Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i2.521
Thomas L. Oomen
Aid effectiveness has been situated in the central debate of development studies and, particularly, among foreign aid policy making community. As the Netherlands was one of the unique countries which focused extensively on the needs of its recipient, it is important to investigate the Netherlands’ recent practice of its development aid, particularly to Bangladesh and the associated goal ambiguity. This article attempts to answer the question, “to what extent does goal ambiguity in Dutch development aid affect the effectiveness of Dutch development aid given to Bangladesh?” This analysis is based on independent assessments of Dutch official development aid (ODA) to Bangladesh and Dutch coalition agreements in 2005-2010 and 2011-2016. This study finds that, in the second period, goal ambiguity has increased, while the aid effectiveness has decreased. This change is unlikely to be attributed to the conditions for aid effectiveness since these remained largely stable or even in slightly in favour of the second period. While the comparison of different sectors between timeframes lacks full robustness, there is direct evidence that goal ambiguity has played a role in lower effectiveness in the water related aid in the second period. Therefore, this study suggests that aid effectiveness in Bangladesh has decreased in the period 2011 to 2016 due to an increase in goal ambiguity caused by increasing self-interests in Dutch ODA policy.
{"title":"The Rise of Self-Interests: How Shifting Political Goals Changed the Effectiveness of Dutch Official Development Aid to Bangladesh From 2005 Until 2016","authors":"Thomas L. Oomen","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i2.521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.521","url":null,"abstract":"Aid effectiveness has been situated in the central debate of development studies and, particularly, among foreign aid policy making community. As the Netherlands was one of the unique countries which focused extensively on the needs of its recipient, it is important to investigate the Netherlands’ recent practice of its development aid, particularly to Bangladesh and the associated goal ambiguity. This article attempts to answer the question, “to what extent does goal ambiguity in Dutch development aid affect the effectiveness of Dutch development aid given to Bangladesh?” This analysis is based on independent assessments of Dutch official development aid (ODA) to Bangladesh and Dutch coalition agreements in 2005-2010 and 2011-2016. This study finds that, in the second period, goal ambiguity has increased, while the aid effectiveness has decreased. This change is unlikely to be attributed to the conditions for aid effectiveness since these remained largely stable or even in slightly in favour of the second period. While the comparison of different sectors between timeframes lacks full robustness, there is direct evidence that goal ambiguity has played a role in lower effectiveness in the water related aid in the second period. Therefore, this study suggests that aid effectiveness in Bangladesh has decreased in the period 2011 to 2016 due to an increase in goal ambiguity caused by increasing self-interests in Dutch ODA policy.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49562012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this book, Francis Fukuyama delivers his arguments concering the issue about the lack of "organizational tradition" in several "failed" or "weak" states, which in turns becomes the greatest threat to the contemporary world order. Fukuyama argues that the United States, and the West in general, after rightly intervening in such states either militarily or economically (most often through institutions like IMF or World Bank), have failed to transfer institutional and public- and private- sector capability to them. Although their objective is to "create self-sustaining state institutions that can survive the withdrawal of outside intervention," the developed world has met its failure, setting people of the developing countries up for "large disappointments." For much of the last half-century, the trend has been to weaken the state. Now, the evidence suggests that a new approach is required, one that goes beyond simply shrinking or enlarging the state, and begins to deal with enabling the state to be more effective based on local conditions. Fukuyama suggests that the answer lies in providing states with internal organizational structure and, above all, a culture that enables strong leaders and government institutions to enforce capitalist and free-market values. While some basic outcomes are to be expected, the way each nation gets there will be different.
{"title":"Negara dan Permasalahan State Building di Abad XXI","authors":"Alessandro B.H.S., Nona Siska Noviyanti","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V7I2.455","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V7I2.455","url":null,"abstract":"In this book, Francis Fukuyama delivers his arguments concering the issue about the lack of \"organizational tradition\" in several \"failed\" or \"weak\" states, which in turns becomes the greatest threat to the contemporary world order. Fukuyama argues that the United States, and the West in general, after rightly intervening in such states either militarily or economically (most often through institutions like IMF or World Bank), have failed to transfer institutional and public- and private- sector capability to them. Although their objective is to \"create self-sustaining state institutions that can survive the withdrawal of outside intervention,\" the developed world has met its failure, setting people of the developing countries up for \"large disappointments.\" For much of the last half-century, the trend has been to weaken the state. Now, the evidence suggests that a new approach is required, one that goes beyond simply shrinking or enlarging the state, and begins to deal with enabling the state to be more effective based on local conditions. Fukuyama suggests that the answer lies in providing states with internal organizational structure and, above all, a culture that enables strong leaders and government institutions to enforce capitalist and free-market values. While some basic outcomes are to be expected, the way each nation gets there will be different.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71340302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.479
A. Soetjipto, A. Yuliestiana
This article explores the concepts of transnational relations and activism in the study of International Relations, specifically the role of civil society in transnational advocacy. It is fascinating to discuss the role of civil society when state actors are no longer the most prominent actors in International Relations studies in the midst of globalisation. Some articles related to transnational relations have been written by the scholars of International Relations such as Thomas Risse-Kappen (1995). Even so, one of the most sophisticated concepts of transnational activism was introduced by Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink (1998), in Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics. In order to fully understand transnational activism in the study of International Relations, a divergent perspective can be applied. In this article, the authors aim to examine the recent debates and its counternarratives in International Relations through critical and constructivism lenses. Firstly, this article would describe the concepts of transnationalism and transnational activism in the study of International Relations (state of the art). Secondly, it would be a discussion in the literature on transnationalism and transnational activism which cover themes about norm diffusion, the ‘boomerang pattern’, political opportunity structures and accountability and effectiveness. The last part is conclusion that can be drawn from this consensus and debates in the concept of transnational activism.
{"title":"Transnational Relations and Activism in International Relations: Debates and Consensus in Literature","authors":"A. Soetjipto, A. Yuliestiana","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i1.479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i1.479","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the concepts of transnational relations and activism in the study of International Relations, specifically the role of civil society in transnational advocacy. It is fascinating to discuss the role of civil society when state actors are no longer the most prominent actors in International Relations studies in the midst of globalisation. Some articles related to transnational relations have been written by the scholars of International Relations such as Thomas Risse-Kappen (1995). Even so, one of the most sophisticated concepts of transnational activism was introduced by Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink (1998), in Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics. In order to fully understand transnational activism in the study of International Relations, a divergent perspective can be applied. In this article, the authors aim to examine the recent debates and its counternarratives in International Relations through critical and constructivism lenses. Firstly, this article would describe the concepts of transnationalism and transnational activism in the study of International Relations (state of the art). Secondly, it would be a discussion in the literature on transnationalism and transnational activism which cover themes about norm diffusion, the ‘boomerang pattern’, political opportunity structures and accountability and effectiveness. The last part is conclusion that can be drawn from this consensus and debates in the concept of transnational activism.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46063893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.481
Vera Zerlinda Alamsyah Sulaiman
This paper explains the main factors underlying China's policy of refusing North Korea's nuclear proliferation, whereas the two countries have established defense alliance relations since the breakup of the Korean War. Geopolitically, North Korea is a strategic country for China in the East Asian region, and both countries view the presence of the US military in the region as a threat. Subsequently, North Korea began to develop its nuclear capability to challenge the continuous US military presence in South Korea. Although China and North Korea see the US influence as a security threat, China maintains its position of refusing North Korea nuclear proliferation. Previous studies regarding the relations between the two countries have explained the factors that underlie China's refusal of North Korea's nuclear proliferation. However, there have been no studies that precisely portray how nuclear weapons can influence China's policy-making towards its allies. By using extended deterrence perspective, this paper explains the variables that influence China's rejection of North Korea's nuclear proliferation. The main argument in this study is that China refuses North Korea's nuclear proliferation as a result of the disadvantage if North Korea continues its nuclear proliferation and the impact towards the regional stability that is unfavorable to China.
{"title":"China’s Policy in Refusing North Korea Nuclear Proliferation","authors":"Vera Zerlinda Alamsyah Sulaiman","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i1.481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i1.481","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explains the main factors underlying China's policy of refusing North Korea's nuclear proliferation, whereas the two countries have established defense alliance relations since the breakup of the Korean War. Geopolitically, North Korea is a strategic country for China in the East Asian region, and both countries view the presence of the US military in the region as a threat. Subsequently, North Korea began to develop its nuclear capability to challenge the continuous US military presence in South Korea. Although China and North Korea see the US influence as a security threat, China maintains its position of refusing North Korea nuclear proliferation. Previous studies regarding the relations between the two countries have explained the factors that underlie China's refusal of North Korea's nuclear proliferation. However, there have been no studies that precisely portray how nuclear weapons can influence China's policy-making towards its allies. By using extended deterrence perspective, this paper explains the variables that influence China's rejection of North Korea's nuclear proliferation. The main argument in this study is that China refuses North Korea's nuclear proliferation as a result of the disadvantage if North Korea continues its nuclear proliferation and the impact towards the regional stability that is unfavorable to China.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46663853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.438
Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi
Indo-Pacific has been among the most contested regions in the past decade. After China demonstrated its ambitious goal in reviving maritime silk road with its military and economic presence, United States, India, Japan, and Australia formed a new coalition to counter this strategy. This paper aims to examine the position of Indonesia as a traditional regional maritime power in the context of this changing maritime landscape of the Indo-Pacific region. In doing so, this paper develops the concept of “the three faces of maritime power” which distinguishes maritime power into hard, soft, and normative maritime power. The findings of this paper indicates that Indonesia demonstrates less of its hard and soft power, but it capitalizes on its normative power to demonstrate its presence in the new maritime landscape of the Indo Pacific
{"title":"Repositioning Indonesia in the Changing Maritime Landscape of the Indo-Pacific Region","authors":"Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i1.438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i1.438","url":null,"abstract":"Indo-Pacific has been among the most contested regions in the past decade. After China demonstrated its ambitious goal in reviving maritime silk road with its military and economic presence, United States, India, Japan, and Australia formed a new coalition to counter this strategy. This paper aims to examine the position of Indonesia as a traditional regional maritime power in the context of this changing maritime landscape of the Indo-Pacific region. In doing so, this paper develops the concept of “the three faces of maritime power” which distinguishes maritime power into hard, soft, and normative maritime power. The findings of this paper indicates that Indonesia demonstrates less of its hard and soft power, but it capitalizes on its normative power to demonstrate its presence in the new maritime landscape of the Indo Pacific","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":"42 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41244428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.443
S. Surwandono, A. Maksum
Paradiplomacy as a policy and practice of foreign policy by local governments have been carried out by the Indonesian government. But the practice of paradiplomacy shows a gap between local governments, as there are local governments that are so intensive but, on the other hand, some are passive. This article explains the architecture of paradiplomacy in the constitutional dimension through tracking the message structure in a number of regulations with content analysis methods. The advance of content analysis in the constitutional dimension will be able to provide comprehensive analysis on the architecture of Indonesia's paradiplomacy and its implications for achieving national interests. This article finds that Indonesia's paradiplomacy architecture is still very administrative, procedural, and technical, which results in inability to accelerate paradiplomacy by local governments in Indonesia to progressively attain local and national interests.
{"title":"The Architecture of Paradiplomacy Regime in Indonesia: A Content Analysis","authors":"S. Surwandono, A. Maksum","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i1.443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i1.443","url":null,"abstract":"Paradiplomacy as a policy and practice of foreign policy by local governments have been carried out by the Indonesian government. But the practice of paradiplomacy shows a gap between local governments, as there are local governments that are so intensive but, on the other hand, some are passive. This article explains the architecture of paradiplomacy in the constitutional dimension through tracking the message structure in a number of regulations with content analysis methods. The advance of content analysis in the constitutional dimension will be able to provide comprehensive analysis on the architecture of Indonesia's paradiplomacy and its implications for achieving national interests. This article finds that Indonesia's paradiplomacy architecture is still very administrative, procedural, and technical, which results in inability to accelerate paradiplomacy by local governments in Indonesia to progressively attain local and national interests.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46542000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.488
Rage Taufika
This paper aims to explore and explain to what extent and in what ways the Indonesian Government has securitised the Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing in Indonesia since 2009, by utilising critical discourse analysis. Using the Securitisation theory from the Copenhagen School, this paper explains the analysis of the speech act and extraordinary measures from SBY’s administration, Jokowi’s first term and second term administration. While IUU fishing has been a severe global issue, 30 percent of the cases take place in Indonesia and it becomes a serious threat for the economy and maritime resources. In 2009, Indonesia amended the fisheries law by establishing the new article about the right to burn and sink illegal foreign vessels. However, the securitisation remained ‘latent’ as it lacks the extraordinary measures and supporting speech act from the government. In 2014, during Jokowi’s first term, Indonesia had done extraordinary measures by regularly sinking the illegal foreign vessels. During Jokowi’s second term, the measures were gone, although the law still exists. Thus, it became ‘latent’ again in 2019 up until present. This paper claims that the Indonesian Government successfully securitised the issue in 2014 after the latent securitisation that happened in 2009. However, it remained ‘latent’ again in 2019 up until now.
{"title":"Latent Securitisation of Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing in Indonesia","authors":"Rage Taufika","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i1.488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i1.488","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explore and explain to what extent and in what ways the Indonesian Government has securitised the Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing in Indonesia since 2009, by utilising critical discourse analysis. Using the Securitisation theory from the Copenhagen School, this paper explains the analysis of the speech act and extraordinary measures from SBY’s administration, Jokowi’s first term and second term administration. While IUU fishing has been a severe global issue, 30 percent of the cases take place in Indonesia and it becomes a serious threat for the economy and maritime resources. In 2009, Indonesia amended the fisheries law by establishing the new article about the right to burn and sink illegal foreign vessels. However, the securitisation remained ‘latent’ as it lacks the extraordinary measures and supporting speech act from the government. In 2014, during Jokowi’s first term, Indonesia had done extraordinary measures by regularly sinking the illegal foreign vessels. During Jokowi’s second term, the measures were gone, although the law still exists. Thus, it became ‘latent’ again in 2019 up until present. This paper claims that the Indonesian Government successfully securitised the issue in 2014 after the latent securitisation that happened in 2009. However, it remained ‘latent’ again in 2019 up until now.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43849779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.414
Andry Indrady
This paper discusses the implementation of free visa policy in Indonesia from a neorealist perspective. By utilizing the perspective of interdependence sovereignty and domestic sovereignty, this paper critically assesses the implementation of the free visa policy in Indonesia. From the interdependence sovereignty perspective, which elaborates the economic benefits, reciprocal and security approaches the paper finds that the free visa policy in Indonesia has yet to formulate a rational and objective policy that would lead to potential security – order threat. On the other hand, from the domestic sovereignty perspective the paper finds that although the state performs its immigration control capabilities effectively, however the said immigration control measures are implemented at a rather repressive level, instead of at the ideal prevention level. In the end, the paper suggests further research that fills the gap from findings on the specific methods to enhance the state’s capability in managing challenges posed by the free visa policy in more detail, as well as providing a method to measure public perception on the performance of immigration control.
{"title":"A Critical Assessment on the Indonesian Free Visa Policy: a Neorealist Perspective","authors":"Andry Indrady","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i1.414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i1.414","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the implementation of free visa policy in Indonesia from a neorealist perspective. By utilizing the perspective of interdependence sovereignty and domestic sovereignty, this paper critically assesses the implementation of the free visa policy in Indonesia. From the interdependence sovereignty perspective, which elaborates the economic benefits, reciprocal and security approaches the paper finds that the free visa policy in Indonesia has yet to formulate a rational and objective policy that would lead to potential security – order threat. On the other hand, from the domestic sovereignty perspective the paper finds that although the state performs its immigration control capabilities effectively, however the said immigration control measures are implemented at a rather repressive level, instead of at the ideal prevention level. In the end, the paper suggests further research that fills the gap from findings on the specific methods to enhance the state’s capability in managing challenges posed by the free visa policy in more detail, as well as providing a method to measure public perception on the performance of immigration control.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45171645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.482
D. Stein
Central America has the longest experience with regional integration efforts apart from Europe and regional integration was on its rise with the establishment of the Central American Integration System (SICA). However, the organisation has been struggling to move the integration process further; experiencing a climax of fragmentation when Costa Rica left SICA during the Cuban migration crisis in 2015. This article focuses on the factors which contributed to the withdrawal of Costa Rica by looking at: (1) the institutional level of SICA; (2) Costa Rica’s policies that have hindered Central American integration; and (3) Costa Rica’s main reasons for its non-integrationist actions. This article argues that the cause can be found at both the institutional level and the national level. It further shows that SICA failed at deepening its integration due to its supranational ambitions installed in its institutional framework. Moreover, through qualitative research methods, it has been found that Costa Rica’s foreign policy is characterised by defying SICA’s organisational bodies. This article concludes by proposing four major reasons to explain Costa Rica’s non-integrationist actions which can be subsumed under (1) historical aspects, (2) no trade benefits from its membership, (3) immigration issues and lastly, (4) the legitimacy problem of SICA.
{"title":"The Challenge for the Central American Integration System (SICA): The Withdrawal of Costa Rica During the Cuban Migrant Crisis 2015","authors":"D. Stein","doi":"10.7454/global.v22i1.482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i1.482","url":null,"abstract":"Central America has the longest experience with regional integration efforts apart from Europe and regional integration was on its rise with the establishment of the Central American Integration System (SICA). However, the organisation has been struggling to move the integration process further; experiencing a climax of fragmentation when Costa Rica left SICA during the Cuban migration crisis in 2015. This article focuses on the factors which contributed to the withdrawal of Costa Rica by looking at: (1) the institutional level of SICA; (2) Costa Rica’s policies that have hindered Central American integration; and (3) Costa Rica’s main reasons for its non-integrationist actions. This article argues that the cause can be found at both the institutional level and the national level. It further shows that SICA failed at deepening its integration due to its supranational ambitions installed in its institutional framework. Moreover, through qualitative research methods, it has been found that Costa Rica’s foreign policy is characterised by defying SICA’s organisational bodies. This article concludes by proposing four major reasons to explain Costa Rica’s non-integrationist actions which can be subsumed under (1) historical aspects, (2) no trade benefits from its membership, (3) immigration issues and lastly, (4) the legitimacy problem of SICA.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43755611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-26DOI: 10.7454/global.v21i2.401
Achmad Ismail
After 3 years, precisely in 2018, the United States reviewed Indonesia's eligibility in receiving US-General System of Preference (US-GSP) facilities. Interestingly, the results of the review have not yet been published. This happens for the United States assumes that Indonesia implements various trade and investment barriers that have a negative impact on the United States, one of which is due to the policy of limiting imports of horticultural products, the implementation of Gerbang Pembayaran Nasional (GPN) and so on. Then with the current conditions, how about the eligibility of Indonesia if it want to receive GSP facilities. This article argues that Indonesia continues to fulfil the required points as a beneficiary country. Indonesia can also use these points as a source of bargaining power to influence the United States so that the results of the GSP review state that Indonesia is eligible to receive GSP facilities, as well as refuse previous US assumptions. This article uses qualitative research methods with a case study approach with primary (interview) and secondary (literature) data collection techniques. This article concludes that Indonesia is still eligible to receive the GSP facility because Indonesia is trying to fulfil the required points as a source of Indonesia's bargaining power towards the United States.
{"title":"Indonesia and United States General System of Preference (US-GSP): Eligibility of Indonesia as a Beneficiary Country","authors":"Achmad Ismail","doi":"10.7454/global.v21i2.401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.401","url":null,"abstract":"After 3 years, precisely in 2018, the United States reviewed Indonesia's eligibility in receiving US-General System of Preference (US-GSP) facilities. Interestingly, the results of the review have not yet been published. This happens for the United States assumes that Indonesia implements various trade and investment barriers that have a negative impact on the United States, one of which is due to the policy of limiting imports of horticultural products, the implementation of Gerbang Pembayaran Nasional (GPN) and so on. Then with the current conditions, how about the eligibility of Indonesia if it want to receive GSP facilities. This article argues that Indonesia continues to fulfil the required points as a beneficiary country. Indonesia can also use these points as a source of bargaining power to influence the United States so that the results of the GSP review state that Indonesia is eligible to receive GSP facilities, as well as refuse previous US assumptions. This article uses qualitative research methods with a case study approach with primary (interview) and secondary (literature) data collection techniques. This article concludes that Indonesia is still eligible to receive the GSP facility because Indonesia is trying to fulfil the required points as a source of Indonesia's bargaining power towards the United States.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44402646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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