The rise of China as one of the great powers in the international politic has been the hottest topic in the 21st century. Following the economic reform led by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China re-emerges stronger than ever with its influences covering major parts of the world. One region particularly stands out since the prior dominance of United States therein, the South Pacific. The study of this research will be limited to 10 PICs recognising China, Vanuatu, Cook Island, FSM, Fiji, Niuee, PNG, Samoa, Tonga, Solomon Islands and Kiribati. Under the Western International Relations Theory (IRT) however, the rise of China is always seen in a rather malign manner. This research, therefore, contends that in order to fully understand China’s behaviour in the international community, we need to know how China perceives itself. By applying one of the most famous Chinese traditional school of thought, Daoism, this research aims to examine the strategy used in the expansion of China’s influence in the South Pacific. Daoism is symbolised with yin and yang, where the two elements are contradictory, yet they complement each other. Under the Dao dialectics, this research argues that China has been utilising a combination of two contradictory elements of power—soft and hard power—in expanding its prominence in the South Pacific region.
{"title":"The Dao in China's Growing Presence in the South Pacific","authors":"Yulian Maulida Khasanah, Mohamad Rosyidin, Marten Hanura","doi":"10.7454/global.v23i2.594","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v23i2.594","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of China as one of the great powers in the international politic has been the hottest topic in the 21st century. Following the economic reform led by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China re-emerges stronger than ever with its influences covering major parts of the world. One region particularly stands out since the prior dominance of United States therein, the South Pacific. The study of this research will be limited to 10 PICs recognising China, Vanuatu, Cook Island, FSM, Fiji, Niuee, PNG, Samoa, Tonga, Solomon Islands and Kiribati. Under the Western International Relations Theory (IRT) however, the rise of China is always seen in a rather malign manner. This research, therefore, contends that in order to fully understand China’s behaviour in the international community, we need to know how China perceives itself. By applying one of the most famous Chinese traditional school of thought, Daoism, this research aims to examine the strategy used in the expansion of China’s influence in the South Pacific. Daoism is symbolised with yin and yang, where the two elements are contradictory, yet they complement each other. Under the Dao dialectics, this research argues that China has been utilising a combination of two contradictory elements of power—soft and hard power—in expanding its prominence in the South Pacific region.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42015584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.7454/global.v23i2.643
Ghita Fadhila Andrini
Yemen is noted to have the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. This condition is due to the civil war for the past six years, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which emerged as a health security threat. This research aims to analyse the WHO’s role in responding health crisis in Yemen. By using qualitative methods and literature review approach, this article uses Atlas.ti to collect data regarding WHO’s activity in Yemen throughout the pandemic analysed by the international organisation’s role concept according to Clive Archer. The health security concept is also used to explain the health situation in Yemen during the pandemic. This research found accordance between WHO’s activities with Clive Archer’s idea of roles, mainly on its role as an independent actor to combat the health crisis in Yemen. However, the three roles are intertwined. As WHO has emphasised the importance of international aid to overcome Yemen’s health emergency, the writer recommends strengthening global solidarity with Yemen’s authority to improve health within the country.
{"title":"The Roles of WHO in Handling Yemen Humanitarian Crisis during the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Ghita Fadhila Andrini","doi":"10.7454/global.v23i2.643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v23i2.643","url":null,"abstract":"Yemen is noted to have the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. This condition is due to the civil war for the past six years, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which emerged as a health security threat. This research aims to analyse the WHO’s role in responding health crisis in Yemen. By using qualitative methods and literature review approach, this article uses Atlas.ti to collect data regarding WHO’s activity in Yemen throughout the pandemic analysed by the international organisation’s role concept according to Clive Archer. The health security concept is also used to explain the health situation in Yemen during the pandemic. This research found accordance between WHO’s activities with Clive Archer’s idea of roles, mainly on its role as an independent actor to combat the health crisis in Yemen. However, the three roles are intertwined. As WHO has emphasised the importance of international aid to overcome Yemen’s health emergency, the writer recommends strengthening global solidarity with Yemen’s authority to improve health within the country. ","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44281889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.7454/global.v23i2.542
M. H. Muhammed
International trade has introduced many features in its classical or contemporary practice wherein peoples respectfully exchanged goods and ideas. Unfortunately, the legacy of large multinational corporations, concerning human rights, has generally been dismal. It is recognised that states are the primary bearers of responsibility to respect, protect, fulfill, and promote human rights and freedoms. Current developments in the field of international human rights law, however, designated transnational corporations (hereafter TNCs), organisations, and individuals in a diagonal and/or horizontal responsibility on the respect and protection of human rights. The need to make these non-state actors, especially TNCs, responsible under international law is originated from their ever-increasing influence on state actors and their impact on the individuals’ enjoyment of their social, political, and economic rights. This article deals with the multidimensional influence of TNCs on the respect, protection, and fulfilment of fundamental human rights and demonstrates the possibilities of building legal obligation over them by reviewing existing literature.
{"title":"Transnational Corporations and Human Rights","authors":"M. H. Muhammed","doi":"10.7454/global.v23i2.542","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v23i2.542","url":null,"abstract":"International trade has introduced many features in its classical or contemporary practice wherein peoples respectfully exchanged goods and ideas. Unfortunately, the legacy of large multinational corporations, concerning human rights, has generally been dismal. It is recognised that states are the primary bearers of responsibility to respect, protect, fulfill, and promote human rights and freedoms. Current developments in the field of international human rights law, however, designated transnational corporations (hereafter TNCs), organisations, and individuals in a diagonal and/or horizontal responsibility on the respect and protection of human rights. The need to make these non-state actors, especially TNCs, responsible under international law is originated from their ever-increasing influence on state actors and their impact on the individuals’ enjoyment of their social, political, and economic rights. This article deals with the multidimensional influence of TNCs on the respect, protection, and fulfilment of fundamental human rights and demonstrates the possibilities of building legal obligation over them by reviewing existing literature.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43949352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.7454/global.v23i2.647
Gilang Mahadika
In the European nations, there has been a lot of discussions and arguments regarding the community who have a ‘migration background’. Migrants nowadays are more capable of competing against local residents in terms of looking for better employment and participating in the political activities in European countries. Consequently, it creates fear within ‘mainstream’ society since it is presumably able to threaten their way of life. This interesting moment can benefit the populist political parties for gaining voices from the majority population. But, in the aftermath of 22/7 terror attacks in Norway, it also created tension between locals and those who are considered having a ‘migration background’. The people who have migration background, especially Muslim community, already has long history of migration to Norway. Therefore, the research question is how the Muslim community adapt to the situation of populism in Norway. By using historical literatures and research articles regarding the aftermath of 22/7 terror attack, it shows that the intersectional approach is useful to see the intermingled aspects of class, identity, religion, nationality, gender, and ethnicity of marginalised communities. These migrants now are facing multiple discriminations. Protests in the public sphere as a way of adapting to the atmosphere of populism are considered as their struggles for citizenship since the government seems to fail at managing multicultural society, especially advocating the minority groups. This kind of situation is common in the era of populism emerging in many countries targeting minority groups as political manoeuvre in order to gain voices among the ‘common’ society.
{"title":"Muslim Community in the Atmosphere of Populism in Norway","authors":"Gilang Mahadika","doi":"10.7454/global.v23i2.647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v23i2.647","url":null,"abstract":"In the European nations, there has been a lot of discussions and arguments regarding the community who have a ‘migration background’. Migrants nowadays are more capable of competing against local residents in terms of looking for better employment and participating in the political activities in European countries. Consequently, it creates fear within ‘mainstream’ society since it is presumably able to threaten their way of life. This interesting moment can benefit the populist political parties for gaining voices from the majority population. But, in the aftermath of 22/7 terror attacks in Norway, it also created tension between locals and those who are considered having a ‘migration background’. The people who have migration background, especially Muslim community, already has long history of migration to Norway. Therefore, the research question is how the Muslim community adapt to the situation of populism in Norway. By using historical literatures and research articles regarding the aftermath of 22/7 terror attack, it shows that the intersectional approach is useful to see the intermingled aspects of class, identity, religion, nationality, gender, and ethnicity of marginalised communities. These migrants now are facing multiple discriminations. Protests in the public sphere as a way of adapting to the atmosphere of populism are considered as their struggles for citizenship since the government seems to fail at managing multicultural society, especially advocating the minority groups. This kind of situation is common in the era of populism emerging in many countries targeting minority groups as political manoeuvre in order to gain voices among the ‘common’ society.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45955041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.7454/global.v23i2.666
Naifa Rizani
ASEAN WAY: MANAGING EXPECTATION IN THE CODE OF CONDUCT FOR THE SOUTH CHINA SEA Naifa Rizani Lardo Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Indonesia,S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) Singapore Email: naifa.rizani@gmail.comSubmitted: 5 October 2021; accepted: 13 November 2021 AbstrakLandasan pesimistis proses ASEAN Way seringkali menurunkan kredibiltas dari peran Perhimpunan Bangsa-Bangsa Asia Tenggara (ASEAN) dalam menangani sengketa di Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS). Justifikasi tersebut disikapi melalui konsep power balance yang mendiskreditkan struktur norma institusionalisme dalam ASEAN Way. Hal ini mendorong rangkaian diskusi terkait kinerja ASEAN melalui prinsip ASEAN Way dalam proses Code of Conduct for the South China Sea (COC for SCS) yang membuka ruang ekspektasi untuk meningkatkan peran keamanan regionalnya. Melalui permasalahan ini, artikel ini menyuguhkan pandangan peran kemanan regional ASEAN di proses sengketa LTS dengan merumuskan pertanyaan “Apa yang bisa diharapkan dari norma ASEAN Way dalam proses COC for SCS?” Dengan menggunakan pendekatan norma institutionalisme dalam proses perumusan COC, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa ASEAN Way tidak dibentuk sebagai solusi penyelesaian konflik LTS, melainkan sebagai penyokong bentuk kerja sama pertahanan dengan asas fleksibel bagi partisipan konflik di isu LTS. Adapun, kontribusi ASEAN Way dalam COC for SCS terjabarkan dengan memberikan ruang fleksibilitas bagi pemangku kepentingan untuk berdialog secara damai di luar ketidakseimbangan kekuatan yang terjadi dari proses COC. Hal ini dengan proses yang fleksibel dalam membawa Tiongkok dan pemangku kepentingan terkait lainnya menuju kerja sama keamanan kooperatif yang dapat memenuhi kepentingan bersama dalam perdamaian di kawasan Asia Tenggara. Pendekatan norma institusionalisme ini juga menunjukkan limitasi-limitasi dari kemampuan ASEAN yang dapat membatasi ekspektasi dari perumusan COC for SCS ke penyelesaian sengketa di LTS. Kata kunci:ASEAN, Laut Tiongkok Selatan, Code of Conduct, Tiongkok, ASEAN Way AbstractPessimistic perspectives on the ASEAN Way process frequently undermine the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. These justifications are addressed through the notion of power balance, which undermines the norm institutionalism framework that underlines the ASEAN Way’s foundation. This droves various conversations on ASEAN capabilities ahead of the ASEAN Way principle throughout the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea (COC for SCS) process, which questioned its expectations as a regional security body. This article offers insight on ASEAN’s regional security role in the SCS dispute peace process, guided by the question “What to expect from ASEAN Way in the process of COC for SCS?” Instead of following the power balance approach, this article suggests a norm-based institutionalism perspective through ASEAN Way to the COC process. The AS
东盟方式：南海行为准则中的管理期望新加坡拉惹勒南国际研究学院naifa.rizani@gmail.comSubmitted：2021年10月5日；接受日期：2021年11月13日这种理由是通过权力平衡的概念获得的，这种概念归功于东盟方式的制度规范结构。这鼓励通过《南海行为准则》（南海行为准则）进程中的“东盟方式”原则，就东盟的表现展开讨论，为增强其区域安全作用开辟了空间。通过这个问题，本文破坏了“东盟方式规范在南海合作委员会进程中可以期待什么？”这一问题，破坏了东盟区域繁荣在LTS进程中的作用，只是作为一种形式的防务合作的支持者，在LTS问题上为参与冲突提供灵活的基础。此外，ASEAN Way为SCS的COC做出的贡献是通过为我的开发者提供灵活性的空间来传播的，以利于在COC过程中出现的力量失衡之外的和平对话。这是一个灵活的过程，让中国和我的其他相关开发商进行安全合作，以满足南亚地区和平的共同利益。这种对制度规范的方法也表明，东盟有能力限制COC对SCS拆除和LTS解决的期望。关键词：东盟，南曼谷，行为准则，曼谷，东盟方式[UNK]摘要对东盟方式进程的悲观看法经常破坏东南亚国家联盟（东盟）在解决南海争端中的作用。这些理由是通过权力平衡的概念来解决的，这破坏了强调东盟方式基础的规范制度主义框架。在整个《南海行为准则》（COC for SCS）过程中，在东盟方式原则之前，这引发了关于东盟能力的各种对话，这对其作为地区安全机构的期望提出了质疑。本文以“在南海南海合作准则进程中对东盟方式的期望是什么”为问题为指导，深入探讨了东盟在南海争端和平进程中的区域安全作用。本文没有遵循权力平衡的方法，而是通过东盟方式对南海合同准则进程提出了基于规范的制度主义视角。制定东盟方式是为了在冲突有关各方的灵活参与下促进安全合作。尽管争议海域存在权力失衡，但东盟关于南海南海行为准则的方式有助于相关行为者参与和平对话。东盟提供的这种灵活参与可以为东南亚地区带来有利于和平的合作安全。尽管如此，规范制度主义也揭示了东盟能力的局限性，这些局限性阻碍了为南海制定COC以解决南海争端的期望。
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In The Long Emergency, James Howard Kunstler brings up tremendous arguments on what and how the civilization of mankind will face in the future if it still persists to continue to rely on the rapidly diminishing supply of fossil fuel. In his stance, the writer explains that energy problem is something more than meets the eye; it has greater impact upon the world in a way so common—yet unimaginable, beyond the old and traditional comprehension. In his multi-dimensional scope, Kunstler will take the readers off for a journey in exploring how terrible can the future of oil consuming-mankind be.
詹姆斯·霍华德·昆斯勒（James Howard Kunstler）在《长期紧急情况》（The Long Emergency）一书中提出了大量论点，即如果人类文明继续依赖迅速减少的化石燃料供应，那么它在未来将面临什么以及如何面对。在他的立场中，作者解释说，能源问题不仅仅是表面上的问题；它以一种常见但难以想象的方式对世界产生了更大的影响，超出了古老和传统的理解。在他的多维视野中，昆斯勒将带领读者踏上一段探索石油消费人类未来有多可怕的旅程。
{"title":"Mengusik Tidur Berjalan Umat Manusia: Menambang Energi dalam Jerat Multi-Dimensi","authors":"Derry Aplianta, R. Risnandar","doi":"10.7454/global.v8i2.622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/global.v8i2.622","url":null,"abstract":"In The Long Emergency, James Howard Kunstler brings up tremendous arguments on what and how the civilization of mankind will face in the future if it still persists to continue to rely on the rapidly diminishing supply of fossil fuel. In his stance, the writer explains that energy problem is something more than meets the eye; it has greater impact upon the world in a way so common—yet unimaginable, beyond the old and traditional comprehension. In his multi-dimensional scope, Kunstler will take the readers off for a journey in exploring how terrible can the future of oil consuming-mankind be.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43035600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-05DOI: 10.7454/global.v10i2.454
R. Supriyanto
Indonesia memiliki latar belakang sejarah maritim yang panjang. Apalagi, bentuk negara kepulauan mendorong Indonesia memiliki kepentingan dan perhatian luas terhadap pemanfaatan laut. Namun, baik sejarah, kepentingan maupun perhatian tersebut belum mampu mendorong Indonesia untuk membangun kekuatan angkatan laut yang tangguh di era modern. Melainkan, perdebatan masih seputar antara "sepatu" atau angkatan darat, dengan "perahu" atau angkatan laut, dalam prioritas pembangunan angkatan bersenjata. Dalam konteks ini, permasalahan utama terletak pada kebijakan pertahanan yang terlalu berpemikiran kontinental dan terlalu terpolitisasi. Kedua masalah ini tidak hanya mencegah Indonesia untuk menjadi kekuatan maritim yang tangguh, tetapi juga secara khusus telah menghambat proses modernisasi angkatan laut sejak masa Orde Lama.
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Pub Date : 2021-08-05DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V10I2.326
Stevie Leonard Harison
Climate change has become one of the most challenging issues for the international system in this 21st century because its negative impact has been founded in every regions in the world. One of those is Africa with its far-lagged behind and poorer performance in political, economic, and social sectors than any other parts of the world. This article tries to analyze the ongoing process of the creation of good governance in Africa's climate change dynamics. In Africa, the progress of civil society activism is predicted to be more important factor than the policy outcome from its government in making good governance. In this context, the rise of civil society should be better understood as being an equal partner than a competitor to the policy-makers to have more intensive cooperation and collaboration to solve the urgent climate problems in Africa at present.
{"title":"Peran NGO dalam Dinamika Isu Perubahan Iklim di Afrika","authors":"Stevie Leonard Harison","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V10I2.326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V10I2.326","url":null,"abstract":"Climate change has become one of the most challenging issues for the international system in this 21st century because its negative impact has been founded in every regions in the world. One of those is Africa with its far-lagged behind and poorer performance in political, economic, and social sectors than any other parts of the world. This article tries to analyze the ongoing process of the creation of good governance in Africa's climate change dynamics. In Africa, the progress of civil society activism is predicted to be more important factor than the policy outcome from its government in making good governance. In this context, the rise of civil society should be better understood as being an equal partner than a competitor to the policy-makers to have more intensive cooperation and collaboration to solve the urgent climate problems in Africa at present.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48549026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-09DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.580
Alvela Salsabilah Putri, Puti Jasmine Choirunissa, R. Salma
According to 2020 UNAIDS data, there are approximately 20,700,000 people infected with HIV, with 12,900,000 infected are women in Eastern & Southern Africa. This condition is caused by the lack of health rights for women which is also based on the limited rights of women to matters such as education, employment and finance. This study aims to examine the role of global government in accommodating global actors to address issues of gender equality in women's health in Eastern and Southern Africa. This research is built on the concept of global governance theory and feminism. The research method used is qualitative research methods using case studies. This paper concludes that global actors (governmental and non-governmental) make important contributions through international cooperation and produce various programmes for women's empowerment and health assistance. These programmes and assistance are producing slow but steady changes to gender equality and the well-being of women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region. Because through these various health programmes and assistance, women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region can optimise their rights as women as well as human beings.
{"title":"Global Actors’ Effort towards Gender Equality in Women's Health in East and Southern Africa","authors":"Alvela Salsabilah Putri, Puti Jasmine Choirunissa, R. Salma","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.580","url":null,"abstract":"According to 2020 UNAIDS data, there are approximately 20,700,000 people infected with HIV, with 12,900,000 infected are women in Eastern & Southern Africa. This condition is caused by the lack of health rights for women which is also based on the limited rights of women to matters such as education, employment and finance. This study aims to examine the role of global government in accommodating global actors to address issues of gender equality in women's health in Eastern and Southern Africa. This research is built on the concept of global governance theory and feminism. The research method used is qualitative research methods using case studies. This paper concludes that global actors (governmental and non-governmental) make important contributions through international cooperation and produce various programmes for women's empowerment and health assistance. These programmes and assistance are producing slow but steady changes to gender equality and the well-being of women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region. Because through these various health programmes and assistance, women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region can optimise their rights as women as well as human beings.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47983121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-09DOI: 10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.579
S. Nugroho
Assessing the output of past foreign policy is instrumental for any country to learn policy-relevant insights, to appreciate its experience, and to improve its future conduct. To glean such insights, this article borrows Baldwin’s framework in assessing the success and failure in foreign policy. Using a case study analysis, it assesses the United States’ (U.S.) influence attempt towards Indonesia to resolve the 1999 East Timor humanitarian crisis. President Clinton’s decision to undergo an influence attempt primarily aimed to change Indonesia’s policy while gaining support from U.S. allies in the process. The article finds that Clinton’s decision was a highly successful attempt. This finding is based on several factors: (1) the attempt effectively attained the intended primary and secondary goals at a considerably high degree; (2) it was conducted at a considerably low cost for the U.S.; (3) it inflicted a high cost towards Indonesia; (4) the increase in Clinton’s stake strengthened the U.S. resolve to pursue the influence attempt; and (5) Clinton had successfully overcome the difficult undertaking as Indonesia possessed higher stake over East Timor. These findings provide some lessons for both U.S. and Indonesian foreign policymakers to chart future relations for the two nations.
{"title":"Learning from Past Policy: Assessing United States Foreign Policy over Indonesia in Resolving the 1999 East Timor Crisis","authors":"S. Nugroho","doi":"10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7454/GLOBAL.V23I1.579","url":null,"abstract":"Assessing the output of past foreign policy is instrumental for any country to learn policy-relevant insights, to appreciate its experience, and to improve its future conduct. To glean such insights, this article borrows Baldwin’s framework in assessing the success and failure in foreign policy. Using a case study analysis, it assesses the United States’ (U.S.) influence attempt towards Indonesia to resolve the 1999 East Timor humanitarian crisis. President Clinton’s decision to undergo an influence attempt primarily aimed to change Indonesia’s policy while gaining support from U.S. allies in the process. The article finds that Clinton’s decision was a highly successful attempt. This finding is based on several factors: (1) the attempt effectively attained the intended primary and secondary goals at a considerably high degree; (2) it was conducted at a considerably low cost for the U.S.; (3) it inflicted a high cost towards Indonesia; (4) the increase in Clinton’s stake strengthened the U.S. resolve to pursue the influence attempt; and (5) Clinton had successfully overcome the difficult undertaking as Indonesia possessed higher stake over East Timor. These findings provide some lessons for both U.S. and Indonesian foreign policymakers to chart future relations for the two nations.","PeriodicalId":32472,"journal":{"name":"Global Jurnal Politik Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45145130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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