Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2018.1443656
P. A. Brandt
Abstract This article proposes a new account of the general architecture of language, based on the word and on the processual unity of Saussurean parole and langue in the dynamical cognitive reality of language. Language is process, usage, text, and a capacity, a competence. A literary example, from Félix Fénéon, is offered. It is argued that words have properties affecting every substructure in language and additionally constitute the threshold between language and thought.
{"title":"Word, language, and thought – a new linguistic model*","authors":"P. A. Brandt","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2018.1443656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2018.1443656","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article proposes a new account of the general architecture of language, based on the word and on the processual unity of Saussurean parole and langue in the dynamical cognitive reality of language. Language is process, usage, text, and a capacity, a competence. A literary example, from Félix Fénéon, is offered. It is argued that words have properties affecting every substructure in language and additionally constitute the threshold between language and thought.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"67 1","pages":"102 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80010599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2018.1436414
Eva Skafte Jensen
Abstract In this paper, it is suggested that the replacement of the nominative by the oblique form in Danish subject complements happened as a part of major structural changes taking place in Middle Danish. The major structural changes in question involve the shift from a case-rich to a case-poor language in Early Middle Danish/Late Middle Danish, and the changing of the status of the subject of the sentence in Late Middle Danish/Early Modern Danish. As one outcome, the distribution of the case forms of personal pronouns changed from being primarily following the traditional syntactic-semantic principle of conveying semantic roles and syntactic functions to following principles pertaining to information structure with notions like theme and rheme, prominence and focus/anti-focus. The approach is functional-structural.
{"title":"“It is me” – the replacement of the nominative by the oblique form in Danish subject complements","authors":"Eva Skafte Jensen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2018.1436414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2018.1436414","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper, it is suggested that the replacement of the nominative by the oblique form in Danish subject complements happened as a part of major structural changes taking place in Middle Danish. The major structural changes in question involve the shift from a case-rich to a case-poor language in Early Middle Danish/Late Middle Danish, and the changing of the status of the subject of the sentence in Late Middle Danish/Early Modern Danish. As one outcome, the distribution of the case forms of personal pronouns changed from being primarily following the traditional syntactic-semantic principle of conveying semantic roles and syntactic functions to following principles pertaining to information structure with notions like theme and rheme, prominence and focus/anti-focus. The approach is functional-structural.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"48 1","pages":"52 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75692294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2017.1333873
Yoshikata Shibuya, Kim Ebensgaard Jensen
Abstract In an important paper on the English “double-object”, or ditransitive, construction, Richard Hudson proposes a hypothesis that conflates the ditransitive direct object, or O2, and the monotransitive direct object, or OO, into the same syntactic functional category. While making important departures from a number of unfortunate assumptions within mainstream formal theories of linguistics at the time, the OO = O2 hypothesis itself is problematic in the perspective of contemporary cognitive linguistics. This paper addresses the hypothesis from the perspective of usage-based construction grammar. Applying simple collexeme analysis and multifactorial heatmap analysis to instances of OOs and O2s in ICE-GB, this paper shows that the usage-patterns of both are far too complex, displaying cross-register variation, for the OO = O2 hypothesis to be tenable. The findings provide support for a usage-based variationist account in defining syntactic functional categories.
{"title":"Revisiting Hudson’s (1992) OO = O2 hypothesis: a usage-based variationist approach to the English ditransitive construction","authors":"Yoshikata Shibuya, Kim Ebensgaard Jensen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1333873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1333873","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In an important paper on the English “double-object”, or ditransitive, construction, Richard Hudson proposes a hypothesis that conflates the ditransitive direct object, or O2, and the monotransitive direct object, or OO, into the same syntactic functional category. While making important departures from a number of unfortunate assumptions within mainstream formal theories of linguistics at the time, the OO = O2 hypothesis itself is problematic in the perspective of contemporary cognitive linguistics. This paper addresses the hypothesis from the perspective of usage-based construction grammar. Applying simple collexeme analysis and multifactorial heatmap analysis to instances of OOs and O2s in ICE-GB, this paper shows that the usage-patterns of both are far too complex, displaying cross-register variation, for the OO = O2 hypothesis to be tenable. The findings provide support for a usage-based variationist account in defining syntactic functional categories.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"9 1","pages":"101 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80549694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2017.1335111
F. Gregersen, Normann Jørgensen, J. S. Møller, N. Pharao, G. Hansen
Abstract Five interlocking case studies of variation in and between situations are reported. In all cases a sociolinguistic interview is contrasted with another speech event. The material is from the LANCHART panel study of variation in the Danish speech community in real time. Contrasting speech events are characterized using a genre classification and focusing in each case on the genre dispersion as a measure of how varied the speech event was. Two different phonetic variables are studied, the short (æ) and the (ɛŋ) variable. Four of the five case studies involve adults who also participated in interviews approximately 20 years later. For those informants, a comparison is made with the new recordings in order to evaluate claims of change in real time. Both auditory results and acoustic measurements are documented. The fifth case study concerns youngsters recorded in the new round of recordings (the S2), hence there is no newer recording to compare with. In all cases the older (æ) variable is sensitive to a change in situation whereas the newer (ɛŋ) variable only varies with situation for the young informants. In the final section, we discuss possible consequences for comparability and for the methodology of empirical (socio)linguistics.
{"title":"Sideways: five methodological studies of sociolinguistic interviews*","authors":"F. Gregersen, Normann Jørgensen, J. S. Møller, N. Pharao, G. Hansen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1335111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1335111","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Five interlocking case studies of variation in and between situations are reported. In all cases a sociolinguistic interview is contrasted with another speech event. The material is from the LANCHART panel study of variation in the Danish speech community in real time. Contrasting speech events are characterized using a genre classification and focusing in each case on the genre dispersion as a measure of how varied the speech event was. Two different phonetic variables are studied, the short (æ) and the (ɛŋ) variable. Four of the five case studies involve adults who also participated in interviews approximately 20 years later. For those informants, a comparison is made with the new recordings in order to evaluate claims of change in real time. Both auditory results and acoustic measurements are documented. The fifth case study concerns youngsters recorded in the new round of recordings (the S2), hence there is no newer recording to compare with. In all cases the older (æ) variable is sensitive to a change in situation whereas the newer (ɛŋ) variable only varies with situation for the young informants. In the final section, we discuss possible consequences for comparability and for the methodology of empirical (socio)linguistics.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"55 1","pages":"1 - 35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80028718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-19DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2017.1317918
M. Fortescue
Abstract Orientation systems found around the North Atlantic Rim – those of Greenland, Iceland and the Faroe Islands – have much in common, although two quite unrelated language families are involved. This has much to do with comparable geographical situations and may be taken as supporting Palmer’s Topographic Correspondence Hypothesis. The actual orientation of north–south–east–west terms can vary around the coasts of Iceland and the Faroes as it does around Greenland. All three regions arguably display ‘absolute’ systems, but most noteworthy is the fact that they apply differently at different spatial scales, ranging from the individual house and its surroundings, via specific stretches of coast, up to the broadest frame covering the whole country. The same terms may be used at all levels, only disambiguated by context. There are of course also differences between the systems of the three regions, reflecting their different cultural and technological backgrounds and the geographical alignment of their convoluted coastlines. The question as to whether such systems represent a distinct ‘landmark’ sub-type of absolute system is addressed. It is argued that distinctions of scale are more relevant here than the distinction between ‘cardinal’ and ‘landmark’ sub-types.
{"title":"Icelandic, Faroese and Greenlandic orientation systems: all absolute?","authors":"M. Fortescue","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1317918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1317918","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Orientation systems found around the North Atlantic Rim – those of Greenland, Iceland and the Faroe Islands – have much in common, although two quite unrelated language families are involved. This has much to do with comparable geographical situations and may be taken as supporting Palmer’s Topographic Correspondence Hypothesis. The actual orientation of north–south–east–west terms can vary around the coasts of Iceland and the Faroes as it does around Greenland. All three regions arguably display ‘absolute’ systems, but most noteworthy is the fact that they apply differently at different spatial scales, ranging from the individual house and its surroundings, via specific stretches of coast, up to the broadest frame covering the whole country. The same terms may be used at all levels, only disambiguated by context. There are of course also differences between the systems of the three regions, reflecting their different cultural and technological backgrounds and the geographical alignment of their convoluted coastlines. The question as to whether such systems represent a distinct ‘landmark’ sub-type of absolute system is addressed. It is argued that distinctions of scale are more relevant here than the distinction between ‘cardinal’ and ‘landmark’ sub-types.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"111 1","pages":"161 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79202398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2017.1344484
P. Nielsen
Abstract Prima facie, the supine verb forms in Swedish and Danish appear almost identical in terms of morphological form and syntactic function, but a closer look reveals fundamental differences regarding their semantic coding and function. The paper examines the differences from the perspective of the auxiliary verbs with which the supine forms combine with special focus on the assignment of content (‘logical’) arguments to the verb in the supine form. The Swedish supine is inflected for voice, combines with only one true auxiliary and is used almost exclusively for retrospective tense constructions (perfect and pluperfect), and argument assignment is determined by the morphological specification of voice, while the auxiliary is redundant. The Danish supine has no voice inflection, combines with several auxiliaries and is used in a number of constructions, and argument assignment is determined primarily by auxiliary selection. The paper concludes that the Swedish auxiliary plays a peripheral role, which explains the possibility of auxiliary omission, while the Danish auxiliary set plays a crucial role in the specification of construction semantics and argument assignment, thus demonstrating a significant difference between the two languages in the interplay between morphology and syntax.
{"title":"The function of supine auxiliaries in Swedish and Danish: morphology and syntax in argument assignment","authors":"P. Nielsen","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1344484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1344484","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Prima facie, the supine verb forms in Swedish and Danish appear almost identical in terms of morphological form and syntactic function, but a closer look reveals fundamental differences regarding their semantic coding and function. The paper examines the differences from the perspective of the auxiliary verbs with which the supine forms combine with special focus on the assignment of content (‘logical’) arguments to the verb in the supine form. The Swedish supine is inflected for voice, combines with only one true auxiliary and is used almost exclusively for retrospective tense constructions (perfect and pluperfect), and argument assignment is determined by the morphological specification of voice, while the auxiliary is redundant. The Danish supine has no voice inflection, combines with several auxiliaries and is used in a number of constructions, and argument assignment is determined primarily by auxiliary selection. The paper concludes that the Swedish auxiliary plays a peripheral role, which explains the possibility of auxiliary omission, while the Danish auxiliary set plays a crucial role in the specification of construction semantics and argument assignment, thus demonstrating a significant difference between the two languages in the interplay between morphology and syntax.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"116 1","pages":"176 - 194"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85697404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2017.1380252
F. Gregersen, E. Engdahl, Anu Laanemets
Abstract The paper introduces the research field of the special issue: the use of the two types of auxiliaries be and have for expressing past events, and contextualizes research in this field in general.
{"title":"Introduction to the special issue on variation in auxiliary selection","authors":"F. Gregersen, E. Engdahl, Anu Laanemets","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1380252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1380252","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper introduces the research field of the special issue: the use of the two types of auxiliaries be and have for expressing past events, and contextualizes research in this field in general.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"21 1","pages":"107 - 117"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84469328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2017.1352438
M. Beliën
Abstract There is a long tradition of analyzing the use of the Dutch perfect auxiliaries hebben “have” and zijn “be” in semantic terms, which has centered around two notions: “change in the subject referent” and “telicity”. The present study argues that “change in the subject referent” is the most viable generalization, in light of attested examples with three particle verbs of motion: omdraaien “turn around”, weglopen “walk/run away” and afdalen “descend (off)”. While (telic) particle verbs are commonly said to take only zijn “be” as their perfect auxiliary, the three particle verbs studied here are shown to occur with hebben as well as zijn, in contexts that do not differ in terms of telicity. These data can be accounted for if the traditional notion of “change in the subject referent” is considered against the background of the cognitive-grammar notion of construal. In particular, the present study argues that zijn is used with these particle verbs when the motion event is construed as a (telic or atelic) change of state on the part of the subject referent, while hebben is used when it is construed as a subject’s executing or engaging in a (telic or atelic) type of act.
摘要荷兰语完成助动词hebben " have "和zijn " be "的语义分析由来已久，主要围绕"主语指称物的变化"和"目的性"两个概念展开。本研究认为，“主语指称物的变化”是最可行的概括，并通过三个运动助动词的实例证明:omdraaien“转身”，weglopen“走/跑开”和afdalen“下降(离开)”。而动词(表示目的的)粒子通常只需zijn说“是”作为他们的完美的辅助,这三个粒子动词研究显示与hebben以及zijn发生,在上下文不telicity方面的不同。如果将传统的“主语指称物的变化”概念放在解释的认知语法概念的背景下考虑，这些数据就可以得到解释。特别是，本研究认为，当运动事件被解释为主语指称物的状态变化时，zijn与这些助词动词连用，而hebben被解释为主语执行或参与(telic或atelic)类型的行为时，则使用。
{"title":"Auxiliary choice with particle verbs of motion in Dutch","authors":"M. Beliën","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1352438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1352438","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There is a long tradition of analyzing the use of the Dutch perfect auxiliaries hebben “have” and zijn “be” in semantic terms, which has centered around two notions: “change in the subject referent” and “telicity”. The present study argues that “change in the subject referent” is the most viable generalization, in light of attested examples with three particle verbs of motion: omdraaien “turn around”, weglopen “walk/run away” and afdalen “descend (off)”. While (telic) particle verbs are commonly said to take only zijn “be” as their perfect auxiliary, the three particle verbs studied here are shown to occur with hebben as well as zijn, in contexts that do not differ in terms of telicity. These data can be accounted for if the traditional notion of “change in the subject referent” is considered against the background of the cognitive-grammar notion of construal. In particular, the present study argues that zijn is used with these particle verbs when the motion event is construed as a (telic or atelic) change of state on the part of the subject referent, while hebben is used when it is construed as a subject’s executing or engaging in a (telic or atelic) type of act.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"121 1","pages":"212 - 231"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90802817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03740463.2017.1353200
G. Fløgstad
Abstract A hallmark of the Perfect/Preterit opposition is its instability; perfects tend to become something else, such as general pasts. In this article, I employ a sample of 40 Romance varieties to discuss this instability in the light of usage-based grammaticalization theory. The data-set illustrates that either Perfect or Preterit expansion is the likely outcome of a system in which both exist. Ultimately, I discuss these findings in the light of suggested motivations for morphosyntactic change, specifically the role processing plays in these. I briefly discuss the result of the change in the light of the distinction between source- and target-oriented explanations. The analysis uncovers a need for a more nuanced understanding of the assumed direction in the development of Perfects.
{"title":"Revisiting Perfect/Preterit instability across Romance. On functional motivations for diverging paths","authors":"G. Fløgstad","doi":"10.1080/03740463.2017.1353200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2017.1353200","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A hallmark of the Perfect/Preterit opposition is its instability; perfects tend to become something else, such as general pasts. In this article, I employ a sample of 40 Romance varieties to discuss this instability in the light of usage-based grammaticalization theory. The data-set illustrates that either Perfect or Preterit expansion is the likely outcome of a system in which both exist. Ultimately, I discuss these findings in the light of suggested motivations for morphosyntactic change, specifically the role processing plays in these. I briefly discuss the result of the change in the light of the distinction between source- and target-oriented explanations. The analysis uncovers a need for a more nuanced understanding of the assumed direction in the development of Perfects.","PeriodicalId":35105,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hafniensia","volume":"148 1","pages":"195 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77366303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：