Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2022-04-062-075
Areg Petrosyan
. After the military coup in Afghanistan in 2021 there was a need to look anew at the geopolitical significance of the region. In this context, there is an imperative for Russia to build mutually beneficial and stable relations with the new Kabul authorities, given the strategic importance of Afghanistan in Moscow's security architecture (mainly related to Central Asia and threat of terrorism). Besides, the opportunity emerged, against the backdrop of failed US attempts to establish peace in Afghanistan, to achieve long-term stability in Afghanistan and overall, the region through cooperation with the new Afghan government. Having achieved this, Russia will ensure the security of its allies and partners in Central Asia and minimize threats to regional security and regional interests of her.
{"title":"RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN AFGHANISTAN AFTER THE MILITARY COUP OF 2021. STRATEGIC STABILITY AS AN IMPERATIVE","authors":"Areg Petrosyan","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2022-04-062-075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-04-062-075","url":null,"abstract":". After the military coup in Afghanistan in 2021 there was a need to look anew at the geopolitical significance of the region. In this context, there is an imperative for Russia to build mutually beneficial and stable relations with the new Kabul authorities, given the strategic importance of Afghanistan in Moscow's security architecture (mainly related to Central Asia and threat of terrorism). Besides, the opportunity emerged, against the backdrop of failed US attempts to establish peace in Afghanistan, to achieve long-term stability in Afghanistan and overall, the region through cooperation with the new Afghan government. Having achieved this, Russia will ensure the security of its allies and partners in Central Asia and minimize threats to regional security and regional interests of her.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124348333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2022-02-051-057
Ruben Kazariyan
The artcle discusses the coverage of the events in Ukraine by the South Korean press in connecton with the start of a special military operaton of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federaton at the end of February 2022.
{"title":"SOUTH KOREAN PRESS ABOUT EVENTS IN UKRAINE (LATE FEBRUARY – MARCH 2022)","authors":"Ruben Kazariyan","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2022-02-051-057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-02-051-057","url":null,"abstract":"The artcle discusses the coverage of the events in Ukraine by the South Korean press in connecton with the start of a special military operaton of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federaton at the end of February 2022.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125790942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2023-02-117-127
T. Karasova
The Israeli leadership's attitude towards the Ukrainian conflict is closely related to the specific internal and foreign policy of the State of Israel. Israel's approach is less strategic and more tactical. Its refusal to extend valuable military assistance to Ukraine is centered on narrow regional operational concerns (in Syria and conflict with Iran) and not on matters of geopolitical positioning. Israel hopes to maintain its partnership with Washington without alienating Moscow. The Jewish state tries to avoid Western pressure to «choose a side» and instead be guided by concrete Israeli interests. Israel relies less on the notion that Israelis should trust Washington to defend their interests but follow self-reliance the consequences to its own defense. Ukrainians have been puffing harsh demands to increase Israeli financial and military support and shift its declaratory policy in favor of Kiev. But Jerusalem clearly aware this step would lead to crossing red lines» marked by Moscow which threatens the Israeli's security interests. Israel takes into account Russian influence in the region and prefers to keep its cooperative ties with Kremlin. Israel remains Washington's closest ally in the Middle East, but Biden administration and collective West expectations that the Israelis government to act like it were mostly not met. Israel has maintained a passive stance on Ukraine despite mounting pressure by Western allies.
{"title":"ISRAEL AND UKRAINIAN CONFLICT","authors":"T. Karasova","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2023-02-117-127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2023-02-117-127","url":null,"abstract":"The Israeli leadership's attitude towards the Ukrainian conflict is closely related to the specific internal and foreign policy of the State of Israel. Israel's approach is less strategic and more tactical. Its refusal to extend valuable military assistance to Ukraine is centered on narrow regional operational concerns (in Syria and conflict with Iran) and not on matters of geopolitical positioning. Israel hopes to maintain its partnership with Washington without alienating Moscow. The Jewish state tries to avoid Western pressure to «choose a side» and instead be guided by concrete Israeli interests. Israel relies less on the notion that Israelis should trust Washington to defend their interests but follow self-reliance the consequences to its own defense. Ukrainians have been puffing harsh demands to increase Israeli financial and military support and shift its declaratory policy in favor of Kiev. But Jerusalem clearly aware this step would lead to crossing red lines» marked by Moscow which threatens the Israeli's security interests. Israel takes into account Russian influence in the region and prefers to keep its cooperative ties with Kremlin. Israel remains Washington's closest ally in the Middle East, but Biden administration and collective West expectations that the Israelis government to act like it were mostly not met. Israel has maintained a passive stance on Ukraine despite mounting pressure by Western allies.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124757003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2021-04-028-042
U. Okimbekov
The article is dedicated to the issues of the state and development of the Afghan land transport network during the period between the collapse and the re-coming to power of the Taliban (2001–2021). It outlines the main achievements of the transport system, the role of international donors in its development, the factors that prevented the achievement of the desired outcomes, the prospects for the development of the industry, taking into account the current political situation.
{"title":"TRANSPORT SYSTEM OF AFGHANISTAN: STATE AND PROSPECTS","authors":"U. Okimbekov","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2021-04-028-042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-04-028-042","url":null,"abstract":"The article is dedicated to the issues of the state and development of the Afghan land transport network during the period between the collapse and the re-coming to power of the Taliban (2001–2021). It outlines the main achievements of the transport system, the role of international donors in its development, the factors that prevented the achievement of the desired outcomes, the prospects for the development of the industry, taking into account the current political situation.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128710991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2022-02-088-094
I. Vedeneev
The study is devoted to the consideraton of the positon and role of Turkey in relaton to the events in Ukraine. It is concluded that the Turkish leadership sees the realizaton of Tur‑ key's natonal interests in carrying out actve mediaton in the negotaton process between Rus‑ sia and Ukraine. From the point of view of the Turkish leadership, Turkey needs to maintain a balance in relatons, on the one hand, with Russia, and, on the other hand, with Ukraine and the West. Turkey's posi‑ ton can be characterized as «benevolent neutrality». Despite President Erdogan's desire to keep Turkey «equidistant» from both Russia and the West (at least in the case of the situaton in Ukraine), the current situaton seems unsustainable. The West (primarily represented by the United States) will contnue to push Turkey to take rash steps against Russia. The reason for this may be the escalaton of tension in Nagorno‑Karabakh or North‑ ern Syria. Another factor may be the 2023 electons in Turkey, as a result of which a pro‑Western government (coaliton) may come to power in the country.
{"title":"TURKEY’S POSITION AND ROLE IN THE SETTLEMENT OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS","authors":"I. Vedeneev","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2022-02-088-094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-02-088-094","url":null,"abstract":"The study is devoted to the consideraton of the positon and role of Turkey in relaton to the events in Ukraine. It is concluded that the Turkish leadership sees the realizaton of Tur‑ key's natonal interests in carrying out actve mediaton in the negotaton process between Rus‑ sia and Ukraine. From the point of view of the Turkish leadership, Turkey needs to maintain a balance in relatons, on the one hand, with Russia, and, on the other hand, with Ukraine and the West. Turkey's posi‑ ton can be characterized as «benevolent neutrality». Despite President Erdogan's desire to keep Turkey «equidistant» from both Russia and the West (at least in the case of the situaton in Ukraine), the current situaton seems unsustainable. The West (primarily represented by the United States) will contnue to push Turkey to take rash steps against Russia. The reason for this may be the escalaton of tension in Nagorno‑Karabakh or North‑ ern Syria. Another factor may be the 2023 electons in Turkey, as a result of which a pro‑Western government (coaliton) may come to power in the country.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127447235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2021-01-083-99
Nikita Lazyuk
The article discusses the main specifics of the development of Japanese financial market over the past 20 years. In addition to empirical analysis of the main indicators of the dynamics of the banking and stock markets, the volatility of the loan portfolio of the so-called city and regional banks is calculated using the data from open sources. Risk and return assessments are performed for the stock market based on the CAPM model. Based on quantitative and qualitative estimates, it is concluded that a number of imbalances in the financial sector have been built up, but they have been partially offset by certain positive trends.
{"title":"DYNAMICS AND PROPORTIONS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN’S FINANCIAL SECTOR IN THE 21st CENTURY","authors":"Nikita Lazyuk","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2021-01-083-99","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-01-083-99","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the main specifics of the development of Japanese financial market over the past 20 years. In addition to empirical analysis of the main indicators of the dynamics of the banking and stock markets, the volatility of the loan portfolio of the so-called city and regional banks is calculated using the data from open sources. Risk and return assessments are performed for the stock market based on the CAPM model. Based on quantitative and qualitative estimates, it is concluded that a number of imbalances in the financial sector have been built up, but they have been partially offset by certain positive trends.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126537658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2022-03-052-060
E. Rastyannikova
The article analyzes the situation on the world market of mining resources. The impact of demand for metallurgical raw materials from Asian countries has been assessed. It is shown that Asian countries in the conditions of rapid urbanization and the development of infrastructure facilities will show an increasing demand for resources for the metallurgical industry. The influence of the mining and metallurgical complex of Ukraine on the world market of iron ore and ferrous metals is investigated. Ukraine's largest exports were ferrous metals and iron ore, which accounted for 28% of all export revenue over the past three years. The main countries buying iron ore were China and the EU countries. Iron and steel went to Turkey, China, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and EU countries. The current situation in the mining and metallurgical industry of Ukraine will affect world economic relations in general. There may be a shortage of iron ore and ferrous metals on the world market, Turkey, Egypt, Viet Nam may be in the most vulnerable position.
{"title":"WORLD ECONOMIC RELATIONS IN THE MINING AND METALLURGY: ASIAN AND NORTH AFRICAN COUNTRIES AND UKRAINE","authors":"E. Rastyannikova","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2022-03-052-060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-03-052-060","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the situation on the world market of mining resources. The impact of demand for metallurgical raw materials from Asian countries has been assessed. It is shown that Asian countries in the conditions of rapid urbanization and the development of infrastructure facilities will show an increasing demand for resources for the metallurgical industry. The influence of the mining and metallurgical complex of Ukraine on the world market of iron ore and ferrous metals is investigated. Ukraine's largest exports were ferrous metals and iron ore, which accounted for 28% of all export revenue over the past three years. The main countries buying iron ore were China and the EU countries. Iron and steel went to Turkey, China, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and EU countries. The current situation in the mining and metallurgical industry of Ukraine will affect world economic relations in general. There may be a shortage of iron ore and ferrous metals on the world market, Turkey, Egypt, Viet Nam may be in the most vulnerable position.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116750120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2023-01-125-142
Aleksei Sarabiev
Анализируется феномен трудовой иммиграции из стран внутри одного и того же региона – Скандинавии, где проживают близкие по историческому происхождению народы. В литературе такие лица характеризуются как «не совсем» мигранты, и автор предлагает ввести понятие «братских миграций». Наряду с иммиграцией разных видов из стран Глобального Юга и Востока, такие миграции имеют мощное экономическое воздействие на принимающее общество, а набор проблем социокультурной адаптации таких трудовых иммигрантов имеет свои особенности, связанные со сходной языковой и историко-культурной идентичностью. Объектом анализа выступают три страны Скандинавии. Их миграционный опыт может быть востребован при выявлении проблем адаптации, а также степени экономического воздействия на города России, особенно в последние годы, когда многие жители Донбасса выезжали в российские районы с целью краткосрочного заработка или на долгое время – в том числе руководствуясь и вопросом безопасности. Вопросы адаптации таких мигрантов остаются и после присоединения новых российских территорий, поскольку «братские» миграции (например, белорусов, молдаван, украинцев), очевидно, продолжаться. Опыт, который накоплен скандинавскими странами в отношении такого рода «братских» миграций, может пригодиться как в плане влияния на экономику городов, так и в плане разрешения вопросов, возникающих в ходе социально- экономической интеграции иммигрантов – как «явных» (с сильно выраженными «восточными» и «южными» чертами), так и неотличимых фенотипически от местного населения.
{"title":"«БРАТСКИЕ» ТРУДОВЫЕ МИГРАЦИИ: СКАНДИНАВСКИЙ ОПЫТ","authors":"Aleksei Sarabiev","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2023-01-125-142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2023-01-125-142","url":null,"abstract":"Анализируется феномен трудовой иммиграции из стран внутри одного и того же региона – Скандинавии, где проживают близкие по историческому происхождению народы. В литературе такие лица характеризуются как «не совсем» мигранты, и автор предлагает ввести понятие «братских миграций». Наряду с иммиграцией разных видов из стран Глобального Юга и Востока, такие миграции имеют мощное экономическое воздействие на принимающее общество, а набор проблем социокультурной адаптации таких трудовых иммигрантов имеет свои особенности, связанные со сходной языковой и историко-культурной идентичностью. Объектом анализа выступают три страны Скандинавии. Их миграционный опыт может быть востребован при выявлении проблем адаптации, а также степени экономического воздействия на города России, особенно в последние годы, когда многие жители Донбасса выезжали в российские районы с целью краткосрочного заработка или на долгое время – в том числе руководствуясь и вопросом безопасности. Вопросы адаптации таких мигрантов остаются и после присоединения новых российских территорий, поскольку «братские» миграции (например, белорусов, молдаван, украинцев), очевидно, продолжаться. Опыт, который накоплен скандинавскими странами в отношении такого рода «братских» миграций, может пригодиться как в плане влияния на экономику городов, так и в плане разрешения вопросов, возникающих в ходе социально- экономической интеграции иммигрантов – как «явных» (с сильно выраженными «восточными» и «южными» чертами), так и неотличимых фенотипически от местного населения.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125621703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2023-01-104-111
Boris Kushkhov
Изучается опыт реакции ключевых органов власти в Монголии на массовые протесты населения, состоявшиеся в декабре 2022 года. Рассматривается комплекс мер, принятых для ограничения коррупционной деятельности в стране, а также риторику выступлений президента, премьер-министра, а также депутатских групп Великого Государственного Хурала с целью оценки степени инициативности и эффективности ключевых политических институтов при решении острых и актуальных проблем, с которыми сталкивается государство и общество. Прослеживается поверхностный и ситуационный характер ответных мер, принятых органами государственной власти, а также их нацеленность на умиротворение протестующих, а не на долгосрочную борьбу с системной коррупцией. Делается вывод о стремлении монгольских политиков поддерживать «статус-кво» в распределении политических полномочий между органами власти, об их неспособности эффективно бороться с коррупцией – как в силу интересов отдельных групп, так и из-за ряда особенностей политической системы Монголии, которая не приспособлена к резкому и оперативному реагированию на подобные кризисы. Делается вывод об утверждении в монгольском государственном аппарате системы «сдержек и противовесов», исключающих возможность активного реагирования на подобные кризисы, с целью недопущения пересмотра установленного «статус-кво» между политическими элитами. Исходя из этого можно говорить о том, что «демократическая» политическая система всё ещё находится в стадии своего становления.
{"title":"ПРОТЕСТЫ В МОНГОЛИИ 2022 ГОДА И РЕАКЦИЯ ВЛАСТЕЙ НА НИХ: ДЕМОКРАТИЯ КОНСЕНСУСА ЭЛИТ?","authors":"Boris Kushkhov","doi":"10.31696/2227-5568-2023-01-104-111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2023-01-104-111","url":null,"abstract":"Изучается опыт реакции ключевых органов власти в Монголии на массовые протесты населения, состоявшиеся в декабре 2022 года. Рассматривается комплекс мер, принятых для ограничения коррупционной деятельности в стране, а также риторику выступлений президента, премьер-министра, а также депутатских групп Великого Государственного Хурала с целью оценки степени инициативности и эффективности ключевых политических институтов при решении острых и актуальных проблем, с которыми сталкивается государство и общество. Прослеживается поверхностный и ситуационный характер ответных мер, принятых органами государственной власти, а также их нацеленность на умиротворение протестующих, а не на долгосрочную борьбу с системной коррупцией. Делается вывод о стремлении монгольских политиков поддерживать «статус-кво» в распределении политических полномочий между органами власти, об их неспособности эффективно бороться с коррупцией – как в силу интересов отдельных групп, так и из-за ряда особенностей политической системы Монголии, которая не приспособлена к резкому и оперативному реагированию на подобные кризисы. Делается вывод об утверждении в монгольском государственном аппарате системы «сдержек и противовесов», исключающих возможность активного реагирования на подобные кризисы, с целью недопущения пересмотра установленного «статус-кво» между политическими элитами. Исходя из этого можно говорить о том, что «демократическая» политическая система всё ещё находится в стадии своего становления.","PeriodicalId":333639,"journal":{"name":"Eastern Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128013211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-053-063
E. Dunaeva
This article analyzes the situation in Iran on the eve of the presidential elections of 2021. Preparations for the election campaign took place in the context of the deepening economic crisis caused by the US sanctions after their withdrawal from the JCPOA, as well as the pandemic of coronavirus. The deterioration of the material situation of the population led to a denial of confidence in liberal forces, an increase in the mood of hopelessness and their political indifference. The difficult situation was taken advantage of by conservative forces, which have managed to strengthen their position in power in recent years. The Guardian Council, having prevented a number of well-known politicians to participate in the elections, actually ensured the victory of the Head of the Judiciary, E. Raisi. The unprecedented low turnout indicates an increase in Iranians’ dissatisfaction with the Islamic regime, which has ignored the democratic foundations laid down by the constitution and strengthened theocratic principles.
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