In certain varieties of Dutch spoken among young people, the preposition and determiner in locative and directional PPs can sometimes be omitted. We argue on the basis of language data taken from Twitter and intuitions of young speakers of Dutch that nominal arguments in these constructions do not have a DP layer, the absence of which leads to a special interpretation. The option to omit the preposition is related to the structural and semantic complexity of the verb. The bare construction is possible only with simple verbs, and not with manner-of-motion verbs. We present an analysis that accounts for the non-pronunciation of prepositions in directional predicates by claiming that they can be licensed through incorporation into the verb. This type of incorporation is blocked if the verb is structurally complex.
{"title":"Going city","authors":"G. Schoenmakers, John David Storment","doi":"10.1075/avt.00050.sch","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00050.sch","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In certain varieties of Dutch spoken among young people, the preposition and determiner in locative and\u0000 directional PPs can sometimes be omitted. We argue on the basis of language data taken from Twitter and intuitions of young\u0000 speakers of Dutch that nominal arguments in these constructions do not have a DP layer, the absence of which leads to a special\u0000 interpretation. The option to omit the preposition is related to the structural and semantic complexity of the verb. The bare\u0000 construction is possible only with simple verbs, and not with manner-of-motion verbs. We present an analysis that accounts for the\u0000 non-pronunciation of prepositions in directional predicates by claiming that they can be licensed through incorporation into the\u0000 verb. This type of incorporation is blocked if the verb is structurally complex.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49116781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Incremental comprehension of head-final constructions can reveal structural attachment preferences for ambiguous phrases. This study investigates how temporarily ambiguous PPs are processed in Dutch verb-final constructions. In De aannemer heeft op het dakterras bespaard/gewerkt ‘The contractor has on the roof terrace saved/worked’, the PP is locally ambiguous between attachment as argument and as adjunct. This ambiguity is resolved by the sentence-final verb. In a self-paced reading task, we manipulated the argument/adjunct status of the PP, and its position relative to the verb. While we found no reading-time differences between argument and adjunct PPs, we did find that transitive verbs, for which the PP is an argument, were read more slowly than intransitive verbs, for which the PP is an adjunct. We suggest that Dutch parsers have a preference for adjunct attachment of preverbal PPs, and discuss our findings in terms of incremental parsing models that aim to minimize costly reanalysis.
对首末结构的增量理解可以揭示歧义短语的结构依恋偏好。本研究探讨了荷兰语动词词尾结构中暂时歧义的介词是如何处理的。在De aannemer heeft op het daktras bespaard/gewerkt“承包商在屋顶露台上保存/工作”中，PP在作为论据和附件的附件之间存在局部歧义。这种歧义通过句尾动词来解决。在一项自定节奏的阅读任务中，我们操纵了PP的自变量/附属词状态，以及它相对于动词的位置。虽然我们没有发现自变量和附加词性之间的阅读时间差异，但我们确实发现，作为自变量的及物动词的阅读速度比作为附加词性的不及物动词慢。我们建议荷兰语法分析器更喜欢附加语前PP，并从增量语法分析模型的角度讨论我们的发现，该模型旨在最大限度地减少代价高昂的再分析。
{"title":"Incremental structure building of preverbal PPs in Dutch","authors":"Cas W. Coopmans, G. Schoenmakers","doi":"10.1075/avt.00036.coo","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00036.coo","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Incremental comprehension of head-final constructions can reveal structural attachment preferences for ambiguous phrases. This study investigates how temporarily ambiguous PPs are processed in Dutch verb-final constructions. In De aannemer heeft op het dakterras bespaard/gewerkt ‘The contractor has on the roof terrace saved/worked’, the PP is locally ambiguous between attachment as argument and as adjunct. This ambiguity is resolved by the sentence-final verb. In a self-paced reading task, we manipulated the argument/adjunct status of the PP, and its position relative to the verb. While we found no reading-time differences between argument and adjunct PPs, we did find that transitive verbs, for which the PP is an argument, were read more slowly than intransitive verbs, for which the PP is an adjunct. We suggest that Dutch parsers have a preference for adjunct attachment of preverbal PPs, and discuss our findings in terms of incremental parsing models that aim to minimize costly reanalysis.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"37 1","pages":"38-52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41343806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Foreword","authors":"","doi":"10.1075/avt.00045.for","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00045.for","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45991266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Dutch expression goed en wel ‘good and well’ is polysemous. In one of its uses, goed en wel combines with a universal quantifier alles or allemaal ‘all’ and the conjunction maar ‘but’. The resulting construction is typically used to introduce a contrary reaction to an earlier utterance or suggestion. The combination is shown to fit into a larger class of pragmatic operators, which are argued to be instances of lexicalized pragmatics.
荷兰语表达“good and well”是多义的。在其中一种用法中，goed en wel与全称量词alles或allemaal ' all和连词maar ' but连用。由此产生的结构通常用于引入与先前的话语或建议相反的反应。这种组合被证明适合于更大的一类语用操作符，它们被认为是词汇化语用学的实例。
{"title":"All good and well","authors":"T. V. Wouden","doi":"10.1075/avt.00042.wou","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00042.wou","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Dutch expression goed en wel ‘good and well’ is polysemous. In one of its uses, goed\u0000 en wel combines with a universal quantifier alles or allemaal ‘all’ and the\u0000 conjunction maar ‘but’. The resulting construction is typically used to introduce a contrary reaction to an\u0000 earlier utterance or suggestion. The combination is shown to fit into a larger class of pragmatic operators, which are argued to\u0000 be instances of lexicalized pragmatics.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"37 1","pages":"135-148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59342836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper investigates the origin, the development, the semantics and the pragmatics of the temporal use of the Dutch expression goed en wel ‘good and well’. We argue that the expression has developed from a meaning “safe and sound” into an indicator of the end of a preparatory phase or transition period, as well as a marker of the beginning of a new state. We observe that temporal goed en wel always requires a secondary state of affairs that is temporally related to the transition point initiating the primary state of affairs, and we show that the expression is increasingly being employed for rhetorical purposes.
摘要本文探讨了荷兰语goed en wel“good and well”时态用法的起源、发展、语义和语用学。我们认为，这一表达已经从“安全可靠”的含义发展成为准备阶段或过渡期结束的标志，以及新状态开始的标志。我们观察到，时态总是需要一个次要的事务状态，该状态在时间上与启动主要事务状态的过渡点相关，并且我们表明，该表达越来越多地被用于修辞目的。
{"title":"On the Dutch temporal adverbial goed en wel","authors":"J. Hoeksema, Ton van der Wouden","doi":"10.1075/avt.00039.hoe","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00039.hoe","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper investigates the origin, the development, the semantics and the pragmatics of the temporal use of the Dutch expression goed en wel ‘good and well’. We argue that the expression has developed from a meaning “safe and sound” into an indicator of the end of a preparatory phase or transition period, as well as a marker of the beginning of a new state. We observe that temporal goed en wel always requires a secondary state of affairs that is temporally related to the transition point initiating the primary state of affairs, and we show that the expression is increasingly being employed for rhetorical purposes.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"37 1","pages":"90-102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41325367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper presents an analysis of a Palestinian Arabic negation-associated exclusive construction featuring the contrastive focus marker illa ‘but’, with theoretical implications for the syntax of negation, negative polarity item licensing, and the categorical status of the root in sentential syntax. It analyzes illa-phrases as constituents licensed by a c-commanding sentential negation (Neg), and illa as a grammatical device encoding contrastiveness. A crucial source for the exclusive semantics of the construction comes from a silent bass ‘only’ immediately following illa that constitutes a syntactic ‘shield’ against Neg scope. Rather than taking an in-situ focus-interpretation approach (cf. Rooth 1985, 1992), we argue for two covert movements at the syntax-semantics interface: quantifier raising of illa-phrases to the designated specifier of polarity Phrase followed by Polarity-to-Focus-raising of Neg. This creates the right syntactic configuration for the truth conditional import of both operators and captures the ‘classical’ thought that focus-sensitive exclusive operators like only quantify over propositional alternatives.
{"title":"Syntax of the Palestinian Arabic negation-associated exclusive construction","authors":"Samir Khalaily","doi":"10.1075/avt.00040.kha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00040.kha","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper presents an analysis of a Palestinian Arabic negation-associated exclusive construction featuring the contrastive focus marker illa ‘but’, with theoretical implications for the syntax of negation, negative polarity item licensing, and the categorical status of the root in sentential syntax. It analyzes illa-phrases as constituents licensed by a c-commanding sentential negation (Neg), and illa as a grammatical device encoding contrastiveness. A crucial source for the exclusive semantics of the construction comes from a silent bass ‘only’ immediately following illa that constitutes a syntactic ‘shield’ against Neg scope. Rather than taking an in-situ focus-interpretation approach (cf. Rooth 1985, 1992), we argue for two covert movements at the syntax-semantics interface: quantifier raising of illa-phrases to the designated specifier of polarity Phrase followed by Polarity-to-Focus-raising of Neg. This creates the right syntactic configuration for the truth conditional import of both operators and captures the ‘classical’ thought that focus-sensitive exclusive operators like only quantify over propositional alternatives.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"37 1","pages":"103-118"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43170305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Conditional clauses in Dutch can occur in sentence-initial and sentence-final position. For sentence-initial conditionals, a number of syntactic integration patterns are available. This corpus study investigates to what extent clause order and syntactic integration are associated with text mode (spoken, written) and register (formal, informal). Sentence-initial position of the conditional clause is shown to be most frequent in both modes and registers, although sentence-final position is more frequent than one would expect based on the literature, especially in written texts. The distribution of syntactic integration patterns shows a clear difference between modes, as full integration of the conditional clause into the main clause is most frequent in written texts, whereas the use of the resumptive element dan (‘then’) is most frequent in spoken texts.
{"title":"Clause order and syntactic integration patterns in Dutch conditionals","authors":"A. Reuneker","doi":"10.1075/avt.00041.reu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00041.reu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Conditional clauses in Dutch can occur in sentence-initial and sentence-final position. For sentence-initial\u0000 conditionals, a number of syntactic integration patterns are available. This corpus study investigates to what extent clause order\u0000 and syntactic integration are associated with text mode (spoken, written) and register (formal, informal). Sentence-initial position of\u0000 the conditional clause is shown to be most frequent in both modes and registers, although sentence-final position is more frequent\u0000 than one would expect based on the literature, especially in written texts. The distribution of syntactic integration patterns\u0000 shows a clear difference between modes, as full integration of the conditional clause into the main clause is most frequent in\u0000 written texts, whereas the use of the resumptive element dan (‘then’) is most frequent in spoken texts.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44762467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article compares two alternatives to the standard movement-and-deletion approach to clausal ellipsis, which postulates deletion of TP after the remnants of ellipsis are (sometimes exceptionally) A′-moved into the left periphery of the clause. One alternative is the in-situ approach, which denies the involvement of movement in the derivation of clausal ellipsis; it claims that clausal ellipsis can apply to any run-of-the-mill syntactic structure and simply deletes the familiar/given information from the propositional domain of the clause. Another alternative is the selective spell-out approach; it denies the involvement of deletion and states that the remnants undergo regular A′-movement into the specifiers of specific semantically relevant functional projections (CP, FocusP, NegP, etc.), which are subsequently selected for spell-out. This article argues that the selective spell-out approach is superior to the two deletion approaches.
{"title":"Clausal ellipsis","authors":"H. Broekhuis, Josef Bayer","doi":"10.1075/avt.00035.bro","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00035.bro","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article compares two alternatives to the standard movement-and-deletion approach to clausal ellipsis, which postulates deletion of TP after the remnants of ellipsis are (sometimes exceptionally) A′-moved into the left periphery of the clause. One alternative is the in-situ approach, which denies the involvement of movement in the derivation of clausal ellipsis; it claims that clausal ellipsis can apply to any run-of-the-mill syntactic structure and simply deletes the familiar/given information from the propositional domain of the clause. Another alternative is the selective spell-out approach; it denies the involvement of deletion and states that the remnants undergo regular A′-movement into the specifiers of specific semantically relevant functional projections (CP, FocusP, NegP, etc.), which are subsequently selected for spell-out. This article argues that the selective spell-out approach is superior to the two deletion approaches.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"37 1","pages":"23-37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49132626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The association between sentential negation and tense has solid foundations in the literature. It has even been argued that sentential negative markers consist of a Tense feature (De Clercq 2018, 2020). This paper adduces the first results from a typological study and data from Bambara in support of this claim. In addition, the Bambara data also point to the morphological realisation of present or default tense, to a hierarchy for tense and to a position for sentential negation in that hierarchy.
{"title":"Tense and sentential negation","authors":"K. Clercq","doi":"10.1075/avt.00038.cle","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00038.cle","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The association between sentential negation and tense has solid foundations in the literature. It has even been argued that sentential negative markers consist of a Tense feature (De Clercq 2018, 2020). This paper adduces the first results from a typological study and data from Bambara in support of this claim. In addition, the Bambara data also point to the morphological realisation of present or default tense, to a hierarchy for tense and to a position for sentential negation in that hierarchy.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"37 1","pages":"71-89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49553330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper discusses two types of discourse-related V1 declaratives in Dutch. The first type involves a missing argument. In the position before the finite verb a referential 3rd person pronoun is deleted. The deletion of the pronoun is constrained by the recoverability condition, which requires that its referential features can be reconstructed from context. I will argue that only the deletion of a d(emonstrative)-pronoun is “topic drop”. Deleted topic d-pronouns are subject to the same syntactic conditions as overt topic d-pronouns. Like the overt d-pronoun, the deleted d-pronoun refers to the focus constituent of the preceding sentence. A deleted p(ersonal)-pronoun, by contrast, does not have a uniquely determined antecedent. The second type of V1 declarative is found in so-called “narrative inversion” in which all arguments are present, and no empty element needs to be postulated. Various types of narrative inversion and the kind of discourse relation they imply are discussed.
{"title":"Discourse-related V1 declaratives in Dutch","authors":"J. V. Kampen","doi":"10.1075/avt.00043.kam","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/avt.00043.kam","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper discusses two types of discourse-related V1 declaratives in Dutch. The first type involves a missing argument. In the position before the finite verb a referential 3rd person pronoun is deleted. The deletion of the pronoun is constrained by the recoverability condition, which requires that its referential features can be reconstructed from context. I will argue that only the deletion of a d(emonstrative)-pronoun is “topic drop”. Deleted topic d-pronouns are subject to the same syntactic conditions as overt topic d-pronouns. Like the overt d-pronoun, the deleted d-pronoun refers to the focus constituent of the preceding sentence. A deleted p(ersonal)-pronoun, by contrast, does not have a uniquely determined antecedent. The second type of V1 declarative is found in so-called “narrative inversion” in which all arguments are present, and no empty element needs to be postulated. Various types of narrative inversion and the kind of discourse relation they imply are discussed.","PeriodicalId":35138,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics in the Netherlands","volume":"37 1","pages":"149-164"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41723728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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