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John Boyd on competition and conflict 约翰·博伊德谈竞争与冲突
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2057733
B. Watts, Mie Augier
Abstract This article reprises central aspects of John Boyd’s thinking about competition and conflict, including his unwavering reliance on analogies and connections between disciplines as disparate as fighter tactics, decision theory, history, philosophy, and physics. We trace how elements of Boyd’s ideas about winning and losing have been incorporated (or neglected) in the doctrines of the U.S. military services. Given the richness of Boyd’s ideas there is much we can learn from the view of decision making underlying the Observation-Orientation-Decision-Action (OODA) loop, for which he is best known, as well as the analogical reasoning embodied in slide presentations such as his massive “Patterns of Conflict.”
摘要本文重述了约翰·博伊德关于竞争和冲突的核心思想,包括他坚定不移地依赖于战斗机战术、决策理论、历史、哲学和物理学等不同学科之间的类比和联系。我们追溯了博伊德关于输赢的思想是如何被纳入(或忽视)美国军队的学说的。鉴于博伊德思想的丰富性,我们可以从他最为人所知的观察导向决策行动(OODA)循环中的决策观点,以及幻灯片演示中体现的类比推理,如他的大型“冲突模式”,中学到很多东西
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引用次数: 0
Taking the “modern system” to sea: The past and future of naval power in industrial war “现代体系”出海:工业战争中海军力量的过去与未来
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2057747
Thomas M. Jamison
Abstract This article applies Stephen Biddle’s “modern system” to naval war in the industrial era, c. 1860–1918. Biddle doubts his model’s transferability beyond continental/land warfare. A historical perspective suggests otherwise. Beginning in the 1860 s, navies—even earlier than armies—confronted industrial firepower and adapted accordingly. Submarines, torpedo boats, cruisers and eventually aircraft all relied on the “modern system” principles of cover and concealment, maneuver and combined arms to survive and perform useful missions. Today, concepts like “distributed lethality” have precedents in a “maritime modern system”—one undercurrent in naval history that is increasingly relevant.
摘要本文将Stephen Biddle的“现代体系”应用于1860–1918年工业时代的海战。比德尔怀疑他的模型在大陆/陆地战争之外的可移植性。从历史的角度来看,情况并非如此。始于1860年 s、 海军——甚至比军队更早——面对工业火力,并进行了相应的调整。潜艇、鱼雷艇、巡洋舰以及最终的飞机都依赖于“现代系统”的掩护和隐蔽、机动和联合武器原理来生存并执行有用的任务。如今,像“分布式杀伤性”这样的概念在“海上现代系统”中已有先例——这是海军历史上一股越来越重要的暗流。
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引用次数: 0
Stephan Frühling and Andrew O’Neil, Eds., Alliances, Nuclear Weapons and Escalation: Managing Deterrence in the 21st Century Stephan Frühling和Andrew O'Neil,编辑,《联盟、核武器和升级:21世纪的威慑管理》
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2057735
C. Walton
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引用次数: 0
Hypersonic weapons and nuclear deterrence 高超音速武器和核威慑
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-15 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2057736
S. Cimbala, Adam B. Lowther
Abstract This study explores the relationships between hypersonic weapons and nuclear deterrence. This relationship is fraught with uncertainty because the velocity of innovation in hypersonics is difficult to forecast. Nevertheless, major nuclear powers are developing hypersonic weapons, including some that can be deployed on intercontinental launchers. Hypersonic glide vehicles or cruise missiles could threaten first strike stability by reducing the time for responsive decision making in the face of perceived threats, or by evading antimissile defenses otherwise competent to deflect attacks. Attacks on space based assets and cyberattacks, combined with hypersonic missiles, could pose unacceptable risks to assured retaliation based on an assumed number of survivable launch platforms. On the other hand, analysis suggests that, in the case of the United States and Russia, going forward, strategic nuclear deterrents with currently projected modernization plans should suffice to maintain deterrence and first strike stability, barring unforeseen developments in breakthrough technologies.
摘要本研究探讨了高超音速武器与核威慑之间的关系。这种关系充满了不确定性,因为高超音速飞行技术的创新速度很难预测。尽管如此,主要核大国正在开发高超音速武器,包括一些可以部署在洲际发射器上的武器。高超音速滑翔飞行器或巡航导弹可能会减少面对感知到的威胁做出反应决策的时间,或通过规避反导弹防御系统来转移攻击,从而威胁首次打击的稳定性。对天基资产的攻击和网络攻击,再加上高超音速导弹,可能会对基于假定数量的可生存发射平台的有保证的报复构成不可接受的风险。另一方面,分析表明,就美国和俄罗斯而言,今后,具有目前计划的现代化计划的战略核威慑应该足以保持威慑和第一次打击的稳定性,除非突破性技术出现意外发展。
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引用次数: 1
China’s strategic partnership with the UAE: Foundation and prospects 中国与阿联酋的战略伙伴关系:基础与前景
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-15 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2057734
M. B. Huwaidin
Abstract This article investigates the strategic partnership between China and the UAE. It begins with an analysis of the concept of strategic partnership, based on the existing literature on the topic in international relations. Since there is no consensus as to the meaning of the term strategic partnership, the paper applies Thomas Wilkins’s model or framework to explain the UAE’s partnership with China. Wilkins is among the few to develop a conceptual framework or analytical model of the term. The paper then focuses on the foundation of the strategic partnership between the two countries, and goes on to analyze the prospects for the future of this partnership. The paper argues that although this partnership is strong, its future depends on two important factors. The first is UAE’s alliance with the United States, and the second, China’s relations with Iran. Driven as it is by economic considerations and a mutual desire for closer security and political cooperation, the partnership cannot, however, ignore these two important aspects.
摘要本文考察了中国与阿联酋的战略伙伴关系。它首先分析了战略伙伴关系的概念,基于国际关系中关于这一主题的现有文献。由于对战略伙伴关系一词的含义没有达成共识,本文采用托马斯·威尔金斯的模型或框架来解释阿联酋与中国的伙伴关系。威尔金斯是少数几个开发出该术语概念框架或分析模型的人之一。然后,本文重点分析了中澳战略伙伴关系的基础,并对两国战略伙伴关系未来的发展前景进行了展望。论文认为,尽管这种伙伴关系很牢固,但其未来取决于两个重要因素。第一个是阿联酋与美国的联盟,第二个是中国与伊朗的关系。尽管这种伙伴关系是出于经济考虑和对更密切的安全和政治合作的共同愿望,但它不能忽视这两个重要方面。
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引用次数: 2
New Zealand’s grand strategic options as the room for hedging continues to shrink 新西兰的大战略选择随着对冲空间的不断缩小
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-12 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2057748
N. Smith
Abstract Since at least the last decade, New Zealand has been employing something of an asymmetrical alignment hedge of the US and China, aligning itself with the US strategically and with China economically. Such a strategy remains the perceived optimal foreign policy in Wellington. However, as Sino-American relations continue to deteriorate and the Indo-Pacific super-region becomes more geopolitically tense, the room for hedging is shrinking, making New Zealand’s putative strategy potentially untenable. This article assesses the changing geopolitical situation New Zealand finds itself in and assesses other potential strategic options– namely, non-alignment, balance or bandwagon, and zigzagging.
摘要至少在过去十年中,新西兰一直在采用某种不对称的美中结盟对冲,在战略上和经济上与美国结盟。这种战略仍然是惠灵顿公认的最佳外交政策。然而,随着中美关系继续恶化,印太超级地区在地缘政治上变得更加紧张,对冲的空间正在缩小,这使得新西兰假定的战略可能站不住脚。本文评估了新西兰所处的不断变化的地缘政治局势,并评估了其他潜在的战略选择,即不结盟、平衡或跟风以及曲折前进。
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引用次数: 2
China's foreign relations and security dimensions 中国的外交关系和安全层面
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2039016
Malachi Cecil
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引用次数: 1
Military exercises as a part of NATO deterrence strategy 军事演习是北约威慑战略的一部分
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2039009
Danylo Kubai
Abstract The main aim of the article is to contribute to the better understanding of the role of military exercises for the deterrence strategy of NATO, in particular by proving the premise that military exercise is one of the most effective instrument of the military capabilities demonstration and political persuasion. Against the backdrop of the Russian revisionism and its ongoing aggression against Ukraine, NATO and its member states have substantially reinforced their deterrence capabilities. An increased number of military exercises, their geography and scale are intended to demonstrate the Alliance’s capacity and commitment to respond to potential aggression.
摘要本文的主要目的是为了更好地理解军事演习对北约威慑战略的作用,特别是通过证明军事演习是军事能力展示和政治说服的最有效工具之一这一前提。在俄罗斯修正主义及其持续侵略乌克兰的背景下,北约及其成员国大幅加强了威慑能力。军事演习数量的增加、演习的地理位置和规模都是为了展示北约应对潜在侵略的能力和承诺。
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引用次数: 2
The light that failed: Why the West is losing the fight for democracy 失败之光:为什么西方正在输掉争取民主的斗争
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2039019
C. Dale Walton
through big picture analysis. Energy security is the exception. The details, even at the most granular level, are key to understanding how energy security concerns affect Chinese foreign policy. Unfortunately, it is a topic that rarely features in popular publications, possibly due to the fact that the issue might be best communicated through a dashboard of graphs rather than thought-provoking essays. This leads to the whole topic of energy security being left very vague for most of the public, and likely for many in the field of international affairs as well. Maybe the biggest strength of this book is its ability to fill in these details, and build context for those interested in China. There are a few problems that are impossible to ignore in a thorough review of this book, unfortunately. First, Xi Jinping is referred to quite a few times as simply “Jinping.” It is hard to know what exactly to make of this, especially because, given the authors’ and editor’s expertise in the area, it seems extremely unlikely that they are unaware of Chinese naming conventions (the editor in fact is fluent in Mandarin). The second issue is that typos are so numerous throughout the book as to significantly affect comprehension in many places. Having noted these issues, this book is extremely helpful for anyone interested in China, and specifically those who would like to dive a little deeper into the details of issues affecting Chinese security.
通过全局分析。能源安全是个例外。这些细节,甚至是最细微的层面,都是理解能源安全问题如何影响中国外交政策的关键。不幸的是,这是一个很少在流行出版物中出现的话题,可能是因为这个问题最好通过图表来传达,而不是发人深省的文章。这导致对大多数公众来说,整个能源安全的话题变得非常模糊,可能对国际事务领域的许多人来说也是如此。也许这本书最大的优势在于它能够填补这些细节,并为那些对中国感兴趣的人建立背景。不幸的是,在对本书进行彻底的回顾时,有几个问题是不可忽视的。很难知道这到底是怎么回事,尤其是考虑到作者和编辑在这方面的专业知识,他们似乎极不可能不知道中文命名惯例(事实上,编辑的普通话很流利)。第二个问题是,错别字如此之多,以至于在许多地方严重影响了理解。注意到这些问题后,这本书对任何对中国感兴趣的人,特别是那些想深入了解影响中国安全问题细节的人都非常有帮助。
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引用次数: 0
The fragility of general deterrence: The United States and China in maritime East Asia 一般威慑的脆弱性:东亚海上的美国和中国
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01495933.2022.2039006
Y. Lim
Abstract The last decade has witnessed the gradual erosion of the maritime status quo in East Asia, as the United States proved unable to curb Chinese challenges in the East and South China seas. This article argues that this phenomenon is linked to the erosion of US general deterrence posture in the region. It examines the three main factors that have contributed to this erosion: an enduring imbalance of interests between Beijing and Washington, a rapidly evolving local balance of power, and the employment by China of strategies that have allowed it to efficiently circumvent US weak red lines.
过去十年见证了东亚海洋现状的逐渐侵蚀,因为美国被证明无法遏制中国在东海和南海的挑战。本文认为,这种现象与美国在该地区的一般威慑态势的侵蚀有关。报告分析了导致这种侵蚀的三个主要因素:北京与华盛顿之间持续的利益失衡、迅速演变的地区力量平衡,以及中国采用的战略,使其能够有效地绕过美国薄弱的红线。
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Comparative Strategy
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