Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1882096
S. Bastos
Carlos Ernesto Choc es un joven comunicador de Prensa Comunitaria, un colectivo de periodismo independiente que desde 2012 promueve un periodismo comunitario, autónomo, feminista, y defensor de los derechos humanos en Guatemala. Carlos pertenece a una de las comunidades q’eqchi’ del municipio de El Estor, departamento de Izabal, donde la explotación de níquel se inició hace más de cinco décadas. Después de varios años sin funcionar, en 2014 la empresa Compañía Guatemalteca de Níquel CGN-Pronico, subsidiaria de la compañía Solway Investment Group, ha reiniciado las actividades, provocando deterioro ambiental y conflictos sociales en El Estor. La labor de Carlos como comunicador testigo de los acontecimientos le ha valido la persecución y la incriminación penal. En esta entrevista, Carlos relata de forma resumida los hechos relacionados con esta situación, ilustrando el desarrollo de uno de los conflictos mineros más importantes en Guatemala y poniendo en relieve la actuación de cada una de las partes involucradas. Además de describir las lógicas comunitarias de resistencia y movilización que hoy se dan en toda Guatemala, el testimonio permite apreciar cómo se realiza la labor de periodismo comunitario en situaciones de conflicto socio-ambiental.
{"title":"Despojo, criminalización, y periodismo comunitario en Guatemala: Entrevista a Carlos Ernesto Choc","authors":"S. Bastos","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1882096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1882096","url":null,"abstract":"Carlos Ernesto Choc es un joven comunicador de Prensa Comunitaria, un colectivo de periodismo independiente que desde 2012 promueve un periodismo comunitario, autónomo, feminista, y defensor de los derechos humanos en Guatemala. Carlos pertenece a una de las comunidades q’eqchi’ del municipio de El Estor, departamento de Izabal, donde la explotación de níquel se inició hace más de cinco décadas. Después de varios años sin funcionar, en 2014 la empresa Compañía Guatemalteca de Níquel CGN-Pronico, subsidiaria de la compañía Solway Investment Group, ha reiniciado las actividades, provocando deterioro ambiental y conflictos sociales en El Estor. La labor de Carlos como comunicador testigo de los acontecimientos le ha valido la persecución y la incriminación penal. En esta entrevista, Carlos relata de forma resumida los hechos relacionados con esta situación, ilustrando el desarrollo de uno de los conflictos mineros más importantes en Guatemala y poniendo en relieve la actuación de cada una de las partes involucradas. Además de describir las lógicas comunitarias de resistencia y movilización que hoy se dan en toda Guatemala, el testimonio permite apreciar cómo se realiza la labor de periodismo comunitario en situaciones de conflicto socio-ambiental.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"212 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2021.1882096","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48678978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-16DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1881212
Amanda Minks
ABSTRACT From the time of the founding of the Inter-American Indian Institute, its directors used music and media as tools for the documentation and preservation of indigenous cultures, in addition to the promotion of the Institute in the public arena. This article focuses on the role of Henrietta Yurchenco, a U.S. ethnomusicologist, in III recording projects and radio production beginning in 1942. The sociable personality of Yurchenco enabled her to cross cultural borders and maintain long-term friendships in some of the communities where she worked. However, the III developed a model of the archive as a source of indigenous authenticity that displaced direct interaction with indigenous communities, especially in relation to their musical representation in radio programs. The use of the arts in the III also prefigured the regimes of cultural heritage in UNESCO. The article elaborates the significance of Yurchenco’s history in the III which continues to impact discourses today.
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Pub Date : 2021-02-01DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1877872
Erica Townsend-Bell
ABSTRACT The path to successful passage of affirmative action legislation is quite narrow in Latin America, and has been especially challenging for black populations that cannot make territorial or exclusive cultural claims. Yet Uruguay, like Brazil, bucked these trends, coming to the position that racism is a problem about which something should be done. The passage of race-specific, national affirmative action legislation was the determined remedy, the first of its kind in any Latin American country. What explains this outcome? I trace the logic of argumentation that led from successful introduction to unanimous passage, finding that the path to legitimacy convened on three approaches. The argument positioned affirmative action as a form of reparation, designated it for a group whose existence as a conceptually identifiable and discrete population was not in question, and limited its temporal scope. This article contributes an analysis of the Uruguayan case, and outlines an alternative path to affirmative action in a region where such legislation remains uncommon. It speaks to the theoretical question of where, and under what conditions, specific group rights for an Afro-Latin population can accrue, and antipathy to racial recognition and treatment of inequity might be superseded.
{"title":"‘We entered as blacks and we left as Afro-descendants’: tracing the path to affirmative action in Uruguay","authors":"Erica Townsend-Bell","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1877872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1877872","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The path to successful passage of affirmative action legislation is quite narrow in Latin America, and has been especially challenging for black populations that cannot make territorial or exclusive cultural claims. Yet Uruguay, like Brazil, bucked these trends, coming to the position that racism is a problem about which something should be done. The passage of race-specific, national affirmative action legislation was the determined remedy, the first of its kind in any Latin American country. What explains this outcome? I trace the logic of argumentation that led from successful introduction to unanimous passage, finding that the path to legitimacy convened on three approaches. The argument positioned affirmative action as a form of reparation, designated it for a group whose existence as a conceptually identifiable and discrete population was not in question, and limited its temporal scope. This article contributes an analysis of the Uruguayan case, and outlines an alternative path to affirmative action in a region where such legislation remains uncommon. It speaks to the theoretical question of where, and under what conditions, specific group rights for an Afro-Latin population can accrue, and antipathy to racial recognition and treatment of inequity might be superseded.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"237 - 258"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2021.1877872","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46982968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-20DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1877874
Luisa Farah Schwartzman
ABSTRACT In this paper, I examine the shifting meanings of ‘culture’ in newspaper articles on multiculturalism in Canada and on racial democracy in Brazil from the 1950s to the 2010s. In the 1950s and 1960s, discourse on racial democracy in Brazil and multiculturalism in Canada relied on an idea of ‘culture’ akin to the notion of ‘civilization,’ i.e., an explicit recognition of the existence and particularity of the dominant language and religion and its location in dominant institutions, but often supported by an ethnocentric perspective. Since the 1980s, discourse on racial democracy and multiculturalism in the two newspapers increasingly discussed the topic of racism, but the idea of ‘culture’ has become associated with embodied characteristics of people of color, while the practices imposed by dominant institutions have become invisible or understood as universal. While race scholars suggest that we abandon the language of ‘culture’ to lay bare the reality of racism and social inequality, I argue that anti-racist agendas should also make visible the ongoing existence of culturally assimilationist practices and institutions and their colonial roots.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-20DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1877873
M. L. Pérez Ruiz
ABSTRACT We propose to analyze how difference is constructed in order to produce diverse inequalities along the lines of ethnicity, social class, generation, and gender, in Yaxcabá, a Maya village in Yucatán. We show how the people of Yaxcabá differentiate themselves ethnically through the use of surnames associated with either Maya or Spanish descent. This interethnic classification system emerges from a collective imaginary that employs a supposed cultural difference to reproduce social, economic, and symbolic inequalities. These are then used to justify discriminatory practices by Yaxcabá people who claim Spanish origin against other community members who are identified as of indian origin. These practices are expressed through a complex social organization between family groups, linking and confronting different collective, essentialized, and stigmatized identities, which serve to establish social and prestige positions. We show how other inequalities are compiled on top of this ethnic differentiation, such as generational inequality and gender inequality. Women of Maya origin suffer a compounded inequality, rooted in Mayan language and culture, which subordinates them to men. All of this motivates young men and women to desire to change their social situation.
{"title":"The social construction of difference for the reproduction of inequality: Maya youth in Yucatán","authors":"M. L. Pérez Ruiz","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1877873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1877873","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We propose to analyze how difference is constructed in order to produce diverse inequalities along the lines of ethnicity, social class, generation, and gender, in Yaxcabá, a Maya village in Yucatán. We show how the people of Yaxcabá differentiate themselves ethnically through the use of surnames associated with either Maya or Spanish descent. This interethnic classification system emerges from a collective imaginary that employs a supposed cultural difference to reproduce social, economic, and symbolic inequalities. These are then used to justify discriminatory practices by Yaxcabá people who claim Spanish origin against other community members who are identified as of indian origin. These practices are expressed through a complex social organization between family groups, linking and confronting different collective, essentialized, and stigmatized identities, which serve to establish social and prestige positions. We show how other inequalities are compiled on top of this ethnic differentiation, such as generational inequality and gender inequality. Women of Maya origin suffer a compounded inequality, rooted in Mayan language and culture, which subordinates them to men. All of this motivates young men and women to desire to change their social situation.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"283 - 302"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2021.1877873","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41656091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-05DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2020.1866257
Laura Balán
ABSTRACT I use the artwork O Peixe by Jonathas de Andrade (2016) to analyze how a mock ethnographic documentary operates by faking the recuperation of an ancestral ritual of anthropological significance. De Andrade denaturalizes the tropes with which Otherness and historical narratives have been constructed and shows how 'Latin America' sponsored the manufacture of an identity of 'indigenous peoples' and 'blacks,' which was domesticated and prepared for museum display, as part of the Nation-State project. In Brazil, those 'differences' were depoliticized with a discourse of 'racial democracy' and 'multiculturalism.' The artwork challenges the spectator by appropriating and mobilizing essentialist categories anchored in the 'culture'/'race'/'ethnicity' used to classify the allegedly 'non-Western' population even within the national territory under subalternizing ends. O Peixe offers a path of experiential knowledge and promotes an ethnography at the time of its projection. The fishermen embody, in a parodic performance, an archetypal myth by which they are dreamt challenging their objectification. They look back at the spectator, refusing to be subjugated and forging alternative stories by following the traces of cut lineages. In doing so, they show a being that since colonial times has been 'modern in another way,' globalized and always hybrid, 'cannibal,' 'impure.'Tomaremos la obra O Peixe de Jonathas de Andrade (2016) para observar cómo actúa un simulacro de documental etnográfico que falsea el rescate de un ritual ancestral de interés antropológico. De Andrade desnaturaliza soportes con los que se ha construido la alteridad y el relato histórico y pone en presencia cómo ‘Latinoamérica’ patrocinó la museificación identitaria de ‘indígenas’ y ‘negros’ para domesticarlos como parte del proyecto de Estado-nación, ‘diferencias’ que más tarde en Brasil se pretendieron (también) despolitizar bajo la fórmula de la ‘democracia racial’ y el ‘multiculturalismo.’ Interpela al espectador apropiándose y movilizando categorías esencialistas ancladas en la ‘cultura’/’raza’/‘etnia’ que habitúan ser usadas para clasificar a parte de la población pretendidamente ‘no occidental’ -aún dentro del territorio nacional- bajo fines subalternizantes. O Peixe ofrece un camino de conocimiento experiencial y promueve etnografiar su visualización. Los pescadores, al encarnar -en un performance paródico- un mito arquetípico con el que se los sueña, trastocan su objetualización para devolver una mirada que no se deja subyugar, que retoma linajes cortados y gesta historias alternativas mostrando un ser que desde tiempos de la colonia fue ‘moderno de otra manera,’ globalizado y, desde siempre, híbrido, ‘caníbal,’ ‘impuro.’
摘要我使用乔纳萨斯·德·安德拉德（2016年）的作品O Peixe来分析一部模仿民族志文献如何通过传真恢复具有人类学意义的祖先仪式来运作。德安德拉德对其他和历史叙事所用的比喻进行了变性，并展示了“拉丁美洲”如何赞助制作“土著人民”和“黑人”的身份，这些身份被驯化并为博物馆展览做准备，作为国家项目的一部分。在巴西，这些“差异”被“种族民主”和“多元文化主义”的言论取消了政治化这项艺术作品通过适当和动员锚定在“文化”/“种族”/“族裔”中的基本类别来挑战观众，这些类别被用来将据称的“非西方”人口分类，即使在国家领土内，也处于较低的地位。O Peixe在放映时提供了一条经验知识的道路，并促进了民族志。渔民以模仿的表演体现了一个古老的神话，他们通过这个神话梦想着挑战自己的目标。他们回头看观众，拒绝被低估，按照切割线的痕迹伪造替代故事。在这样做时，他们表现出这样一种感觉，即自殖民时代以来，它一直是“另一种方式的现代”，“全球化并始终是混合的”，“食人族”，“不洁”我们将以乔纳萨斯·德·安德拉德（Jonathas de Andrade，2016年）的作品或佩克斯（Peixe）来观察一部模拟的人种学纪录片是如何运作的，该纪录片歪曲了对人类学意义上的祖先仪式的拯救。De Andrade变性了建立差异性和历史故事的支持，并展示了“拉丁美洲”如何赞助“土著人”和“黑人”的身份博物馆化，以驯化他们，作为民族国家项目的一部分，“差异”后来在巴西被（也）打算在“种族民主”和“多元文化主义”的公式下非政治化它通过挪用和动员以“文化”/“种族”/“族裔”为基础的本质主义类别来挑战观众，这些类别通常被用来将部分所谓的“非西方”人口（即使在国家领土内）归类为低级目的。O Peixe提供了一种体验知识的方式，并促进了其可视化。渔民们在一场腮腺炎的表演中体现了一个典型的神话，他们梦想着自己，他们改变了自己的客观化，以回报一种不被征服的目光，恢复了被切断的血统，并孕育了另一个故事，展示了一个自殖民时代以来一直“以另一种方式现代”、“全球化，并且永远是混合的”、“食人族”、“不纯洁”的存在
{"title":"El simulacro de documental etnográfico de Jonathas de Andrade: la fabricación de un mito estratégico","authors":"Laura Balán","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2020.1866257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2020.1866257","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT I use the artwork O Peixe by Jonathas de Andrade (2016) to analyze how a mock ethnographic documentary operates by faking the recuperation of an ancestral ritual of anthropological significance. De Andrade denaturalizes the tropes with which Otherness and historical narratives have been constructed and shows how 'Latin America' sponsored the manufacture of an identity of 'indigenous peoples' and 'blacks,' which was domesticated and prepared for museum display, as part of the Nation-State project. In Brazil, those 'differences' were depoliticized with a discourse of 'racial democracy' and 'multiculturalism.' The artwork challenges the spectator by appropriating and mobilizing essentialist categories anchored in the 'culture'/'race'/'ethnicity' used to classify the allegedly 'non-Western' population even within the national territory under subalternizing ends. O Peixe offers a path of experiential knowledge and promotes an ethnography at the time of its projection. The fishermen embody, in a parodic performance, an archetypal myth by which they are dreamt challenging their objectification. They look back at the spectator, refusing to be subjugated and forging alternative stories by following the traces of cut lineages. In doing so, they show a being that since colonial times has been 'modern in another way,' globalized and always hybrid, 'cannibal,' 'impure.'Tomaremos la obra O Peixe de Jonathas de Andrade (2016) para observar cómo actúa un simulacro de documental etnográfico que falsea el rescate de un ritual ancestral de interés antropológico. De Andrade desnaturaliza soportes con los que se ha construido la alteridad y el relato histórico y pone en presencia cómo ‘Latinoamérica’ patrocinó la museificación identitaria de ‘indígenas’ y ‘negros’ para domesticarlos como parte del proyecto de Estado-nación, ‘diferencias’ que más tarde en Brasil se pretendieron (también) despolitizar bajo la fórmula de la ‘democracia racial’ y el ‘multiculturalismo.’ Interpela al espectador apropiándose y movilizando categorías esencialistas ancladas en la ‘cultura’/’raza’/‘etnia’ que habitúan ser usadas para clasificar a parte de la población pretendidamente ‘no occidental’ -aún dentro del territorio nacional- bajo fines subalternizantes. O Peixe ofrece un camino de conocimiento experiencial y promueve etnografiar su visualización. Los pescadores, al encarnar -en un performance paródico- un mito arquetípico con el que se los sueña, trastocan su objetualización para devolver una mirada que no se deja subyugar, que retoma linajes cortados y gesta historias alternativas mostrando un ser que desde tiempos de la colonia fue ‘moderno de otra manera,’ globalizado y, desde siempre, híbrido, ‘caníbal,’ ‘impuro.’","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"392 - 409"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2020.1866257","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45151038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-23DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2020.1854367
Mina Lorena Navarro Trujillo
ABSTRACT Indigenous and peasant communities in Latin America face an extractivist offensive characterized by multiple processes of dispossession and violence. These processes pose an existential threat to the territorial resources and means of existence that ensure sustenance and facilitate reproduction of life for both humans and non-humans. In this text, I provide a brief overview of the emergence of the Mexican indigenous movement in the 1990s and the recent proliferation of indigenous and peasant struggles focused on the defense of life. Deploying the central concepts of ‘production of the common’ and ‘entramados comunitarios’, I analyze the dynamics of community organization and struggle in response to the onslaught and consequences of extractivism.
{"title":"Struggles in defense of life within the context of dispossession and capitalist violence in Mexico: a closer look through the lens of the production of the common","authors":"Mina Lorena Navarro Trujillo","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2020.1854367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2020.1854367","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Indigenous and peasant communities in Latin America face an extractivist offensive characterized by multiple processes of dispossession and violence. These processes pose an existential threat to the territorial resources and means of existence that ensure sustenance and facilitate reproduction of life for both humans and non-humans. In this text, I provide a brief overview of the emergence of the Mexican indigenous movement in the 1990s and the recent proliferation of indigenous and peasant struggles focused on the defense of life. Deploying the central concepts of ‘production of the common’ and ‘entramados comunitarios’, I analyze the dynamics of community organization and struggle in response to the onslaught and consequences of extractivism.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"130 - 149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2020.1854367","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46977564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-15DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2020.1839223
Emanuel Bran-Guzmán
Socio-environmental conflict in Latin America is a problem that has manifested itself significantly over the course of the last 15 years or more. On the one hand, the number and scale of extractive mega-projects are on the rise due to collusion between governments and companies, and on the other hand, a great number of socio-political movements have emerged with claims relating to territory, identity, or human rights. In Mesoamerica, this kind of conflict is significant, because of the levels of dispossession and increasing antagonism affecting communities. In this issue of LACES, we have the chance to take a look at what’s happening in these cases. We will present reviews of three books, all of which examine socioenvironmental conflict to explain the dispossession and struggle of different indigenous peoples from Guatemala and southern Mexico who are resisting a variety of mega-projects. In Dinámicas de despojo y resistencia, Bastos and de León present us with three case studies from Guatemala in which the local population, mostly indigenous Maya, has stood up to a variety of mega-projects. The authors intend to analyze the political aspects of the social conflict by focusing on the interactions between community mobilizations and company and State actions. Above all, Bastos and de León seek to discover the processes and tendencies related to community mobilization. The authors situate their case studies within the broader conditions of Latin America’s position at the beginning of the 21st century, amid a regional shift to opening up to the global economy, by which the demand from emerging economies for raw materials made extractive activities paramount for local governments in the region. At that time, transnational or local capital colluded with different governments to advance mega-projects. In
拉丁美洲的社会环境冲突是一个在过去15年或更长时间里明显表现出来的问题。一方面，由于政府和公司之间的勾结，采掘业大型项目的数量和规模都在增加，另一方面，出现了大量与领土、身份或人权有关的社会政治运动。在中美洲，这种冲突意义重大，因为影响社区的剥夺程度和日益加剧的对抗。在本期LACES中，我们有机会了解一下这些情况下发生了什么。我们将对三本书进行评论，所有这些书都探讨了社会环境冲突，以解释来自危地马拉和墨西哥南部的不同土著人民的剥夺和斗争，他们正在抵制各种大型项目。在Dinámicas de despojo y resistancia，Bastos和de León向我们介绍了来自危地马拉的三个案例研究，在这些案例研究中，当地人口，主要是土著玛雅人，勇敢地面对了各种大型项目。作者打算通过关注社区动员与公司和国家行动之间的互动来分析社会冲突的政治方面。最重要的是，Bastos和de León试图发现与社区动员有关的过程和趋势。作者将他们的案例研究置于拉丁美洲在21世纪初的更广泛的地位条件下，当时拉丁美洲正朝着向全球经济开放的方向转变，新兴经济体对原材料的需求使采掘活动对该地区的地方政府至关重要。当时，跨国或地方资本与不同的政府勾结，推进大型项目。在里面
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Pub Date : 2020-12-03DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2020.1854293
Maria E. Garcia
ABSTRACT This article explores chef Virgilio Martínez’s culinary exploration of Peruvian biodiversity and his claims of ‘discovering,’ selecting, classifying, and transforming local, ‘unknown,’ Indigenous ingredients and knowledge into high-end global cuisine. Taking Martínez seriously as an artist and cultural agent, I suggest that his work can be understood as a form of what I call the settler-colonial sublime, art that conceals and obscures the erasure and appropriation of specific Indigenous peoples and practices. As with all hegemonic projects, there is room for counter-narratives, and I consider the possibility for the emergence of other-than-colonial relations. Nevertheless, reading Martínez’s culinary artistry alongside the provocative performance art of Elizabeth Lino in Cerro de Pasco helps reveal how the skill and artistry of Peruvian chefs like Martínez work in tandem with a ‘gastropolitical complex’ of political, cultural, and economic forces to obscure ongoing entanglements with coloniality.
本文探讨了厨师Virgilio Martínez对秘鲁生物多样性的烹饪探索，以及他对“发现”、“选择”、“分类”和将当地“未知”的本土食材和知识转化为高端全球美食的主张。把Martínez作为艺术家和文化代理人认真对待，我认为他的作品可以被理解为我所谓的定居者-殖民崇高的一种形式，这种艺术掩盖和模糊了对特定土著人民和习俗的抹除和挪用。与所有霸权项目一样，反叙事也有空间，我认为存在出现非殖民关系的可能性。然而，将Martínez的烹饪艺术与伊丽莎白·利诺(Elizabeth Lino)在Cerro de Pasco的挑衅行为艺术一起阅读，有助于揭示Martínez等秘鲁厨师的技巧和艺术是如何与政治、文化和经济力量的“美食政治情结”协同工作的，从而掩盖了与殖民主义的持续纠缠。
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Pub Date : 2020-10-30DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2020.1839225
C. G. Barié
ABSTRACT Indigenous peoples in Latin America are historically underrepresented in elected bodies. In 2009, Bolivia introduced a new mechanism for direct representation to counteract this systematic representation gap, securing 7 of 130 seats (5.4%) in the national parliament for indigenous peoples of the lowlands. The reform was part of a series of implementation conflicts related to a new vision of plurinational state-building, included in the new 2009 Constitution. Although most indigenous organizations were seeking a ‘power-sharing’ agreement with direct representation for all indigenous nations, the new government, led by President Evo Morales, successfully intervened in favor of a minority protection scheme. Furthermore, for the direct representatives, the room to maneuver left was severely limited, leaving little space to act on behalf of their minority constituencies. Curiously, this reduced version of direct representation is nonetheless the most advanced in Latin America. The Bolivian case provides important lessons on the ‘de-monopolization’ of political parties as a key factor in the effective representation of indigenous peoples in parliament, as well as on the importance of a goal-oriented design for electoral mechanisms focusing on substantive representation.
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