Abstract Various non-standard language varieties in the Netherlands traditionally allow for the use of masculine personal subject pronouns (i.e. regionally distinct variants of hij ‘he’) in reference to women. While this practice is well-documented within Dutch dialectology, especially during the twentieth century, it is unclear to what extent this feature still exists nowadays. Moreover, the use of masculine subject forms for female reference has not previously been described for Limburgian dialects. This paper offers a start to filling these gaps, by providing insight into the contemporary use of ‘he’ for women in Dutch dialects, with a specific focus on occurrences in Dutch Limburg. We report on a Twitter query and three interviews, showing (i) that the use of ‘he’ for women still exists in various Dutch dialects, and (ii) how native speakers of a Limburgian dialect use and perceive this feature of their dialect.
荷兰的各种非标准语言变体传统上允许使用男性人称主语代词(即hij ' he '的地区不同变体)来指代女性。虽然这种做法在荷兰方言学中有很好的记录，特别是在20世纪，但目前尚不清楚这种特征在多大程度上仍然存在。此外，使用男性主体形式的女性参考以前没有描述过林堡方言。本文提供了一个填补这些空白的开始，通过深入了解荷兰方言中女性“他”的当代用法，并特别关注荷兰林堡的情况。我们报告了一个Twitter查询和三次采访，显示了(i)在各种荷兰方言中仍然存在“he”对女性的使用，以及(ii)林堡方言的母语人士如何使用和理解他们方言的这一特征。
{"title":"Is ‘he’ still here?","authors":"Joske Piepers, Ad Backus, Jos Swanenberg","doi":"10.1075/avt.00087.pie","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00087.pie","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Various non-standard language varieties in the Netherlands traditionally allow for the use of masculine personal subject pronouns (i.e. regionally distinct variants of hij ‘he’) in reference to women. While this practice is well-documented within Dutch dialectology, especially during the twentieth century, it is unclear to what extent this feature still exists nowadays. Moreover, the use of masculine subject forms for female reference has not previously been described for Limburgian dialects. This paper offers a start to filling these gaps, by providing insight into the contemporary use of ‘he’ for women in Dutch dialects, with a specific focus on occurrences in Dutch Limburg. We report on a Twitter query and three interviews, showing (i) that the use of ‘he’ for women still exists in various Dutch dialects, and (ii) how native speakers of a Limburgian dialect use and perceive this feature of their dialect.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 19","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135819301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper concerns the verbal diminutive suffixes -el and -er in Afrikaans. In previous work ( Cavirani-Pots et al. 2023 ), these suffixes have been analysed on par with their Dutch counterparts. In this paper we present the results of a nonsense word experiment on these suffixes in Afrikaans (94 participants) and Dutch (242 participants). The results show that the Afrikaans participants significantly underperform in guessing the meaning of these suffixes compared to the Dutch participants. We take this to mean that the underlying structure of verbs containing these suffixes is different in the two languages. Based on the three-way division of affix types of Creemers et al. (2018) , we follow Cavirani-Pots et al. (2023) ’s analysis of the Dutch -el and -er suffixes as being level Ia suffixes, i.e. suffixes that appear right above the stem they attach to. For Afrikaans, however, we propose that -el and -er have lost their suffixal status, and have undergone univerbation with the stem.
摘要本文研究了南非荷兰语的动词小后缀-el和-er。在之前的工作中(Cavirani-Pots et al. 2023)，这些后缀已经与荷兰的对应词进行了同等的分析。在本文中，我们介绍了对南非荷兰语(94名参与者)和荷兰语(242名参与者)的这些后缀进行的无意义词实验的结果。结果显示，与荷兰人相比，南非荷兰人在猜测这些后缀的意思方面表现得明显不如荷兰人。我们认为这意味着两种语言中包含这些后缀的动词的基本结构是不同的。基于Creemers等人(2018)对词缀类型的三向划分，我们遵循Cavirani-Pots等人(2023)对荷兰语-el和-er后缀作为Ia级后缀的分析，即出现在它们所附着的词干正上方的后缀。然而，对于南非荷兰语，我们认为-el和-er已经失去了它们的后缀地位，并与词干一起经历了统一。
{"title":"Univerbation in Afrikaans verbal diminutives","authors":"Cora Cavirani-Pots, Engela De Villiers","doi":"10.1075/avt.00077.cav","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00077.cav","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper concerns the verbal diminutive suffixes -el and -er in Afrikaans. In previous work ( Cavirani-Pots et al. 2023 ), these suffixes have been analysed on par with their Dutch counterparts. In this paper we present the results of a nonsense word experiment on these suffixes in Afrikaans (94 participants) and Dutch (242 participants). The results show that the Afrikaans participants significantly underperform in guessing the meaning of these suffixes compared to the Dutch participants. We take this to mean that the underlying structure of verbs containing these suffixes is different in the two languages. Based on the three-way division of affix types of Creemers et al. (2018) , we follow Cavirani-Pots et al. (2023) ’s analysis of the Dutch -el and -er suffixes as being level Ia suffixes, i.e. suffixes that appear right above the stem they attach to. For Afrikaans, however, we propose that -el and -er have lost their suffixal status, and have undergone univerbation with the stem.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 20","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135820313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract We examine equative constructions in Dutch, comparing it to their counterparts in two other Germanic languages, namely English and German. We observe that there is significant variation in the morphosyntax of equative constructions based on whether what is being compared is a gradable adjective or a verb (e.g. Kim is as tall as Sue and Kim ran as Sue (did) ) across the three languages and that the morphosyntax corresponds to meaning differences, determining what exactly can be compared in these constructions. Based on these observations, we propose an account for Dutch equative constructions based on eventuality kinds, which has implications for the semantics of comparison constructions in general in relation to the ontological status of degrees and manners in the grammar.
{"title":"Degrees and manners as kinds","authors":"Jianrong Yu, Lena Heynen","doi":"10.1075/avt.00091.yu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00091.yu","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We examine equative constructions in Dutch, comparing it to their counterparts in two other Germanic languages, namely English and German. We observe that there is significant variation in the morphosyntax of equative constructions based on whether what is being compared is a gradable adjective or a verb (e.g. Kim is as tall as Sue and Kim ran as Sue (did) ) across the three languages and that the morphosyntax corresponds to meaning differences, determining what exactly can be compared in these constructions. Based on these observations, we propose an account for Dutch equative constructions based on eventuality kinds, which has implications for the semantics of comparison constructions in general in relation to the ontological status of degrees and manners in the grammar.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135820319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Ongoing processes of dialect leveling and loss have given rise to the widespread use of the concept of hyperdialectism in sociolinguistic research. Hyperdialectisms are considered to be a reaction to dialect loss: a typical dialect feature that is distinctive from the standard language or a neighboring dialect is overgeneralized. However, there is pitfall in using the concept as an umbrella term for all deviating dialect forms. In this paper, we aim to provide a revisited view of hyperdialectisms based on written dialect sources. In doing so, we use hyperdialectal adnominal gender marking in southern Dutch Brabantish dialects as a case study. We show that unexpected forms were already present in early twentieth-century dialect use, despite dialect grammar descriptions from the second half of the century often being used as a point of reference for ‘correct’ grammar. Furthermore, we argue that the concept of hyperdialectism requires careful layering in sociolinguistic analysis.
{"title":"Hyperdialectisms revisited","authors":"Kristel Doreleijers, Jos Swanenberg","doi":"10.1075/avt.00078.dor","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00078.dor","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Ongoing processes of dialect leveling and loss have given rise to the widespread use of the concept of hyperdialectism in sociolinguistic research. Hyperdialectisms are considered to be a reaction to dialect loss: a typical dialect feature that is distinctive from the standard language or a neighboring dialect is overgeneralized. However, there is pitfall in using the concept as an umbrella term for all deviating dialect forms. In this paper, we aim to provide a revisited view of hyperdialectisms based on written dialect sources. In doing so, we use hyperdialectal adnominal gender marking in southern Dutch Brabantish dialects as a case study. We show that unexpected forms were already present in early twentieth-century dialect use, despite dialect grammar descriptions from the second half of the century often being used as a point of reference for ‘correct’ grammar. Furthermore, we argue that the concept of hyperdialectism requires careful layering in sociolinguistic analysis.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 16","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135819304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Netherlands Urban Field Station","authors":"Eva van Lier, Ad Backus, Nel de Jong, Rik van Gijn, Konrad Rybka, Jantien Smit, Josje Verhagen, Katherine Walker, Camille Welie","doi":"10.1075/avt.00092.van","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00092.van","url":null,"abstract":"Preview this article: The Netherlands Urban Field Station, Page 1 of 1 < Previous page | Next page > /docserver/preview/fulltext/avt.00092.van-1.gif","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"231 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135775129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Left Dislocation in Dutch is still poorly understood. In particular, it is unclear why speakers of Dutch use this construction and which factors influence its use. To obtain more insight in the function and use of Left Dislocation in Dutch, we elicited narratives from 30 adult speakers of Dutch and carried out an analysis of the use of Left Dislocation constructions in these narratives. Our analysis revealed that neither the introduction of new referents, nor the expression of a contrast between two referents, nor the marking of a shifted topic is able to explain all uses of Left Dislocation in these narratives. We speculate that the function of Left Dislocation in Dutch is to mark a referent as a potential topic for the further discourse.
{"title":"Left dislocation in Dutch","authors":"Myrte van Hinsberg, Petra Hendriks","doi":"10.1075/avt.00081.van","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00081.van","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Left Dislocation in Dutch is still poorly understood. In particular, it is unclear why speakers of Dutch use this construction and which factors influence its use. To obtain more insight in the function and use of Left Dislocation in Dutch, we elicited narratives from 30 adult speakers of Dutch and carried out an analysis of the use of Left Dislocation constructions in these narratives. Our analysis revealed that neither the introduction of new referents, nor the expression of a contrast between two referents, nor the marking of a shifted topic is able to explain all uses of Left Dislocation in these narratives. We speculate that the function of Left Dislocation in Dutch is to mark a referent as a potential topic for the further discourse.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135820307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Here we investigate the use of the politeness marker por favor ‘please’ in a corpus of contemporary Spanish dialogues from film scripts and literary dialogues. We argue that por favor is in fact only occasionally used as an expression of politeness. Apart from these uses, we distinguish between cases where por favor functions as a marker of illocutionary force and other discourse functions, that include the expression of impatience and disapproval. While the formulaic use of por favor is mainly limited to routine situations in the public sphere, the other functions are typical of private conversations. We argue that the ancient use of the expression can account for its contemporary non-polite uses.
{"title":"Beyond politeness","authors":"Gijs Mulder, Patricia Sánchez Carrasco","doi":"10.1075/avt.00086.mul","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00086.mul","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Here we investigate the use of the politeness marker por favor ‘please’ in a corpus of contemporary Spanish dialogues from film scripts and literary dialogues. We argue that por favor is in fact only occasionally used as an expression of politeness. Apart from these uses, we distinguish between cases where por favor functions as a marker of illocutionary force and other discourse functions, that include the expression of impatience and disapproval. While the formulaic use of por favor is mainly limited to routine situations in the public sphere, the other functions are typical of private conversations. We argue that the ancient use of the expression can account for its contemporary non-polite uses.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135820308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract When considering the acceptance of split NPs, the Germanic language family reveals substantial variation. This is especially the case for Dutch as the observations seem rather contradictory, hence the question whether or not Dutch allows for split NPs. Via a large-scale questionnaire, the present study shows that some Dutch dialects allow split NPs to a larger extent than others, and that a geographical basis amidst the variation can be found in the southern regions of the Netherlands. These findings are crucial as they shed light onto the (syntactic) microvariation within the Netherlands which in turn leads to valuable insights into a future analysis of split NPs.
{"title":"Finding a geographical basis for split noun phrases in the Netherlands and Belgium","authors":"Lieke Hendriks","doi":"10.1075/avt.00080.hen","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00080.hen","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When considering the acceptance of split NPs, the Germanic language family reveals substantial variation. This is especially the case for Dutch as the observations seem rather contradictory, hence the question whether or not Dutch allows for split NPs. Via a large-scale questionnaire, the present study shows that some Dutch dialects allow split NPs to a larger extent than others, and that a geographical basis amidst the variation can be found in the southern regions of the Netherlands. These findings are crucial as they shed light onto the (syntactic) microvariation within the Netherlands which in turn leads to valuable insights into a future analysis of split NPs.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 19","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135820314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper describes the possible predication strategies in Makhuwa-Enahara and under what circumstances each occurs. Makhuwa-Enahara (Bantu P31E) has three main copular constructions: Predicative Lowering, the invariant copulas ti (affirmative) and kahi (negative), and the verbal copulas ori and okhala . It was previously posited that the choice between predication strategies depended on the syntactic type of the predicate, but further analysis shows that deference is instead given to the semantic type of the predication. The underlying structures of Makhuwa-Enahara are identical for Equation, Predication, and Identification; Specification shows a different structure, and Locative predication yet another. Predicative Lowering and the invariant copula are argued to be different spell-outs of the Pred head, depending on its raised position within the syntactic tree and whether or not the initial element of the predicate is long enough to undergo Predicative Lowering.
{"title":"Copular constructions in Makhuwa‑Enahara","authors":"Elizabeth Kujath, Jenneke van der Wal","doi":"10.1075/avt.00085.kuj","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00085.kuj","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper describes the possible predication strategies in Makhuwa-Enahara and under what circumstances each occurs. Makhuwa-Enahara (Bantu P31E) has three main copular constructions: Predicative Lowering, the invariant copulas ti (affirmative) and kahi (negative), and the verbal copulas ori and okhala . It was previously posited that the choice between predication strategies depended on the syntactic type of the predicate, but further analysis shows that deference is instead given to the semantic type of the predication. The underlying structures of Makhuwa-Enahara are identical for Equation, Predication, and Identification; Specification shows a different structure, and Locative predication yet another. Predicative Lowering and the invariant copula are argued to be different spell-outs of the Pred head, depending on its raised position within the syntactic tree and whether or not the initial element of the predicate is long enough to undergo Predicative Lowering.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"48 16","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135820315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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