study aims to explain why the European Union and Mediterranean countries changed the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) into The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. Using the theory building approach in the Alex Warleigh-Lack regionalism concept, the findings in the research resulted in an answer that EMP has negative values that are not in accordance with the development of the issue so that it becomes a reason for the formation of UfM.
{"title":"Strategy To Strengthen Cooperation Between The European Union And The Mediterranean Countries Through The Union For Mediterranean (UfM)","authors":"Elistania Elistania, Farandy Nurmeiga, Agung Permadi","doi":"10.7454/global.v21i2.398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.398","url":null,"abstract":" The European Union is an example of regional cooperations that represents regional identity. In the midst of the process of integration and expansion of membership, the European Union has an interest in building good relations with non-member countries in the immediate region, including the Mediterranean. The process of establishing cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries continues to change. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995 was the place for regional cooperation with most member countries and had a well-structured pillar of cooperation. However, the two entities re-formed a new cooperative platform, The Union for Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. This study aims to explain why the European Union and Mediterranean countries changed the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) into The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. Using the theory building approach in the Alex Warleigh-Lack regionalism concept, the findings in the research resulted in an answer that EMP has negative values that are not in accordance with the development of the issue so that it becomes a reason for the formation of UfM. ","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45226838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.7454/global.v21i2.412
Abid Adonis
The idea of digital sovereignty in the last twenty years increasingly reifies into chiefly policy making debates as the reaction of China’s determined activism on internet governance, Snowden’s case, and increasingly big internet corporations’ unchecked endeavors. International actors’ growing concerns on security, economy, data protection, and socio-political issues invoke new discourses on digital sovereignty since it bears global political consequences by nature. This stimulates recent intellectual debate in academic literature on how digital sovereignty affects (or be affected by) international politics. This article critically examines the development of digital sovereignty literatures. This article classifies literature taxonomically on four major themes: the conceptual development of digital sovereignty; actors in digital sovereignty; digital sovereignty and global internet governance; and categorical issues on digital sovereignty. This article argues that the development of literature on digital sovereignty is still largely dominated by state-centered and security-politics narrative. This article calls for global digital hierarchy and necessitates actor transformation approach in order to spur future exploration on digital sovereignty. Instead of drawing close-ended conclusion of the ongoing debate of digital sovereignty, this article positions itself as an intermediary text to drive more questions and call for broader potential development of the topic’s research agenda.
{"title":"Critical Engagement on Digital Sovereignty in International Relations: Actor Transformation and Global Hierarchy","authors":"Abid Adonis","doi":"10.7454/global.v21i2.412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.412","url":null,"abstract":"The idea of digital sovereignty in the last twenty years increasingly reifies into chiefly policy making debates as the reaction of China’s determined activism on internet governance, Snowden’s case, and increasingly big internet corporations’ unchecked endeavors. International actors’ growing concerns on security, economy, data protection, and socio-political issues invoke new discourses on digital sovereignty since it bears global political consequences by nature. This stimulates recent intellectual debate in academic literature on how digital sovereignty affects (or be affected by) international politics. This article critically examines the development of digital sovereignty literatures. This article classifies literature taxonomically on four major themes: the conceptual development of digital sovereignty; actors in digital sovereignty; digital sovereignty and global internet governance; and categorical issues on digital sovereignty. This article argues that the development of literature on digital sovereignty is still largely dominated by state-centered and security-politics narrative. This article calls for global digital hierarchy and necessitates actor transformation approach in order to spur future exploration on digital sovereignty. Instead of drawing close-ended conclusion of the ongoing debate of digital sovereignty, this article positions itself as an intermediary text to drive more questions and call for broader potential development of the topic’s research agenda.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46660410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.7454/global.v21i2.403
Dwi Impiani
This paper describes the military conflict escalation between India and Pakistan in the period after 1999 Lahore Declaration. After several major wars, military conflicts between the two countries continued to this day. Previous studies on the India-Pakistan conflict only discussed the causes of this conflict and efforts to resolve conflicts. The studies are divided into three major perspectives, namely; security, domestic politics, and political economy, but none has explained how this military conflict is relatively lasting. Using security dilemma as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables of the security dilemma that have contributed to the escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. The security dilemma creates a circumstance where offensive action preferable by both states rather than defensive efforts. The main argument of this paper s that India and Pakistan see each other's behavior -such as the development of military defense capability, nuclear weaponry development, and alliance trends- as threats so that they are always remains in the security dilemma situation.
{"title":"Escalation of Military Conflict Between India and Pakistan in The Post Lahore Declaration (1999 – 2019): Security Dilemma Perspective","authors":"Dwi Impiani","doi":"10.7454/global.v21i2.403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.403","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes the military conflict escalation between India and Pakistan in the period after 1999 Lahore Declaration. After several major wars, military conflicts between the two countries continued to this day. Previous studies on the India-Pakistan conflict only discussed the causes of this conflict and efforts to resolve conflicts. The studies are divided into three major perspectives, namely; security, domestic politics, and political economy, but none has explained how this military conflict is relatively lasting. Using security dilemma as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables of the security dilemma that have contributed to the escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. The security dilemma creates a circumstance where offensive action preferable by both states rather than defensive efforts. The main argument of this paper s that India and Pakistan see each other's behavior -such as the development of military defense capability, nuclear weaponry development, and alliance trends- as threats so that they are always remains in the security dilemma situation.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42792181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-05DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.361
Gatra Priyandita
This study is an inquiry into the use of strategic partnerships as an instrument of diplomacy in Indonesia. Strategic partnerships have become a key fixture of Indonesia’s omnidirectional foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. However, the rationale behind the formation of strategic partnerships for Indonesia’s strategic interests, as well as the process behind its formation, remain understudied. This paper seeks to fill this gap in the literature by examining how Indonesia utilizes its strategic partnership to engage China. Using Wilkins’ analytical framework for the study of strategic partnerships, this study finds that Indonesian policymakers have used strategic partnerships as instruments to create multiple channels of communication for the purposes of economic pragmatism and the overarching goal of socializing the target state into accepting Indonesia’s vision of the international order. The case study on China indicates that strategic partnerships have only been partially successful in helping Indonesia deliver its goals. While increased formal interactions have facilitated economic and social interaction, the utility of strategic partnerships has instruments of influencing Chinese behaviour in the international system remain minimal.
{"title":"From Rivals to Partners: Constructing the Sino-Indonesian Strategic Partnership","authors":"Gatra Priyandita","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.361","url":null,"abstract":"This study is an inquiry into the use of strategic partnerships as an instrument of diplomacy in Indonesia. Strategic partnerships have become a key fixture of Indonesia’s omnidirectional foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. However, the rationale behind the formation of strategic partnerships for Indonesia’s strategic interests, as well as the process behind its formation, remain understudied. This paper seeks to fill this gap in the literature by examining how Indonesia utilizes its strategic partnership to engage China. Using Wilkins’ analytical framework for the study of strategic partnerships, this study finds that Indonesian policymakers have used strategic partnerships as instruments to create multiple channels of communication for the purposes of economic pragmatism and the overarching goal of socializing the target state into accepting Indonesia’s vision of the international order. The case study on China indicates that strategic partnerships have only been partially successful in helping Indonesia deliver its goals. While increased formal interactions have facilitated economic and social interaction, the utility of strategic partnerships has instruments of influencing Chinese behaviour in the international system remain minimal.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43732010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-05DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.365
F. B. L. Tobing, Erwin Indradjaja
This paper presents a historical and qualitative study to examine the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as a force in international politics and its impacts on the dynamics of violent extremism threat in Indonesia. The rise of ISIS was a turning point from the nascent progressive shift toward democratization in the Arab world represented by the “Arab Spring,” and its influence has spread beyond Syria and Iraq to threaten regional and global security. Like in other countries in the Islamic world, Indonesian society and politics have been significantly affected by the activities of ISIS. In addition to describing the origin of ISIS and spread of its ideology, this paper examines the responses from Indonesian extremist and mainstream community to ISIS’ agenda. It argues that the conflicting responses primarily revolves around the notion of whether ISIS actually has qualities of a functional state. The role of moderate Islamic mass organisations such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah has also proven to be important in resisting the spread of ISIS’ ideology in Indonesia.
{"title":"Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and Its Impact in Indonesia","authors":"F. B. L. Tobing, Erwin Indradjaja","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.365","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a historical and qualitative study to examine the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as a force in international politics and its impacts on the dynamics of violent extremism threat in Indonesia. The rise of ISIS was a turning point from the nascent progressive shift toward democratization in the Arab world represented by the “Arab Spring,” and its influence has spread beyond Syria and Iraq to threaten regional and global security. Like in other countries in the Islamic world, Indonesian society and politics have been significantly affected by the activities of ISIS. In addition to describing the origin of ISIS and spread of its ideology, this paper examines the responses from Indonesian extremist and mainstream community to ISIS’ agenda. It argues that the conflicting responses primarily revolves around the notion of whether ISIS actually has qualities of a functional state. The role of moderate Islamic mass organisations such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah has also proven to be important in resisting the spread of ISIS’ ideology in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44376272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-05DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.347
Luerdi Luerdi
This paper aims to describe the role of Turkish domestic societal actors in the state policy making in the case of strategic bilateral partnership between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG); a quasi state within the Iraqi federal state. The rareness of literature describing domestic forces within Turkey and the consequence for the state’s policy in building a strategic partnership with the KRG was the gap that this research would be expected to narrow. The paper argues that Turkish domestic actors like the individual, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Turkish military and business people had an important role; shaping Turkey’s preference and national interests strongly determined by their views on nation and economic regulation which occupied its legitimate preference. The research applied the ideational liberal theory proposed by Andrew Moravcsik emphasizing the primacy of domestic actors. The research was qualitative with descriptive analysis model. The paper represents a perspective that identity or values well embedded in domestic actors’ views do matter to understand the state behavior either cooperation or conflict.
{"title":"Turkish Domestic Actors’ Role in Foreign Policy Making: Case of Turkey – KRG’s Strategic Bilateral Partnership","authors":"Luerdi Luerdi","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.347","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to describe the role of Turkish domestic societal actors in the state policy making in the case of strategic bilateral partnership between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG); a quasi state within the Iraqi federal state. The rareness of literature describing domestic forces within Turkey and the consequence for the state’s policy in building a strategic partnership with the KRG was the gap that this research would be expected to narrow. The paper argues that Turkish domestic actors like the individual, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Turkish military and business people had an important role; shaping Turkey’s preference and national interests strongly determined by their views on nation and economic regulation which occupied its legitimate preference. The research applied the ideational liberal theory proposed by Andrew Moravcsik emphasizing the primacy of domestic actors. The research was qualitative with descriptive analysis model. The paper represents a perspective that identity or values well embedded in domestic actors’ views do matter to understand the state behavior either cooperation or conflict. ","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48397702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-05DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.360
W. Hwang
Kashmir has been a 'powder keg' in South Asia. In this region, India and Pakistan waged three all-out wars and numerous skirmishes. Kashmir has been occupied separately since 1947, but still, both sides claim the other’s occupation is illegal. Muslim Kashmiris, who are allegedly supported by Pakistan, continuously commit terrorist acts, and in return, Indian officials in Jammu and Kashmir violently suppress demonstrations and commit human right violations. After 9/11 in 2001, terrorists have become demonized and pardonless. This article focuses on analyzing the sources of violence and Pakistani intervention. The idea of this article is theoretically based on Volkan's chosen trauma and symbol of identity. Continuous massacres and discriminations in Kashmir committed by Hindu Indians have formed the identity of Pakistanis as the chosen trauma, and current discriminations and persecutions reactivate their fear and anger. Cessation of the violence must be the priority on Kashmir issue. For this, discriminations and persecutions should be suspended.
{"title":"Kashmir as a Symbol of Pakistan: Why Violence in Kashmir Never Stop?","authors":"W. Hwang","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.360","url":null,"abstract":"Kashmir has been a 'powder keg' in South Asia. In this region, India and Pakistan waged three all-out wars and numerous skirmishes. Kashmir has been occupied separately since 1947, but still, both sides claim the other’s occupation is illegal. Muslim Kashmiris, who are allegedly supported by Pakistan, continuously commit terrorist acts, and in return, Indian officials in Jammu and Kashmir violently suppress demonstrations and commit human right violations. After 9/11 in 2001, terrorists have become demonized and pardonless. This article focuses on analyzing the sources of violence and Pakistani intervention. The idea of this article is theoretically based on Volkan's chosen trauma and symbol of identity. Continuous massacres and discriminations in Kashmir committed by Hindu Indians have formed the identity of Pakistanis as the chosen trauma, and current discriminations and persecutions reactivate their fear and anger. Cessation of the violence must be the priority on Kashmir issue. For this, discriminations and persecutions should be suspended.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48535416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-05DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.349
D. N. Kusumaningrum
La Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribenos (CELAC) was initiated in 2011 as a forum for dialogue and consensus between Latin American and Caribbean governments where it forms a trading block that excludes the United States and Canada. The US objected to the establishment of CELAC which seemed to challenges the former regional organization (OAS). This paper aims to analyze the considerations of the Mexican government to join CELAC in the midst of mutual agreement with US and NAFTA. Theory of formulation of foreign policy is used to answer the sources of political consideration of the Mexican government. It is a qualitative descriptive research that used primary data comes from Mexican government reports, content of CELAC official website, and journals. Data is obtained from library research. The analysis technique is carried out through generalization of the evidence and organization of the data so that it presents a coherent and consistent picture in proving the basic assumptions of the theory. It examines determinant of Mexico foreign policy formulation include 1) expansion of FTA in order to raise national economy, 2) maintaining the legitimacy of the government through multilateral cooperation, 3) identity politics as a Latin American, 4) increasing state performance in dealing with eradication of drugs and immigrant problems, 5) state economic revival post 2008 global crisis, 6) CELAC as a bridge to expand bi-regional trade with the European Union, and 7) forum to balance US dominant interest in the region.
{"title":"CELAC: Mexican Foreign Policy Interest on Latin American and Caribbean Regionalism","authors":"D. N. Kusumaningrum","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.349","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.349","url":null,"abstract":"La Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribenos (CELAC) was initiated in 2011 as a forum for dialogue and consensus between Latin American and Caribbean governments where it forms a trading block that excludes the United States and Canada. The US objected to the establishment of CELAC which seemed to challenges the former regional organization (OAS). This paper aims to analyze the considerations of the Mexican government to join CELAC in the midst of mutual agreement with US and NAFTA. Theory of formulation of foreign policy is used to answer the sources of political consideration of the Mexican government. It is a qualitative descriptive research that used primary data comes from Mexican government reports, content of CELAC official website, and journals. Data is obtained from library research. The analysis technique is carried out through generalization of the evidence and organization of the data so that it presents a coherent and consistent picture in proving the basic assumptions of the theory. It examines determinant of Mexico foreign policy formulation include 1) expansion of FTA in order to raise national economy, 2) maintaining the legitimacy of the government through multilateral cooperation, 3) identity politics as a Latin American, 4) increasing state performance in dealing with eradication of drugs and immigrant problems, 5) state economic revival post 2008 global crisis, 6) CELAC as a bridge to expand bi-regional trade with the European Union, and 7) forum to balance US dominant interest in the region.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46163103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-05DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.353
Haekal Siraj
The 2015 Paris Agreement requires all participating countries to reduce emisson level. Indonesia as Non-Annex I accepted the norms of the 2015 Paris Agreement by ratifying this agreement. Meanwhile, Indonesia's emissions level continues to increase due to the rate of deforestation and forest degradation in Indonesia which ranks highest in the world. This study aims to analyze Indonesian policy in ratifying the agreement by using the Constructivism Perspective in explaining the International Regime and the Concept of Norm Influence by Finnemore and Sikkink. The study uses qualitative methods with explanatory designs. Data collection techniques are sourced from secondary sources as well as data analysis techniques carried out by reduction, presentation, and drawing conclusions as well as verification. This study found that the United States as a hegemonic state acting as the norm entrepreneurs by granting climate change financial assistance of $500 million through the GCF for Indonesia as a developing country was a condition affecting Indonesia in ratifying the agreement. Keywords: Indonesia, ratify, 2015 Paris Agreement, norm, climate change.
{"title":"Indonesian Policy in Ratifying The 2015 Paris Agreement","authors":"Haekal Siraj","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V21I1.353","url":null,"abstract":" The 2015 Paris Agreement requires all participating countries to reduce emisson level. Indonesia as Non-Annex I accepted the norms of the 2015 Paris Agreement by ratifying this agreement. Meanwhile, Indonesia's emissions level continues to increase due to the rate of deforestation and forest degradation in Indonesia which ranks highest in the world. This study aims to analyze Indonesian policy in ratifying the agreement by using the Constructivism Perspective in explaining the International Regime and the Concept of Norm Influence by Finnemore and Sikkink. The study uses qualitative methods with explanatory designs. Data collection techniques are sourced from secondary sources as well as data analysis techniques carried out by reduction, presentation, and drawing conclusions as well as verification. This study found that the United States as a hegemonic state acting as the norm entrepreneurs by granting climate change financial assistance of $500 million through the GCF for Indonesia as a developing country was a condition affecting Indonesia in ratifying the agreement. Keywords: Indonesia, ratify, 2015 Paris Agreement, norm, climate change.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49208322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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