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Does punishment work? Selection effects in air power theory 惩罚有效吗?空中力量理论中的选择效应
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2039005
Ron Gurantz
Abstract Air power theory initially proposed that punitive attacks against civilian targets could force enemies to surrender. The current literature, however, has largely concluded that conventional bombing is ineffective as punishment. I argue that this is the result of a selection effect. By focusing only on high-profile bombing campaigns, the theory has drawn its conclusions from cases where punishment is likely to fail. This contrasts with deterrence theory, which has analyzed diplomacy in the shadow of nuclear punishment. Air power theory should follow this model by examining how the threat of bombing has influenced diplomacy and broader patterns of international politics.
空中力量理论最初提出对平民目标的惩罚性攻击可以迫使敌人投降。然而,目前的文献大都认为,常规轰炸作为惩罚是无效的。我认为这是选择效应的结果。由于只关注高调的轰炸行动,该理论从惩罚可能失败的案例中得出结论。这与在核惩罚的阴影下分析外交的威慑理论形成了鲜明对比。空中力量理论应该遵循这一模式,研究轰炸威胁如何影响外交和更广泛的国际政治格局。
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引用次数: 1
A geopolitical and geostrategic blueprint for NATO’s China challenge 北约应对中国挑战的地缘政治和地缘战略蓝图
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2039013
Benjamin Schreer
Abstract How will the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) respond to China’s rise? At the heart of NATO’s China challenge is the need for allies to grasp the magnitude of Beijing’s emerging geopolitical challenge to the Euro-Atlantic area. Utilizing geopolitical theories developed by Halford Mackinder and Nicholas Spykman, the article argues that China is evolving into a transatlantic challenge on the Eurasian “maritime periphery.” Consequently, NATO can play a significant role in putting pressure on China’s continental direction and its efforts to extend its strategic reach into the “far seas.”
北大西洋公约组织将如何应对中国的崛起?北约面对中国挑战的核心是,盟国需要认识到中国对欧洲-大西洋地区日益显现的地缘政治挑战的严重性。文章运用了由Halford Mackinder和Nicholas Spykman提出的地缘政治理论,认为中国正在发展成为欧亚“海洋边缘”的跨大西洋挑战。因此,北约可以发挥重要作用,对中国的大陆方向施加压力,并努力将其战略范围扩展到“远海”。
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引用次数: 0
Techno-nationalism vs. techno globalization: India’s military acquisitions and arms production dilemma 技术民族主义与技术全球化:印度的军事收购与武器生产困境
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2039015
Amit Gupta
Abstract Since independence the Indian government has pursued a state-driven approach to arms production that has led to lengthy delays, cost overruns, and not fulfilled the desired goal of autonomy in weapons production. At the same time, a weapons acquisition policy that is marked by lengthy negotiations and an emphasis on unrealistic technology transfers has led the Indian armed forces to be shortchanged in their attempts to build up a modern force structure. The pathologies of arms production and weapons acquisition have left the Indian armed forces less effective than they would like to be in combatting a two-front challenge to the country’s security. The article suggests that moving from a techno nationalistic arms production policy to one of techno globalization (with realistic outcomes) is the best step forward for India.
自独立以来,印度政府一直奉行国家主导的武器生产方式,导致长期拖延,成本超支,并没有实现武器生产自主的预期目标。与此同时,以冗长的谈判和强调不切实际的技术转让为标志的武器采购政策,使印度武装部队在建立现代部队结构的努力中受到了欺骗。武器生产和武器采购的病态使得印度武装部队在应对国家安全面临的两方面挑战方面的效率低于他们希望的水平。这篇文章表明,从技术民族主义的武器生产政策转向技术全球化政策(具有现实的结果)是印度最好的一步。
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引用次数: 0
India and the Balakot airstrike: Reflections beyond hard power 印度与巴拉科特空袭:硬实力之外的思考
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2021.2017742
Muhsin Puthan Purayil
Abstract This article argues that while India’s Balakot airstrike garnered popular attention as a hardline military approach, the role of soft power, which was very much part of it, received little or scant regard. Moving away from the popular view of the Balakot airstrike as a hard power-oriented military approach, taking a nuanced look at it from the soft power and strategic narrative vantage point, this exegesis explores both the hard and soft dimensions of power employed as means to advance India’s aims and ends. In doing so, this examination finds the strike as a smart power strategy.
摘要本文认为,尽管印度的巴拉科特空袭作为一种强硬的军事手段引起了人们的普遍关注,但软实力的作用,在很大程度上是其中的一部分,却很少受到重视。这篇注释摒弃了人们普遍认为巴拉科特空袭是一种以硬实力为导向的军事手段的观点,从软实力和战略叙事的角度对其进行了细致入微的审视,探讨了作为推进印度目标和目的手段的实力的硬和软两个方面。在这样做的过程中,这次检查发现罢工是一种明智的权力策略。
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引用次数: 0
AI weapon systems in future war operations; strategy, operations and tactics 未来战争行动中的人工智能武器系统;战略、行动和战术
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2021.2017739
Michail Ploumis
Abstract In the future, at the strategic, operational and tactical level of warfare, the substitution of the human will and action by autonomous AI weapon systems appears quite probable. These systems are already being used and have the capability to successfully deal with threats faster than humans. The countering of AI weapon systems will pose a great challenge in a future war. In this article, the case is made that for the AI weapon systems to be defeated, unconventional cognition will be required.
摘要在未来的战略、作战和战术层面上,人类的意志和行动很可能被自主人工智能武器系统取代。这些系统已经在使用,并且有能力以比人类更快的速度成功应对威胁。人工智能武器系统的对抗将在未来的战争中构成巨大挑战。本文提出,要想击败人工智能武器系统,就需要非常规的认知。
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引用次数: 7
The Fabian strategy: How to trade space for time 费边策略:如何用空间换取时间
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2021.2017749
A. Carr, Benjamin Walsh
Abstract The Fabian strategy is one of the most famous military strategies. Yet beyond notions of withdrawal and trading “space for time”, there is little clarity in the literature about how it operates. In this article, we develop a framework to explain the strategy based wearing down an adversary over time and then seeking a battlefield decision. We also examine contingent factors in shaping success or failure. In the final section, we explore what the Fabian strategy, famous for its use of time, tells us about acting strategically in the temporal domain.
费边战略是最著名的军事战略之一。然而,除了退出和“空间换时间”的概念之外,文献中几乎没有明确说明它是如何运作的。在本文中,我们开发了一个框架来解释基于消磨对手的策略,然后寻求战场决策。我们还研究了影响成功或失败的偶然因素。在最后一节中,我们将探讨以时间利用著称的费边策略告诉我们在时间域采取战略行动的意义。
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引用次数: 2
War in heaven: The arms race in outer space 天上的战争:外太空的军备竞赛
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2021.2017751
Christopher Stone
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引用次数: 2
The alignment strategies of great powers: Managing power asymmetries and structural changes in the international system 大国结盟战略:管理权力不对称与国际体系结构变化
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2021.2017750
H̊akan Edström, Jacob Westberg
Abstract The article aims to contribute to previous research in two main ways. First, we intervene in the debate on the stability of the present unipolar system by offering an analytical framework and an empirical approach for exploring and categorizing the actual strategies pursued by the major powers in the contemporary international system. In doing so, we present an analysis of how the strategies of the five system-determining states interact and affect the stability of the system. Second, in order to be able to explain why states pursue different strategies, we complement the analytical framework of structural realism with insights from research on Power Transition Theory (PTT). Hereby, we offer a new comprehensive theoretical approach for analyzing how asymmetric power relations affect strategic choices of major powers.
本文主要从两个方面对前人的研究做出贡献。首先,我们介入了关于当前单极体系稳定性的辩论,提供了一个分析框架和经验方法来探索和分类当代国际体系中主要大国所追求的实际战略。在此过程中,我们分析了五个系统决定状态的策略如何相互作用并影响系统的稳定性。其次,为了能够解释为什么国家追求不同的战略,我们用权力转移理论(PTT)研究的见解来补充结构现实主义的分析框架。因此,本文为分析不对称权力关系对大国战略选择的影响提供了一种新的综合理论途径。
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引用次数: 1
Evolution of the CSDP in the setting of European integration and international relations theory 欧洲一体化背景下CSDP的演变与国际关系理论
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2021.2017746
Michał Piechowicz, A. Szpak
Abstract The Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) represents an institutionalized attempt by European Union Member States to respond to the security challenges they confront. This paper discusses the evolution of this policy through the lens of political integration and international relations theories. The analysis integrates both the supranational and the national level, and demonstrates that European institutions have extended their privileges and sphere of influence with increasing organizational mandates. At the same time, participation by various levels in the creation of European security policies has evolved, and the inter-governmental level is often recognized as dominant. However, the question remains open whether this evolution of policy might be properly explained by several influential political theories that have shaped the European integration and security architecture in recent decades. Aspects of the CSDP institutional setting (its creation, goals and role) and the explanation of why security and defense policy is a complex dilemma of the integration process are discussed.
摘要共同安全与防务政策(CSDP)代表了欧盟成员国应对其面临的安全挑战的制度化尝试。本文从政治一体化和国际关系理论的角度探讨了这一政策的演变。该分析综合了超国家和国家层面,并表明欧洲机构随着组织授权的增加,扩大了其特权和势力范围。与此同时,各级参与制定欧洲安全政策的情况有所发展,政府间一级往往被认为是主导地位。然而,近几十年来塑造欧洲一体化和安全架构的几种有影响力的政治理论能否恰当地解释这种政策演变,这一问题仍然悬而未决。讨论了CSDP机构设置的各个方面(其创建、目标和作用),以及为什么安全和国防政策是一体化过程中的复杂困境的解释。
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引用次数: 1
Small players in a limitless domain: Cyber deterrence as small state strategy 无限领域中的小玩家:作为小国战略的网络威慑
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2021.2017740
Marius Kristiansen, Njål Hoem
Abstract This article explores deterrence as an element in cybersecurity strategy from a small state perspective. The cyber domain presents novel challenges for strategy makers, and applying deterrence in the cyber domain requires an organized and multinational approach – since few states can leverage deterrence in this all-encompassing domain on their own. Deterrence has been an important factor in shaping global security for half a century, but when applied to the cyber domain there are certain inherent mechanisms that must be understood in order to generate the desired effects. Key issues discussed are the volume of agents capable of operating and creating effects in the domain, and the availability of tools and techniques. These issues concerning actors and vectors makes it difficult to survey threats and create targeted deterrence. Furthermore, the cyber milieu makes it difficult to connect action to motives, thereby further complicating any attempt to analyze the actual importance of observable effects. From a strategist’s point of view, these general characteristics are exacerbated by the fact that the international community does not have a common language or shared platform to uniformly approach these issues. Absent clarity on some fundamentals the core issues of attribution and proportionality becomes a hindrance to effective deterrence.
摘要本文从小国视角探讨威慑作为网络安全战略要素的作用。网络领域给战略制定者带来了新的挑战,在网络领域应用威慑需要有组织和多国的方法,因为很少有国家能够独自在这个无所不包的领域利用威慑。半个世纪以来,威慑一直是塑造全球安全的重要因素,但当应用于网络领域时,必须理解某些内在机制,才能产生预期的效果。讨论的关键问题是能够在领域中操作和创建效果的代理的数量,以及工具和技术的可用性。这些涉及行动者和媒介的问题使调查威胁和建立有针对性的威慑变得困难。此外,网络环境使得很难将行动与动机联系起来,从而进一步使分析可观察到的影响的实际重要性的任何尝试复杂化。从战略家的角度来看,国际社会没有统一处理这些问题的共同语言或共同平台,这一事实加剧了这些普遍特征。如果对某些基本原则不明确,归因和比例的核心问题就会成为有效威慑的障碍。
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Comparative Strategy
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