Pub Date : 2021-09-07DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1974588
CA Silva
ABSTRACT In centering my analysis in the Americas, I examine the body of antiracist legislation composed of Colombia’s General Law of Education, Law 70, and Brazil’s federal Law 10.639/03, which formed the template for the teaching of Afrodescendant education, history, and culture in the national standard curricula. In looking at Colombia and Brazil, I interrogate the state of Afrodescendant education in the Americas as part of global trends of Black mobilization and political and educational reforms. Indeed, I argue that such educational policies resulted from the hemispheric resurgence of Black activist movements from within and without institutions of education, as well as the support of socio-political movements concerned with ethnic and racial diversity. Together, these forces converged with the multicultural movements throughout the globe, shaping the educational realities of Afrodescendant populations not only in Colombia and Brazil but also across the Atlantic.
{"title":"‘Africa has a history’: an Afro-diasporic examination of Black education in Colombia and Brazil","authors":"CA Silva","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1974588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1974588","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In centering my analysis in the Americas, I examine the body of antiracist legislation composed of Colombia’s General Law of Education, Law 70, and Brazil’s federal Law 10.639/03, which formed the template for the teaching of Afrodescendant education, history, and culture in the national standard curricula. In looking at Colombia and Brazil, I interrogate the state of Afrodescendant education in the Americas as part of global trends of Black mobilization and political and educational reforms. Indeed, I argue that such educational policies resulted from the hemispheric resurgence of Black activist movements from within and without institutions of education, as well as the support of socio-political movements concerned with ethnic and racial diversity. Together, these forces converged with the multicultural movements throughout the globe, shaping the educational realities of Afrodescendant populations not only in Colombia and Brazil but also across the Atlantic.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"296 - 319"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42828460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1898097
Mónica Olaza López
ABSTRACT This paper traces the emergence and impacts of the ethnic/racial dimension in the process of reconstructing democracy in Uruguay. This ethnic/racial element has developed over the past decade, with close precedents set in the 1990s. Yet it has been largely overlooked by policymakers and ignored in the government planning of the different administrations. The year 2005 marked a point of inflexion from the point of view of the introduction of ethnic/racial, and specifically Afro considerations as part of the interests and commitments of the Uruguayan government. These commitments and interests were linked to a changing international scenario for the acknowledgment of indigenous and Afro-descendants’ rights, with both indigenous groups and Afro-descendants exercising pressure on Latin American governments to adopt important policies such as the recognition of multiculturalism and ethnic diversity in their constitutions. Since Uruguay has been part of this transformation, the ethnic/racial issue can no longer be excluded from governmental policy agendas. To highlight the processes and challenges involved, the author reviews documentary and scholarly sources and analyzes qualitative data from interviews with Uruguayan political representatives and civil society activists.
{"title":"Afro-descendants and the restoration of democracy in Uruguay: a new vision of citizenship?","authors":"Mónica Olaza López","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1898097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1898097","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper traces the emergence and impacts of the ethnic/racial dimension in the process of reconstructing democracy in Uruguay. This ethnic/racial element has developed over the past decade, with close precedents set in the 1990s. Yet it has been largely overlooked by policymakers and ignored in the government planning of the different administrations. The year 2005 marked a point of inflexion from the point of view of the introduction of ethnic/racial, and specifically Afro considerations as part of the interests and commitments of the Uruguayan government. These commitments and interests were linked to a changing international scenario for the acknowledgment of indigenous and Afro-descendants’ rights, with both indigenous groups and Afro-descendants exercising pressure on Latin American governments to adopt important policies such as the recognition of multiculturalism and ethnic diversity in their constitutions. Since Uruguay has been part of this transformation, the ethnic/racial issue can no longer be excluded from governmental policy agendas. To highlight the processes and challenges involved, the author reviews documentary and scholarly sources and analyzes qualitative data from interviews with Uruguayan political representatives and civil society activists.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"281 - 295"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45517224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1927292
Monica Rojas-Stewart
In October 2020, the arts division of the Ministry of Culture of Peru invited me to give a lecture, webinar style, on the role of Afro-Peruvian women in the development of criollo music. This event was framed within the national celebration of El día de la música criolla (Creole [or Peruvian coastal] Music Day). What a challenge. There is little published research on this topic. This, of course, does not mean that Afro-Peruvian women did not have a role in the development of Peruvian criollo music. On the contrary, there is clear evidence that Afro-Peruvian women have always been present in the artistic scene of Lima, in many roles and even before the development of criollo music. Afro-Peruvian women have contributed to Peruvian society and Peru as a nation historically, in the present, and in many capacities despite their significant absence in the national narrative and scholarly literature. In the convergence of patriarchy, racism, and classism, all values at the core of the colonial project in Latin America, Black and Indigenous women are relegated to the lowest strata of society. Black women are negatively stereotyped and subjected to accumulated racism and machismo, but they also embody resistance and potentiality (Gonzalez 1988). As Peruvians prepare for the bicentennial commemoration of Peruvian independence from Spain (1821), the legacy of colonialism is ever present. We are faced with national debates that question whether Negrita, a food brand that has been popular in Peru for over 60 years, should change its name. Alicorp, the Peruvian consumer goods company that owns the brand, has begun to realize that ‘Negrita’ is inappropriate, while some Peruvians do not understand why or how this beloved and widely used nickname is problematic. The iconic representation of the Afro-Peruvian woman in the broad Peruvian food industry wears a red-and-white polka dot dress, bandana, and apron. This character is a popular Peruvian equivalent of the U.S. American ‘mammy,’ very much alive in the Peruvian national imagination of black women today. This and other folklorized, commercialized, essentialized, and negatively stereotyped images of Afro-Peruvian women
2020年10月，秘鲁文化部艺术司邀请我以网络研讨会的形式，就非裔秘鲁妇女在克里奥洛音乐发展中的作用发表演讲。这一活动是在克里奥尔[或秘鲁沿海]音乐日（El día de la música criolla）的全国庆祝活动中举办的。真是个挑战。关于这一主题的研究发表得很少。当然，这并不意味着非裔秘鲁妇女在秘鲁克里奥洛音乐的发展中没有发挥作用。相反，有明确的证据表明，非裔秘鲁妇女一直存在于利马的艺术舞台上，扮演着许多角色，甚至在克里奥洛音乐发展之前。非裔秘鲁妇女在历史上、现在和许多方面为秘鲁社会和秘鲁国家做出了贡献，尽管她们在国家叙事和学术文献中明显缺席。在父权制、种族主义和阶级主义（拉丁美洲殖民项目的核心价值观）的融合中，黑人和土著妇女被降级到社会的最底层。黑人女性被负面定型，受到累积的种族主义和男子气概的影响，但她们也体现了抵抗力和潜力（Gonzalez 1988）。当秘鲁人准备纪念秘鲁脱离西班牙独立200周年（1821年）时，殖民主义的遗产永远存在。我们面临着全国性的争论，质疑Negrita这个在秘鲁流行了60多年的食品品牌是否应该改名。拥有该品牌的秘鲁消费品公司Alicorp已经开始意识到“Negrita”是不合适的，而一些秘鲁人不明白这个广受欢迎和广泛使用的昵称为什么或如何会有问题。这位非裔秘鲁妇女在秘鲁食品行业的标志性人物穿着红白相间的波点连衣裙、手帕和围裙。这个角色在秘鲁很受欢迎，相当于美国的“妈妈”，在秘鲁黑人女性的想象中非常活跃。这和其他民俗化、商业化、本质主义和负面刻板印象中的非裔秘鲁妇女形象
{"title":"Lucía, Bartola, y Rosa: Voice, memory, and contributions of three Afro-Peruvian women","authors":"Monica Rojas-Stewart","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1927292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1927292","url":null,"abstract":"In October 2020, the arts division of the Ministry of Culture of Peru invited me to give a lecture, webinar style, on the role of Afro-Peruvian women in the development of criollo music. This event was framed within the national celebration of El día de la música criolla (Creole [or Peruvian coastal] Music Day). What a challenge. There is little published research on this topic. This, of course, does not mean that Afro-Peruvian women did not have a role in the development of Peruvian criollo music. On the contrary, there is clear evidence that Afro-Peruvian women have always been present in the artistic scene of Lima, in many roles and even before the development of criollo music. Afro-Peruvian women have contributed to Peruvian society and Peru as a nation historically, in the present, and in many capacities despite their significant absence in the national narrative and scholarly literature. In the convergence of patriarchy, racism, and classism, all values at the core of the colonial project in Latin America, Black and Indigenous women are relegated to the lowest strata of society. Black women are negatively stereotyped and subjected to accumulated racism and machismo, but they also embody resistance and potentiality (Gonzalez 1988). As Peruvians prepare for the bicentennial commemoration of Peruvian independence from Spain (1821), the legacy of colonialism is ever present. We are faced with national debates that question whether Negrita, a food brand that has been popular in Peru for over 60 years, should change its name. Alicorp, the Peruvian consumer goods company that owns the brand, has begun to realize that ‘Negrita’ is inappropriate, while some Peruvians do not understand why or how this beloved and widely used nickname is problematic. The iconic representation of the Afro-Peruvian woman in the broad Peruvian food industry wears a red-and-white polka dot dress, bandana, and apron. This character is a popular Peruvian equivalent of the U.S. American ‘mammy,’ very much alive in the Peruvian national imagination of black women today. This and other folklorized, commercialized, essentialized, and negatively stereotyped images of Afro-Peruvian women","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"146 - 157"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45398896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1949811
C. Sue
ABSTRACT In the 1980s and 1990s, a wave of multiculturalism swept across Latin America, following long-standing ideologies of mestizaje which glorified the region’s biological and cultural mixture and asserted that such mixture precluded the existence of racism. A decade or so later, countries in the region enacted another set of reforms focused on combatting ethnoracial discrimination and inequality. Whereas many view these changes as indicating the downfall of mestizaje ideologies, others argue that they may not be as distinct from mestizaje as it may appear. I reflect on this question in the context of Mexico, drawing on data from recent government and private surveys to assess the current state of Mexican national ideology, both at the national level and in a local site of blackness. I provide novel findings about the kinds and prevalence of various forms of black identification, the extent of black-indigenous boundary crossing, and the strength of attitudes about mestizaje and racism. Ultimately, I show how ideologies and discourses associated with mestizaje, multiculturalism, and racial equality are absorbed at the popular level in ways that suggest that at least some parts of the ideology of mestizaje are enduring or evolving to accommodate these new ethnoracial projects.
{"title":"Is Mexico beyond mestizaje? Blackness, race mixture, and discrimination","authors":"C. Sue","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1949811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1949811","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the 1980s and 1990s, a wave of multiculturalism swept across Latin America, following long-standing ideologies of mestizaje which glorified the region’s biological and cultural mixture and asserted that such mixture precluded the existence of racism. A decade or so later, countries in the region enacted another set of reforms focused on combatting ethnoracial discrimination and inequality. Whereas many view these changes as indicating the downfall of mestizaje ideologies, others argue that they may not be as distinct from mestizaje as it may appear. I reflect on this question in the context of Mexico, drawing on data from recent government and private surveys to assess the current state of Mexican national ideology, both at the national level and in a local site of blackness. I provide novel findings about the kinds and prevalence of various forms of black identification, the extent of black-indigenous boundary crossing, and the strength of attitudes about mestizaje and racism. Ultimately, I show how ideologies and discourses associated with mestizaje, multiculturalism, and racial equality are absorbed at the popular level in ways that suggest that at least some parts of the ideology of mestizaje are enduring or evolving to accommodate these new ethnoracial projects.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"47 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48936422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-23DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1954763
Perla Valero
ABSTRACT Este texto construye un debate entre las teorizaciones sobre la blanquitud desarrolladas en Estados Unidos y Latinoamérica. Se hace particular énfasis en la propuesta de la blanquitud como ethos capitalista formulada por el filósofo ecuatoriano–mexicano Bolívar Echeverría. A partir de la tesis de Echeverría se lanza una hipótesis de trabajo: la blanquitud puede expresarse como ‘mestitud’ en contextos latinoamericanos concretos.
{"title":"El devenir–blanco del mundo: debates Sur-Norte sobre la blanquitud desde Latinoamérica","authors":"Perla Valero","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1954763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1954763","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Este texto construye un debate entre las teorizaciones sobre la blanquitud desarrolladas en Estados Unidos y Latinoamérica. Se hace particular énfasis en la propuesta de la blanquitud como ethos capitalista formulada por el filósofo ecuatoriano–mexicano Bolívar Echeverría. A partir de la tesis de Echeverría se lanza una hipótesis de trabajo: la blanquitud puede expresarse como ‘mestitud’ en contextos latinoamericanos concretos.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"217 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2021.1954763","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43979855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1935694
Joel Wainwright
ABSTRACT Like indigenous peoples across the hemisphere, the Maya of southern Belize have long struggled to decolonize their ancestral lands. For over four decades, the ‘Maya movement’ has clashed with the state, yielding mixed results. After a series of favorable court decisions, the Maya communities have won legal claim to their lands. However, the government of Belize has not substantively addressed this decision, and the rural Maya communities of Toledo remain the poorest in the country. This paper analyses one exceptional period, 1997–2004, when the Maya movement aligned itself with progressive state leaders to advance a set of goals, including but not limited to land rights. I argue that a combination of factors made the 1997–2004 conjuncture decisive for shaping present conditions in Toledo.
{"title":"The Maya and the Belizean state: 1997-2004","authors":"Joel Wainwright","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1935694","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1935694","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Like indigenous peoples across the hemisphere, the Maya of southern Belize have long struggled to decolonize their ancestral lands. For over four decades, the ‘Maya movement’ has clashed with the state, yielding mixed results. After a series of favorable court decisions, the Maya communities have won legal claim to their lands. However, the government of Belize has not substantively addressed this decision, and the rural Maya communities of Toledo remain the poorest in the country. This paper analyses one exceptional period, 1997–2004, when the Maya movement aligned itself with progressive state leaders to advance a set of goals, including but not limited to land rights. I argue that a combination of factors made the 1997–2004 conjuncture decisive for shaping present conditions in Toledo.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"320 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2021.1935694","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42057356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1932055
Maria E. Garcia, Amy Cox Hall
When we began to conceive of a special issue revisiting race and its relationship with gender and colonialism, we wanted to include perspectives and testimonies from people whose work might not be featured in an academic journal or considered ‘theory.’ Fortunately, LACES encouraged us to consider including alternative essays. With this in mind, in addition to five original research articles and two review essays, we include two interviews with Peruvian artists Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo and Karen Bernedo-Morales. María Elena García and Amy Cox Hall interviewed the two women in August of 2020 over Zoom. The impressive work of Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo and Karen Bernedo-Morales is recognized within Peru and globally. Both artists have spurred conversations on care, inequality, gender, memory, the body, rights and violence in Peru. In distinct ways, they both urge us to consider how art might be used to challenge abusive discourses and practices that have been normalized and lived realities for too long. Lino-Cornejo’s use of the feminized body to critique histories of capitalism, extractivism, and abuse, and Bernedo-Morales’ embrace of popular resistance and the histories of women through word and image, teach us something vital about the disruptive intersectional impact of Peruvian feminist approaches. Their work helps us think about how identities and inequalities are enacted differently across bodies and space, and how to live in those worlds to build more equitable and non-violent ones. In these interviews, both artists reflect on the ways the personal, professional, and political are entangled. They explore broad themes such as extraction, memory, and representation, and complicate understandings of activism, art, and agency. Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo is a performance artist who was born in Cerro de Pasco, the highest city in Peru and the site of the notorious and ever-growing open pit mine Raúl Rojas, currently over a mile wide and a quarter mile deep. Rimmed in azure blue tailings that make its toxicity chillingly aesthetic, the open pit mine is the result of years of extracting silver, zinc and copper among other metals. In 2009, Lino-Cornejo developed the persona ‘The Last Queen of Cerro de Pasco’ and has been performing as her ever since. We spoke with Lino-Cornejo about migrating to Lima, how she became involved in performance art, and how the use of satire has helped her understand and sustain connections between art and life, and the politics of activism and embodied memory.
当我们开始构思一个特刊，重新审视种族及其与性别和殖民主义的关系时，我们想要包括一些人的观点和证词，这些人的工作可能不会出现在学术期刊上或被认为是“理论”。幸运的是，蕾丝鼓励我们考虑加入其他文章。考虑到这一点，除了五篇原创研究文章和两篇评论文章外，我们还包括对秘鲁艺术家伊丽莎白·利诺-科内霍和凯伦·伯内多-莫拉莱斯的两次采访。María Elena García和Amy Cox Hall在2020年8月就Zoom采访了这两位女性。Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo和Karen Bernedo-Morales令人印象深刻的工作在秘鲁和全球得到了认可。两位艺术家都在秘鲁引发了关于关怀、不平等、性别、记忆、身体、权利和暴力的对话。它们都以不同的方式敦促我们考虑如何利用艺术来挑战被规范化和生活现实太久的滥用话语和实践。利诺-科内霍用女性化的身体来批判资本主义、榨取主义和虐待的历史，伯内多-莫拉莱斯通过文字和图像接受大众抵抗和女性的历史，这些都告诉我们秘鲁女权主义方法的破坏性交叉影响的重要意义。他们的工作帮助我们思考身份和不平等是如何在不同的身体和空间中产生不同的，以及如何在这些世界中生活以建立更公平和非暴力的世界。在这些采访中，两位艺术家都反思了个人、职业和政治三者纠缠在一起的方式。他们探讨了广泛的主题，如提取、记忆和再现，并使对行动主义、艺术和代理的理解更加复杂。伊丽莎白·利诺-科内霍是一名行为艺术家，她出生在秘鲁海拔最高的城市塞罗·德帕斯科，也是臭名昭著且不断增长的露天矿山Raúl罗哈斯的所在地，目前该矿宽1英里，深1 / 4英里。这个露天矿山是多年来开采银、锌和铜等金属的结果，其外围是天蓝色的尾矿，使其毒性变得令人不寒而栗。2009年，Lino-Cornejo开发了“Cerro de Pasco最后的女王”的角色，并从那时起一直以她的身份演出。我们采访了利诺-科内霍，讲述了她移民到利马的经历，她是如何参与到行为艺术中来的，以及讽刺的使用如何帮助她理解和维持艺术与生活之间的联系，以及激进主义和具身记忆的政治。
{"title":"Unsettling Violent Histories: Exploring the work of Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo and Karen Bernedo-Morales","authors":"Maria E. Garcia, Amy Cox Hall","doi":"10.1080/17442222.2021.1932055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2021.1932055","url":null,"abstract":"When we began to conceive of a special issue revisiting race and its relationship with gender and colonialism, we wanted to include perspectives and testimonies from people whose work might not be featured in an academic journal or considered ‘theory.’ Fortunately, LACES encouraged us to consider including alternative essays. With this in mind, in addition to five original research articles and two review essays, we include two interviews with Peruvian artists Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo and Karen Bernedo-Morales. María Elena García and Amy Cox Hall interviewed the two women in August of 2020 over Zoom. The impressive work of Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo and Karen Bernedo-Morales is recognized within Peru and globally. Both artists have spurred conversations on care, inequality, gender, memory, the body, rights and violence in Peru. In distinct ways, they both urge us to consider how art might be used to challenge abusive discourses and practices that have been normalized and lived realities for too long. Lino-Cornejo’s use of the feminized body to critique histories of capitalism, extractivism, and abuse, and Bernedo-Morales’ embrace of popular resistance and the histories of women through word and image, teach us something vital about the disruptive intersectional impact of Peruvian feminist approaches. Their work helps us think about how identities and inequalities are enacted differently across bodies and space, and how to live in those worlds to build more equitable and non-violent ones. In these interviews, both artists reflect on the ways the personal, professional, and political are entangled. They explore broad themes such as extraction, memory, and representation, and complicate understandings of activism, art, and agency. Elizabeth Lino-Cornejo is a performance artist who was born in Cerro de Pasco, the highest city in Peru and the site of the notorious and ever-growing open pit mine Raúl Rojas, currently over a mile wide and a quarter mile deep. Rimmed in azure blue tailings that make its toxicity chillingly aesthetic, the open pit mine is the result of years of extracting silver, zinc and copper among other metals. In 2009, Lino-Cornejo developed the persona ‘The Last Queen of Cerro de Pasco’ and has been performing as her ever since. We spoke with Lino-Cornejo about migrating to Lima, how she became involved in performance art, and how the use of satire has helped her understand and sustain connections between art and life, and the politics of activism and embodied memory.","PeriodicalId":35038,"journal":{"name":"Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"127 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17442222.2021.1932055","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47872182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-28DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1944483
Mónica García Blizzard
ABSTRACT This article approaches whiteness in Mexico as the legacy of both the economic and ideological dimensions of the coloniality of power. Mexican cinema, though traditionally an agent in the idealization of the local construct of whiteness, has recently begun to turn a critical lens toward it, as in the case of Alejandra Márquez Abella’s 2018 film, Las niñas bien. Framed within decolonial thought, Bourdieu’s social theory, and critical race theory, this article carries out a close reading of the film to argue that it problematizes the white Mexican elite’s raced and gendered classism. In so doing, Las niñas bien works to dislodge the group as a social and cultural ideal while providing an incisive counterpoint to the democratic myth of Mexican mestizaje.
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Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1932050
Amy Cox Hall, M. C. Alcalde, F. Babb
ABSTRACT We introduce this special issue of LACES by first offering a critical overview of recent work that engages questions of race and ethnicity in Peru. Against the backdrop of contemporary developments at the national level, we argue for a decolonial, intersectional approach that recognizes and theorizes differences that are complex and cross-cutting, embracing not only ethnoracial but also gender-, class-, and sexuality-based differences. Contributors to this issue offer diverse perspectives on commingled vectors of difference and inequality in a variety of settings, from Andean communities to lowland, urbanizing contexts, and from coastal, cosmopolitan Lima to Peru’s global diaspora. The pieces that follow our introduction include research articles, review essays, and interviews with performance artists and social activists, affording readers the opportunity to rethink with us the shifting landscape of race and ethnicity in Peru and beyond.
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Pub Date : 2021-06-18DOI: 10.1080/17442222.2021.1935683
Lucía Isabel Stavig
ABSTRACT In 1996, Alberto Fujimori introduced the National Program for Reproductive Health and Family Planning 1996–2000, the first publicly funded family planning program in Peru’s history, under which at least 10,000 Indigenous women were forcibly sterilized. This program was aided by what I came to identify as the Reproductive and Sexual Rights (RSR) assemblage – a group of feminists working in reproductive and sexual rights in Peru. This was made possible by Fujimori’s co-optation of the reproductive rights discourse and the rise of neoliberal governmentality, which enlisted the expertise of non-state actors in projects of governance. Moreover, in their heartfelt desire to bring reproductive rights to Peru, the RSR did not appreciate Indigenous women’s inclusive exclusion from citizenship – their inclusion in the settler colonial nation as marginal members whose bodies could be instrumentalized for national projects. Through the National Program, Fujimori instrumentalized Indigenous women’s bodies to create statistics showing a reduction in poverty for international lenders. A similar reading of the RSR’s actions is possible. By downplaying the magnitude of the forced sterilizations in the late 1990s, the RSR unwittingly contributed to the violation of Indigenous women’s rights in the name of extending reproductive rights to ‘all Peruvian women.
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