Pub Date : 2021-03-29DOI: 10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.1
K. Apriliyanti, M. Latif, Dyah Mutiarin
Covid-19 Pandemic has become a worldwide issue that also impacts Indonesia. An adaptive and agile governance system is needed to overcome the pandemic issue in both central and regional. One area that is considered successful is Surabaya City. Even so, there is a phenomenon of the high number of Covid-19 positives rates in Surabaya. It indicated that this is a form of policy hampered by local culture. Arek Suroboyo and their cangkrukan were contradicting due to the government's policy regarding large-scale social restrictions. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to analyze agile governance form in the implementation of Surabaya City Government policies in handling Covid-19. Then, identify the impacts that occur on policies due to the culture and custom of Arek Suroboyo. The method used is qualitative descriptive with the questioner and related documents-based analysis. Its results showed that with the existence of decentralization, regional policies were influenced by the central government strategy. Regarding the Central Government's Instruction, the public policies taken handling Covid-19 in the City of Surabaya includes promotional, preventive, curative, and rehabilitative efforts. The dominant concept of agile governance in this policy is "based on quick wins policy" in which one public policy stimulates another. With this effort, the City of Surabaya has passed the first wave of Covid-19 in its region. Nevertheless, the implementation of the policy was hampered by the culture of Arek Suroboyo, namely cangkrukan. Even the worst impact is that this culture potentially conducts the second wave of Covid-19 in Surabaya City.
{"title":"Narasi Budaya Arek Suroboyo dan Pandemi Covid-19: Sebuah Perspektif Agile Governance di Kota Surabaya","authors":"K. Apriliyanti, M. Latif, Dyah Mutiarin","doi":"10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.1","url":null,"abstract":"Covid-19 Pandemic has become a worldwide issue that also impacts Indonesia. An adaptive and agile governance system is needed to overcome the pandemic issue in both central and regional. One area that is considered successful is Surabaya City. Even so, there is a phenomenon of the high number of Covid-19 positives rates in Surabaya. It indicated that this is a form of policy hampered by local culture. Arek Suroboyo and their cangkrukan were contradicting due to the government's policy regarding large-scale social restrictions. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to analyze agile governance form in the implementation of Surabaya City Government policies in handling Covid-19. Then, identify the impacts that occur on policies due to the culture and custom of Arek Suroboyo. The method used is qualitative descriptive with the questioner and related documents-based analysis. Its results showed that with the existence of decentralization, regional policies were influenced by the central government strategy. Regarding the Central Government's Instruction, the public policies taken handling Covid-19 in the City of Surabaya includes promotional, preventive, curative, and rehabilitative efforts. The dominant concept of agile governance in this policy is \"based on quick wins policy\" in which one public policy stimulates another. With this effort, the City of Surabaya has passed the first wave of Covid-19 in its region. Nevertheless, the implementation of the policy was hampered by the culture of Arek Suroboyo, namely cangkrukan. Even the worst impact is that this culture potentially conducts the second wave of Covid-19 in Surabaya City.","PeriodicalId":33193,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Transformative","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81969079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-29DOI: 10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.6
Fhikri Fhutera Yudan, Muhammad Arief Virgy
This article aims to describe and analyze how the implementation of Open Government Data by the Government of Bandung City is viewed from the theory of implementation of Open Government Data from research by Azmi Omar, Julian M. Bass, and Peter Lowit. The research method used is a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques are carried out through literature study, observation, interviews, and documentation. The technique of determining informants was carried out purposively. The results showed that based on the four dimensions of the implementation of Open Government Data proposed by Azmi Omar et al, there are several things that need to be improved, such as community involvement in making datasets which is still minimal, public awareness of the importance of open data, the capacity of all Bandung City Government agencies to utilize manufacturing technology. data, as well as collaboration from parties in charge of observing the journey of Open Data Bandung. Researchers suggest that in order for the implementation of Open Government Data to run better, it is necessary to form a formal cooperation agreement with external parties as data producers and also to build special facilities for Open Data Bandung City so that the running of open government data in Bandung City can run effectively.
本文旨在从Azmi Omar、Julian M. Bass和Peter Lowit研究的开放政府数据实施理论出发，描述和分析万隆市政府如何实施开放政府数据。使用的研究方法是描述性方法与定性方法。数据收集技术通过文献研究，观察，访谈和文件。确定线人的技术是有目的的。结果表明，基于Azmi Omar等人提出的实施开放政府数据的四个维度，有几件事需要改进，例如社区参与制作数据集的程度仍然很低，公众对开放数据重要性的认识，所有万隆市政府机构利用制造技术的能力。数据，以及负责观察万隆开放数据之旅的各方的合作。研究人员建议，为了使政府数据开放的实施更好地运行，需要与作为数据生产者的外部各方形成正式的合作协议，也需要为万隆市开放数据建立专门的设施，使万隆市的政府数据开放运行能够有效地运行。
{"title":"Implementasi Open Government Data oleh Pemerintah Kota Bandung","authors":"Fhikri Fhutera Yudan, Muhammad Arief Virgy","doi":"10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.6","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to describe and analyze how the implementation of Open Government Data by the Government of Bandung City is viewed from the theory of implementation of Open Government Data from research by Azmi Omar, Julian M. Bass, and Peter Lowit. The research method used is a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques are carried out through literature study, observation, interviews, and documentation. The technique of determining informants was carried out purposively. The results showed that based on the four dimensions of the implementation of Open Government Data proposed by Azmi Omar et al, there are several things that need to be improved, such as community involvement in making datasets which is still minimal, public awareness of the importance of open data, the capacity of all Bandung City Government agencies to utilize manufacturing technology. data, as well as collaboration from parties in charge of observing the journey of Open Data Bandung. Researchers suggest that in order for the implementation of Open Government Data to run better, it is necessary to form a formal cooperation agreement with external parties as data producers and also to build special facilities for Open Data Bandung City so that the running of open government data in Bandung City can run effectively.","PeriodicalId":33193,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Transformative","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73002910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-29DOI: 10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.2
Abdul Aziz, Petir Pudjantoro, R. Rusdianto, M. Yani
The gold mining company PTAMNT, which operates in West Sumbawa, discharges its mine waste into the middle of the sea using the deep sea tailing placement (DSTP) method. For local people, the presence of foreign goods is seen as dangerous for their economic life and health. The toxins in it can contaminate sea water and fish. Even though their life depends a lot on the sea. Therefore, society rejects its existence. This study questions the level of acceptance of the local community as well as the economic and health impacts of tailings dumping. This study uses a qualitative method, by putting forward case studies. Data collection used the method of observation, in-depth interviews, focused group discussion, and document searches. Initially, the economic life and health of the community were considered to be affected by tailings dumping. However, local people's understanding turned out to be dynamic. When the knowledge and experience of the community increases and is in different contexts, the perspective on tailings (DSTP) changes and can accept it. Their knowledge and experience shows that tailings dumping using the DSTP method does not have any (bad) impacts on both economic life and health. It was understood later that the real big problem for the local community was not tailings dumping and its impacts, but rather the existence of the mining company itself as a whole which was seen as not always giving significant meaning to daily economic and social life.
{"title":"Tambang dan Masyarakat: Dampak Ekonomi dan Kesehatan Dumping Tailing bagi Masyarakat Pesisir Lingkar Tambang","authors":"Abdul Aziz, Petir Pudjantoro, R. Rusdianto, M. Yani","doi":"10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2021.007.01.2","url":null,"abstract":"The gold mining company PTAMNT, which operates in West Sumbawa, discharges its mine waste into the middle of the sea using the deep sea tailing placement (DSTP) method. For local people, the presence of foreign goods is seen as dangerous for their economic life and health. The toxins in it can contaminate sea water and fish. Even though their life depends a lot on the sea. Therefore, society rejects its existence. This study questions the level of acceptance of the local community as well as the economic and health impacts of tailings dumping. This study uses a qualitative method, by putting forward case studies. Data collection used the method of observation, in-depth interviews, focused group discussion, and document searches. Initially, the economic life and health of the community were considered to be affected by tailings dumping. However, local people's understanding turned out to be dynamic. When the knowledge and experience of the community increases and is in different contexts, the perspective on tailings (DSTP) changes and can accept it. Their knowledge and experience shows that tailings dumping using the DSTP method does not have any (bad) impacts on both economic life and health. It was understood later that the real big problem for the local community was not tailings dumping and its impacts, but rather the existence of the mining company itself as a whole which was seen as not always giving significant meaning to daily economic and social life.","PeriodicalId":33193,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Transformative","volume":"101 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85812177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-22DOI: 10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2020.006.02.4
A. Rahmat, Pujiartini Pujiartini, Titin Purwaningsih
To strengthen social security for people with social welfare issues, the Sleman R egency government has implemented a Social Security Net (JSP) policy . Nevertheless, its management often poses obstacles and challenges in line with the implementation . This article aims to examine the implementation of the Social Safety Net (JPS) policy in Sleman regency, as a cash assistance program that has a significant influence on the basic needs of people's lives in the health, education and social sectors. Furthermore, this research method uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques through in-depth interviews and performance reports. The results of this study are the Sleman R egency government through the Department of Social Service as an extension of the government sector that manages the JPS program still has a lack of personnel resources to handle the verification process and data validity of the JPS recipient. Nevertheless, the JPS program has a strong network of actors to work with the Regional Development Planning Agency, the Regional Finance and Assets Agency, the Department of Health, and social workers at the sub-district and village levels. However, a critical review of this implementation is that there is no solution to the problems of life for the people who receive funding from JPS. Programs provided by the government seem to be able to prevent and deal with risks from social shocks and vulnerabilities, but there is no government effort to design the program, which provides change for people who have social vulnerabilities. In this context, it certainly gives them life dependence because this program is only as unplanned social assistance in the form of money given to them.
{"title":"To what Extent the Social Safety Net (JPS) Implement in Sleman Regency","authors":"A. Rahmat, Pujiartini Pujiartini, Titin Purwaningsih","doi":"10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2020.006.02.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21776/UB.TRANSFORMATIVE.2020.006.02.4","url":null,"abstract":"To strengthen social security for people with social welfare issues, the Sleman R egency government has implemented a Social Security Net (JSP) policy . Nevertheless, its management often poses obstacles and challenges in line with the implementation . This article aims to examine the implementation of the Social Safety Net (JPS) policy in Sleman regency, as a cash assistance program that has a significant influence on the basic needs of people's lives in the health, education and social sectors. Furthermore, this research method uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques through in-depth interviews and performance reports. The results of this study are the Sleman R egency government through the Department of Social Service as an extension of the government sector that manages the JPS program still has a lack of personnel resources to handle the verification process and data validity of the JPS recipient. Nevertheless, the JPS program has a strong network of actors to work with the Regional Development Planning Agency, the Regional Finance and Assets Agency, the Department of Health, and social workers at the sub-district and village levels. However, a critical review of this implementation is that there is no solution to the problems of life for the people who receive funding from JPS. Programs provided by the government seem to be able to prevent and deal with risks from social shocks and vulnerabilities, but there is no government effort to design the program, which provides change for people who have social vulnerabilities. In this context, it certainly gives them life dependence because this program is only as unplanned social assistance in the form of money given to them.","PeriodicalId":33193,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Transformative","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84765224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-09DOI: 10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.5
Khoirun Nisa
Tulisan ini bermaksud menjelaskan interaksi simbol identitas mayoritas yang diletakkan di ruang publik masyarakat plural pasca regulasi otonomi daerah. Studi kasus yang digunakan adalah simbolisasi Islam di ruang publik Kota Tangerang pada tahun 2010. Tulisan ini memaparkan interpretasi pemerintah dan masyarakat terhadap kehadiran simbol identitas mayoritas. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara mendalam kepada 34 responden, observasi, catatan lapangan dan dokumentasi. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa maksud dan tujuan pemerintah meletakkan simbol pada ruang publik dipahami dengan baik oleh responden namun bahasa mayoritas menutupi maksud kebaikan pemerintah untuk mengedukasi masyarakat. Pemerintah Kota Tangerang menganggap penggunaan bahasa mayoritas pada simbol merupakan sesuatu yang wajar, namun responden menilai pemerintah bersikap eksklusif. Kebijakan simbolisasi Islam di ruang publik Kota Tangerang tidak melibatkan partisipasi publik, sehingga responden menganggap kebijakan tersebut gagal menjawab kebutuhan masyarakat. Fenomena simbolisasi Islam yang terjadi di Kota Tangerang menciptakan ruang interaksi dan komunikasi antara pemerintah dan masyarakat Kota Tangerang, sekaligus kritik dalam konteks masyarakat demokratis. Simbolisasi Islam menyebabkan ketimpangan kesetaraan kelompok minoritas di ruang publik. Konsep yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah multikulturalisme. Implikasi dari kajian ini adalah politik pengakuan kesetaraan dapat dijadikan alternatif jawaban dalam melihat ketimpangan identitas akibat penerapan simbolisasi identitas mayoritas di ruang publik.
{"title":"Simbol Identitas dan Ruang Publik: Simbolisasi Islam di Kota Tangerang pada Tahun 2010","authors":"Khoirun Nisa","doi":"10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.5","url":null,"abstract":"Tulisan ini bermaksud menjelaskan interaksi simbol identitas mayoritas yang diletakkan di ruang publik masyarakat plural pasca regulasi otonomi daerah. Studi kasus yang digunakan adalah simbolisasi Islam di ruang publik Kota Tangerang pada tahun 2010. Tulisan ini memaparkan interpretasi pemerintah dan masyarakat terhadap kehadiran simbol identitas mayoritas. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara mendalam kepada 34 responden, observasi, catatan lapangan dan dokumentasi. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa maksud dan tujuan pemerintah meletakkan simbol pada ruang publik dipahami dengan baik oleh responden namun bahasa mayoritas menutupi maksud kebaikan pemerintah untuk mengedukasi masyarakat. Pemerintah Kota Tangerang menganggap penggunaan bahasa mayoritas pada simbol merupakan sesuatu yang wajar, namun responden menilai pemerintah bersikap eksklusif. Kebijakan simbolisasi Islam di ruang publik Kota Tangerang tidak melibatkan partisipasi publik, sehingga responden menganggap kebijakan tersebut gagal menjawab kebutuhan masyarakat. Fenomena simbolisasi Islam yang terjadi di Kota Tangerang menciptakan ruang interaksi dan komunikasi antara pemerintah dan masyarakat Kota Tangerang, sekaligus kritik dalam konteks masyarakat demokratis. Simbolisasi Islam menyebabkan ketimpangan kesetaraan kelompok minoritas di ruang publik. Konsep yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah multikulturalisme. Implikasi dari kajian ini adalah politik pengakuan kesetaraan dapat dijadikan alternatif jawaban dalam melihat ketimpangan identitas akibat penerapan simbolisasi identitas mayoritas di ruang publik.","PeriodicalId":33193,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Transformative","volume":"64 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77803871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Firehose of falsehood is a propaganda technique that has used in the political world. This propaganda is used by presenting hoax news/hoaxes in public awareness continuously until the public believes the news. The community more easily and quickly accepts media news anywhere and anytime because the public has direct media access to grasp. In contrast, the literacy and rechecking of news content are often not done due to time constraints and the emotional content of newsreaders. Information media believed to be one of the sources of increasing distrust in the election organizers, namely the KPU. This study aims to explore people's attitudes towards HOAX news on trust in the KPU. The research method uses quantitative with a survey approach to 558 2019 voter respondents through the distribution of Trust research scale to KPU and attitude scale towards hoaxes. The results study indicate there is a role for attitudes towards hoaxes towards trust in the KPU as an EMB in Indonesia.
{"title":"Kekacauan Pemilu 2019: Fenomena Firehose of falsehood dalam Relasi Sikap terhadap HOAX dan Kepercayaan Masyarakat Terhadap Komisi Pemilihan Umum","authors":"Lusy Asa Akhrani, Ika Herani, Ibnu Asqori Pohan, Muhammad Afif Alhad","doi":"10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.1","url":null,"abstract":"Firehose of falsehood is a propaganda technique that has used in the political world. This propaganda is used by presenting hoax news/hoaxes in public awareness continuously until the public believes the news. The community more easily and quickly accepts media news anywhere and anytime because the public has direct media access to grasp. In contrast, the literacy and rechecking of news content are often not done due to time constraints and the emotional content of newsreaders. Information media believed to be one of the sources of increasing distrust in the election organizers, namely the KPU. This study aims to explore people's attitudes towards HOAX news on trust in the KPU. The research method uses quantitative with a survey approach to 558 2019 voter respondents through the distribution of Trust research scale to KPU and attitude scale towards hoaxes. The results study indicate there is a role for attitudes towards hoaxes towards trust in the KPU as an EMB in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":33193,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Transformative","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91396414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-09DOI: 10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.6
L. Harjudin, La Husen Zuada
Artikel ini mengeksplorasi praktek dinasti politik di Sulawesi Tenggara. Pemilu yang semestinya merupakan kontestasi demokrasi yang sehat, justru menjadi ajang para elit lokal di Sulawesi Tenggara untuk membangun dan memperkuat dinasti politik sejak Pemilu 2014. Para anggota legislatif terpilih pada Pemilu 2019 di Sulawesi Tenggara banyak berasal dari keluarga politik—keluarga bupati, walikota dan ketua partai. Sebanyak sepuluh kepala daerah dari tujuh belas kabupaten/kota di Sulawesi Tenggara, sukses meloloskan keluarga mereka sebagai anggota legislatif mulai dari DPRD Kabupaten/Kota, DPRD Provinsi, hingga DPR dan DPD. Keterpilihan kerabat elit politik lokal ini menjadi ancaman dalam mewujudkan demokrasi yang subtansial, kompetitif dan berkualitas. Pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan studi kepustakaan dan pengamatan. Hasil penelitian ditemukan, dinasti politik berkembang di Sulawesi Tenggara dalam dua model yaitu dinasti yang tumbuh dari keluarga governing elite dan keluarga non governing elite. Keberadaan dinasti politik ini ditopang oleh empat hal: pertama, pragmatisme dan praktek oligarki partai politik; kedua, tumbuh suburnya politik uang dan politisasi birokrasi; ketiga, lemahnya pengawasaan Bawaslu dan jajarannya; keempat, budaya politik yang kolutif dan paternalistik.
{"title":"‘Musim Semi’ Dinasti Politik Pada Pemilu 2019 Di Sulawesi Tenggara","authors":"L. Harjudin, La Husen Zuada","doi":"10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21776/ub.transformative.2020.006.01.6","url":null,"abstract":"Artikel ini mengeksplorasi praktek dinasti politik di Sulawesi Tenggara. Pemilu yang semestinya merupakan kontestasi demokrasi yang sehat, justru menjadi ajang para elit lokal di Sulawesi Tenggara untuk membangun dan memperkuat dinasti politik sejak Pemilu 2014. Para anggota legislatif terpilih pada Pemilu 2019 di Sulawesi Tenggara banyak berasal dari keluarga politik—keluarga bupati, walikota dan ketua partai. Sebanyak sepuluh kepala daerah dari tujuh belas kabupaten/kota di Sulawesi Tenggara, sukses meloloskan keluarga mereka sebagai anggota legislatif mulai dari DPRD Kabupaten/Kota, DPRD Provinsi, hingga DPR dan DPD. Keterpilihan kerabat elit politik lokal ini menjadi ancaman dalam mewujudkan demokrasi yang subtansial, kompetitif dan berkualitas. Pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan studi kepustakaan dan pengamatan. Hasil penelitian ditemukan, dinasti politik berkembang di Sulawesi Tenggara dalam dua model yaitu dinasti yang tumbuh dari keluarga governing elite dan keluarga non governing elite. Keberadaan dinasti politik ini ditopang oleh empat hal: pertama, pragmatisme dan praktek oligarki partai politik; kedua, tumbuh suburnya politik uang dan politisasi birokrasi; ketiga, lemahnya pengawasaan Bawaslu dan jajarannya; keempat, budaya politik yang kolutif dan paternalistik.","PeriodicalId":33193,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Transformative","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78182115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-30DOI: 10.21776/ub.transformative.2019.005.02.5
Kunto Megantoro, Joko Tri Nugraha, Fadlurahman Fadlurahman
Negara berkembang seperti Indonesia, rendahnya mutu pelayanan publik masih menjadi masalah terbesar. memunculkan E-Government salah satu tujuan E-Government adalah agar lembaga pemerintah mampu menyediakan pelayanan publik yang efektif, efisien dan cepat, khususnya dalam hal ini adalah website, dimana websit e DPMPTSP Kota Magelang diharapkan dapat menjadi informasi sebagai sarana interaksi antara pemerintah dengan masyarakat maupun mempermudah layanan elektronik. salah satu yang sudah menerapkannya adalah DPMPTSP Kota Magelang. Penelitian dengan judul “Efektivitas Website Sebagai Media Informasi Dalam Konteks Relasi Government To Citizens Di Dinas Penanaman Modal Dan Pelayanan Terpadu Satu Pintu (DPMPTSP) Kota Magelang” merupakan sebuah studi dimana dalam penelitian ini diharapkan dapat mengetahui seberapa efektif websit e DPMPTSP Kota Magelang Sebagai Media Informasi Dalam Konteks Relasi Government To Citizens. Dalam penelitian ini ukuran Efektivitas meliputi peran Website , peran pemerintah, tujuan, jangkauan, content, interaksi, faktor pendukung dan faktor penghambat.
像印度尼西亚这样的发展中国家，公共服务质量低下仍然是最大的问题。引入电子政府的目标之一是，政府机构能够提供有效、有效和快速的公共服务，特别是在这个网站上，马格朗市网络会议被期望提供信息，作为政府与社会的互动方式，以及便利电子服务。其中一个用过的是马格朗市的国会议员。研究与标题“政府网站作为媒体的语境中信息的有效性关系到公民在综合投资服务和服务一门(DPMPTSP)马格朗城”是一个研究在研究有望知道websit e DPMPTSP马格朗城市有什么效果作为上下文中的信息政府关系到公民媒体。在本研究中，有效措施包括网站的作用、政府的作用、目标、范围、内容、相互作用、促成因素和抑制因素。
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Pub Date : 2019-09-30DOI: 10.21776/ub.transformative.2019.005.02.1
A. Tulga
This paper tries to apply Lijphart’s way of description with ten factors for the two models of democracy to the Republic of Turkey. Turkey, with her important location, which is a country with a different political structure and social structure, can be added to Lijphart example. This research mainly analysis Turkish political system with Lijphart’s majoritarian and consensus democracy idea. In this study, while examining the case of Turkey, the World Bank, IMF, and IV project, Freedom House reports and data were used.
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Pub Date : 2019-09-30DOI: 10.21776/ub.transformative.2019.005.02.6
M. Rahmawati, Yusa Djuyandi
Pemilihan gubernur Jawa Barat adalah salah satu pemilihan tingkat daerah paling besar di Indonesia, hal ini dikarenakan Jawa Barat memiliki jumlah Daftar Pemilih Tetap (DPT) terbanyak di Indonesia, yaitu sebanyak tiga puluh satu juta pemilih atau satu per lima dari total DPT se-Indonesia. Pasangan Asyik menjadi salah satu dari empat calon yang berkontestasi dalam pemilihan gubernur Jawa Barat sekaligus menjadi satu-satunya calon yang muncul dari partai oposisi pemerintah. Dalam survei elektabilitas yang dilakukan selama beberapa bulan sampai beberapa hari sebelum pemilihan, pasangan Asyik termasuk ke dalam dua paslon dengan elektabilitas terendah. Melalui hasil ini, maka menjadi menarik bagi penulis untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis bagaimana strategi kampanye yang dilakukan oleh Asyik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif. Pengumpulan data berasal dari data primer dan sekunder serta pengumpulan data melalui studi kepustakaan dari buku, jurnal dan artikel. Berdasarkan penelitian, Asyik menggunakan isu ekonomi sebagai isu yang paling mendominasi janji kampanye. Namun, kekuatan utama mereka sebenarnya berada pada isu keumatan, di mana mereka telah menyasar pada kelompok masyarakat Muslim, khususnya yang pernah turut serta dalam Aksi 212. Isu ini juga berkorelasi dengan citra utama mereka sebagai satu-satunya pasangan dari partai oposisi, sehingga tagar 2018 Asyik Menang, 2019 Ganti Presiden adalah bagian dari propaganda utama yang mereka keluarkan sebagai politik penyerangan kepada pihak lawan, terlebih bertujuan pula untuk memberikan diferensiasi khusus antara paslon Asyik dengan paslon lain di mata masyarakat pemilih Jawa Barat.
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