Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.02
Nicolas Alexander Beckmann
. Objective/Context: The present article develops a theoretical tool to explain drug policy decisions called the Psychoactive Politics Framework. It is built on the assumption that the design and implementation of drug policies affect several political goals, such as popularity, winning elections, material benefits, and international reputation. Therefore, the framework expects these policies to be the result of national and international incentives that will help policy makers achieve those goals. These are incentives related to public opinion, policy advocacy, crises, pressure, standing, and leadership. Methodology: The second part of the article applies the Psychoactive Politics Framework to explain Peru’s first legislation to eradicate illicit coca crops: the Decree Law 22095 of 1978. Through examining diplomatic cables, protocols of international meetings, and media sources, the analysis gathers evidence in favor and against each of the incentives outlined in the framework. Conclusions: While Peru’s drug policy reform took place in an increasingly prohibitionist international environment, its primary driver was the advocacy of national actors, such as the Ministry of the Interior, the Investigative Police, and the attorney general. Originality: The findings question the popular notion that prohibitionist drug policies in South America resulted exclusively from US pressure. Furthermore, the article presents a coherent tool to carry out theory-guided research about past and present drug policy decisions.
{"title":"The Pyschoactive Politics Framework and the Beginning of Coca Eradication in Peru","authors":"Nicolas Alexander Beckmann","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.02","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: The present article develops a theoretical tool to explain drug policy decisions called the Psychoactive Politics Framework. It is built on the assumption that the design and implementation of drug policies affect several political goals, such as popularity, winning elections, material benefits, and international reputation. Therefore, the framework expects these policies to be the result of national and international incentives that will help policy makers achieve those goals. These are incentives related to public opinion, policy advocacy, crises, pressure, standing, and leadership. Methodology: The second part of the article applies the Psychoactive Politics Framework to explain Peru’s first legislation to eradicate illicit coca crops: the Decree Law 22095 of 1978. Through examining diplomatic cables, protocols of international meetings, and media sources, the analysis gathers evidence in favor and against each of the incentives outlined in the framework. Conclusions: While Peru’s drug policy reform took place in an increasingly prohibitionist international environment, its primary driver was the advocacy of national actors, such as the Ministry of the Interior, the Investigative Police, and the attorney general. Originality: The findings question the popular notion that prohibitionist drug policies in South America resulted exclusively from US pressure. Furthermore, the article presents a coherent tool to carry out theory-guided research about past and present drug policy decisions.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46869794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.05
María Cristina Ovalle Almanza, Juan Camilo Vásquez Salazar
,
,
{"title":"Limitations on Democracy in Multilateral Policies to Regulate the Political Participation of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples","authors":"María Cristina Ovalle Almanza, Juan Camilo Vásquez Salazar","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.05","url":null,"abstract":",","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48731887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.08
Enzo Nussio, Juan E. Ugarriza
{"title":"¿Por qué los rebeldes dejan de luchar? Declive organizacional y deserción en la insurgencia de Colombia","authors":"Enzo Nussio, Juan E. Ugarriza","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.08","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49078361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.05
Pedro Santos Mundim, Cíntia Soares Rodrigues dos Santos
. Objective/Context: This article discusses how public opinion behaves in relation to the arrival of foreigners to Brazil. Methodology: Specifically, it tests two important theoretical approaches present in the literature: racial prejudice and economic competition. Conclusions: The analyses suggest that both dimensions are present, although there is stronger evidence of the former. The probability of considering the arrival of foreigners to Brazil negative is higher when they come from countries with a majority black population, such as Haiti and African countries, compared to other groups, such as Latinos, Asians, Europeans, and Americans. This is supported by the historical and social construction of Brazil itself, marked by a slave heritage and the subjugation of the black population. Originality: Despite being a case study, the article contributes to a broader understanding of how public opinion is positioned in relation to the arrival of foreigners in other Latin American contexts with similar historical processes of colonization or with current problems related to new migratory waves. The study offers an approach to the subject in a context that is different from that observed in European countries and the USA, sources of most studies on public opinion and immigration.
{"title":"Preconceito racial ou competição econômica? A opinião pública sobre a vinda de estrangeiros para o Brasil","authors":"Pedro Santos Mundim, Cíntia Soares Rodrigues dos Santos","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.05","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: This article discusses how public opinion behaves in relation to the arrival of foreigners to Brazil. Methodology: Specifically, it tests two important theoretical approaches present in the literature: racial prejudice and economic competition. Conclusions: The analyses suggest that both dimensions are present, although there is stronger evidence of the former. The probability of considering the arrival of foreigners to Brazil negative is higher when they come from countries with a majority black population, such as Haiti and African countries, compared to other groups, such as Latinos, Asians, Europeans, and Americans. This is supported by the historical and social construction of Brazil itself, marked by a slave heritage and the subjugation of the black population. Originality: Despite being a case study, the article contributes to a broader understanding of how public opinion is positioned in relation to the arrival of foreigners in other Latin American contexts with similar historical processes of colonization or with current problems related to new migratory waves. The study offers an approach to the subject in a context that is different from that observed in European countries and the USA, sources of most studies on public opinion and immigration.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46624293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.01
Juan Bogliacini, M. García Sánchez, Rosario Queirolo
. Objective/Context : This article explores the reasons behind the imbalance and limitations that persist in Latin America to access public opinion information on public policy preferences. Methodology : A descriptive analysis of the development of public opinion studies in the region, based on interviews with academics and pollsters from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Uruguay. Conclusions : Although data availability to study public policy opinion in Latin America has significantly increased in the last three decades, limitations persist due to three factors: (i) Latin American states have played a sporadic role in generating information for research in this field. (ii) The role of the private sector and politicians as funders and generators of public opinion data makes the availability of information very sporadic and of limited access. (iii) The agenda of open access public opinion studies is defined by academics from the Global North, whose research agenda moves more towards issues of stability and democratic values than towards citizens’ public policy preferences. Originality : This paper contributes to a more comprehensive descriptive overview of the evolution of the sub-discipline of public opinion in Latin America. In addition, it highlights the need for public funds to systematically survey the public policy preferences of citizens in the region and make microdata publicly available to inform political decision-making and academic research.
{"title":"El desarrollo dependiente: treinta años de opinión pública en América Latina","authors":"Juan Bogliacini, M. García Sánchez, Rosario Queirolo","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.01","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context : This article explores the reasons behind the imbalance and limitations that persist in Latin America to access public opinion information on public policy preferences. Methodology : A descriptive analysis of the development of public opinion studies in the region, based on interviews with academics and pollsters from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Uruguay. Conclusions : Although data availability to study public policy opinion in Latin America has significantly increased in the last three decades, limitations persist due to three factors: (i) Latin American states have played a sporadic role in generating information for research in this field. (ii) The role of the private sector and politicians as funders and generators of public opinion data makes the availability of information very sporadic and of limited access. (iii) The agenda of open access public opinion studies is defined by academics from the Global North, whose research agenda moves more towards issues of stability and democratic values than towards citizens’ public policy preferences. Originality : This paper contributes to a more comprehensive descriptive overview of the evolution of the sub-discipline of public opinion in Latin America. In addition, it highlights the need for public funds to systematically survey the public policy preferences of citizens in the region and make microdata publicly available to inform political decision-making and academic research.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47394502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.06
Juan Manuel Caicedo
. Objective/Context: This study starts by asking what the main determinants of trust in the police are in Latin America. Based on conflict theory, it argues that class divisions and ethnic diversity founded on European colonization have left a legacy of social control conflicts, in which some groups find themselves in a privileged position in their dealings with the police, while others remain in a position of exclusion and vulnerability. Methodology: This research examines data from Latinobarómetro 2018. It uses ordinal logistic regression (OLR) models to evaluate the effects of the subject’s sociodemographic and attitudinal characteristics, as well as a mixed-effects model to observe contextual level indicators (country characteristics). Conclusions: The confidence of Latin Americans in the police is affected by their class position, their opinion on who governs the country, and their perception of corruption in the members of the institution. Although there is evidence of a lower level of trust among indigenous people, the racial identification of the subjects does not show significant effects. At the contextual level, ethnic fractionalization and the country’s homicide rate decrease trust in the police, although inequality (Gini coefficient) shows a positive effect, contrary to what was expected. Originality: The article explores diverse factors that can produce differential treatment between the police and citizens, in a region marked by high levels of inequality and violence.
{"title":"Autoridad y privilegio: confianza en la policía en Latinoamérica","authors":"Juan Manuel Caicedo","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.06","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: This study starts by asking what the main determinants of trust in the police are in Latin America. Based on conflict theory, it argues that class divisions and ethnic diversity founded on European colonization have left a legacy of social control conflicts, in which some groups find themselves in a privileged position in their dealings with the police, while others remain in a position of exclusion and vulnerability. Methodology: This research examines data from Latinobarómetro 2018. It uses ordinal logistic regression (OLR) models to evaluate the effects of the subject’s sociodemographic and attitudinal characteristics, as well as a mixed-effects model to observe contextual level indicators (country characteristics). Conclusions: The confidence of Latin Americans in the police is affected by their class position, their opinion on who governs the country, and their perception of corruption in the members of the institution. Although there is evidence of a lower level of trust among indigenous people, the racial identification of the subjects does not show significant effects. At the contextual level, ethnic fractionalization and the country’s homicide rate decrease trust in the police, although inequality (Gini coefficient) shows a positive effect, contrary to what was expected. Originality: The article explores diverse factors that can produce differential treatment between the police and citizens, in a region marked by high levels of inequality and violence.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44701086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.07
Damián Fernández-Pedemonte, Lorena Recalde, Gabriela Baquerizo-Neira, Juan Carlos García
,
，
{"title":"Framing the Cacerolazo: An Analysis of a Social Protest in Ecuador","authors":"Damián Fernández-Pedemonte, Lorena Recalde, Gabriela Baquerizo-Neira, Juan Carlos García","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.07","url":null,"abstract":",","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44467787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.02
Viviana Baraybar Hidalgo, Yamile Guibert, Paula Muñoz
. Objective/Context: What could lead some individuals to be more prone to lie about engaging in corruption? We contend that a psychological approach to the study of corruption can be employed to understand who lies about corrupt behavior and why. Since social desirability bias (SDB) is related to the appropriateness of behavior, conflicting social norms in a context where corruption is widespread— like in several Latin American countries—can result in SDB in the context of surveys that directly ask for past corrupt behavior. Moreover, due to conflicting norms, some subgroups of the population might be particularly affected by SDB. Methodology : Together, focus groups, list experiments, and survey data provide evidence that supports our psychological approach. Conclusion : Overall, we confirm that SDB is at work even in a context in which corruption is widespread like Peru. Statistically speaking, we only find evidence in support of the existence of gender socialization as an important source of SDB when directly reporting past bribing behavior in Peru. However, other substantive—not statistically significant—differences related to age merit further discussion and research. Originality : This work has two main contributions; first, it highlights the importance designing unobtrusive measures when studying the prevalence of corrupt practices in Latin America; and second, it shows that policy interventions to fight corruption may not be equally effective across different groups of the population. os referentes sociais poderiam explicar as diversas atitudes e comportamentos dentro da sociedade. Metodologia : os grupos focais, o experimento de lista ( list experiment ) e os dados de enquetes oferecem evidência que apoia nossa abordagem psicológica. Conclusão : em geral, confirmamos que o SDB funciona inclusive num contexto no qual a corrupção está muito propagada, como no Peru. Quanto ao aspecto estatístico, evidenciou-se que a socialização de gênero é uma fonte importante de SDB quando é informada diretamente sobre comportamento de suborno no passado. Contudo, outras diferenças substanciais, não estatisticamente significativas, relacionadas com a idade, merecem maior discussão e pesquisa. Originalidade : este trabalho tem duas contribuições principais: primeira, destaca a importância de elaborar medidas discretas ao estudar a prevalência de práticas corruptas na América Latina; segunda, mostra que as intervenções de política para combater a corrupção podem não ser igualmente efetivas em diferentes grupos da população. Pontificia Católica del and fees were to as Each began giving the a visual stimulus, for example, a picture of a policeman and a common citizen with an envelope be- tween them and the phrase “thank you very much” being said by the citizen. The picture was purposely ambiguous and neutral. After the participants were asked to describe what was happening in the image, why could this be happening, to relate it to their own experiences, to di
{"title":"Bribing and Social Desirability in Peru: A Mixed Methods Approach","authors":"Viviana Baraybar Hidalgo, Yamile Guibert, Paula Muñoz","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.02","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: What could lead some individuals to be more prone to lie about engaging in corruption? We contend that a psychological approach to the study of corruption can be employed to understand who lies about corrupt behavior and why. Since social desirability bias (SDB) is related to the appropriateness of behavior, conflicting social norms in a context where corruption is widespread— like in several Latin American countries—can result in SDB in the context of surveys that directly ask for past corrupt behavior. Moreover, due to conflicting norms, some subgroups of the population might be particularly affected by SDB. Methodology : Together, focus groups, list experiments, and survey data provide evidence that supports our psychological approach. Conclusion : Overall, we confirm that SDB is at work even in a context in which corruption is widespread like Peru. Statistically speaking, we only find evidence in support of the existence of gender socialization as an important source of SDB when directly reporting past bribing behavior in Peru. However, other substantive—not statistically significant—differences related to age merit further discussion and research. Originality : This work has two main contributions; first, it highlights the importance designing unobtrusive measures when studying the prevalence of corrupt practices in Latin America; and second, it shows that policy interventions to fight corruption may not be equally effective across different groups of the population. os referentes sociais poderiam explicar as diversas atitudes e comportamentos dentro da sociedade. Metodologia : os grupos focais, o experimento de lista ( list experiment ) e os dados de enquetes oferecem evidência que apoia nossa abordagem psicológica. Conclusão : em geral, confirmamos que o SDB funciona inclusive num contexto no qual a corrupção está muito propagada, como no Peru. Quanto ao aspecto estatístico, evidenciou-se que a socialização de gênero é uma fonte importante de SDB quando é informada diretamente sobre comportamento de suborno no passado. Contudo, outras diferenças substanciais, não estatisticamente significativas, relacionadas com a idade, merecem maior discussão e pesquisa. Originalidade : este trabalho tem duas contribuições principais: primeira, destaca a importância de elaborar medidas discretas ao estudar a prevalência de práticas corruptas na América Latina; segunda, mostra que as intervenções de política para combater a corrupção podem não ser igualmente efetivas em diferentes grupos da população. Pontificia Católica del and fees were to as Each began giving the a visual stimulus, for example, a picture of a policeman and a common citizen with an envelope be- tween them and the phrase “thank you very much” being said by the citizen. The picture was purposely ambiguous and neutral. After the participants were asked to describe what was happening in the image, why could this be happening, to relate it to their own experiences, to di","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44504056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.03
Daniel Moreno Morales, Daniela Osorio Michel
. Objective/Context : Citizen support for democracy is in question. In the Latin American case, after having increased at the beginning of the 21 st century, indicators of support for democracy showed marked decline throughout the last decade. This is particularly evident in the Andean countries, where recent setbacks in the legitimacy of democratic institutions have been accompanied by problematic electoral processes that were deeply questioned by their citizens. Methodology : Using recent data from two of the main sources of comparative public opinion available for Latin America—AmericasBarometer and the World Values Survey— this work focuses on indicators of citizen support for democracy in four countries of the Andean region (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru), investigating the effect of government approval on the evaluation of democracy. The study uses a methodological design that recognizes different levels of support for democracy, to discuss the hypothesis that effects should be different between the levels analyzed. Conclusions : The results show that more concrete levels of support for democracy are more strongly influenced by individual political positions, while the values that sustain democracy are not affected at a statistically significant level. Originality : The methodology allows identifying the multidimensionality of citizen support for democracy and how this support depends on different factors according to the studied level. The conclusions evidence the existence of dynamics common to different societies in relation to democracy.
{"title":"¿Legitimidades fragmentadas? Apoyo a la democracia en la región andina","authors":"Daniel Moreno Morales, Daniela Osorio Michel","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.03","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context : Citizen support for democracy is in question. In the Latin American case, after having increased at the beginning of the 21 st century, indicators of support for democracy showed marked decline throughout the last decade. This is particularly evident in the Andean countries, where recent setbacks in the legitimacy of democratic institutions have been accompanied by problematic electoral processes that were deeply questioned by their citizens. Methodology : Using recent data from two of the main sources of comparative public opinion available for Latin America—AmericasBarometer and the World Values Survey— this work focuses on indicators of citizen support for democracy in four countries of the Andean region (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru), investigating the effect of government approval on the evaluation of democracy. The study uses a methodological design that recognizes different levels of support for democracy, to discuss the hypothesis that effects should be different between the levels analyzed. Conclusions : The results show that more concrete levels of support for democracy are more strongly influenced by individual political positions, while the values that sustain democracy are not affected at a statistically significant level. Originality : The methodology allows identifying the multidimensionality of citizen support for democracy and how this support depends on different factors according to the studied level. The conclusions evidence the existence of dynamics common to different societies in relation to democracy.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44775826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.04
Alejandro Monsiváis-Carrillo
,
,
{"title":"Perception of Electoral Integrity, Trust in Elections, and the Conditional Role of the Understanding of Democracy: Addressing the “Mexican Paradox”","authors":"Alejandro Monsiváis-Carrillo","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.04","url":null,"abstract":",","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45599090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：