Pub Date : 2019-11-13DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i2.118036
M. Ahland
The Mao subgroup of the Omotic family shows various degrees of development of morphological subject case marking which results from largely internal, but very similar historical pathways across the group. These different patterns find their source in an older prenominal demonstrative + NP + bound postnominal form construction; in this construction the bound postnominal form of this construction is itself related to (and often reduced from) the corresponding prenominal demonstrative. Evidence of such a construction is found in each of the four Mao languages but in only three of the languages has the construction become clearly associated with marking grammatical subjects. The pathway toward subject case marking appears to have begun with the demonstrative construction becoming associated with topical referents in discourse. In three of the four Mao languages, the prenominal demonstrative then became associated with definiteness (a typologically common development from topic-marking devices); in those same three languages the frequent co-association between topics and grammatical subjects led to the postnominal form developing subject case marking status. The prenominal definite marker (the erstwhile demonstrative) eventually became emancipated from the postnominal case marker to various degrees across the Mao group. The degree to which subject-development and emancipation between the prenominal and postnominal portions of this demonstrative construction has become established in each of the languages has led to the diverse patterns across the subgroup.
{"title":"The development of subject case marking in Omotic Mao","authors":"M. Ahland","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i2.118036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i2.118036","url":null,"abstract":"The Mao subgroup of the Omotic family shows various degrees of development of morphological subject case marking which results from largely internal, but very similar historical pathways across the group. These different patterns find their source in an older prenominal demonstrative + NP + bound postnominal form construction; in this construction the bound postnominal form of this construction is itself related to (and often reduced from) the corresponding prenominal demonstrative. Evidence of such a construction is found in each of the four Mao languages but in only three of the languages has the construction become clearly associated with marking grammatical subjects. The pathway toward subject case marking appears to have begun with the demonstrative construction becoming associated with topical referents in discourse. In three of the four Mao languages, the prenominal demonstrative then became associated with definiteness (a typologically common development from topic-marking devices); in those same three languages the frequent co-association between topics and grammatical subjects led to the postnominal form developing subject case marking status. The prenominal definite marker (the erstwhile demonstrative) eventually became emancipated from the postnominal case marker to various degrees across the Mao group. The degree to which subject-development and emancipation between the prenominal and postnominal portions of this demonstrative construction has become established in each of the languages has led to the diverse patterns across the subgroup.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42966649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-13DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i2.118039
Katherine Hout
This paper examines a formal consequence of the assumption that dominance is equivalent to markedness (Casali 2016): if dominant ATR values are marked and therefore specified, while recessive values are unmarked and unspecified, then no phonological process in a language with ATR dominance should require reference to the recessive value. This claim is examined in light of new data and analyses of ATR harmony and three other vowel assimilation patterns in Bari (Eastern Nilotic; BFA). I demonstrate that all four of these processes are analyzable without reference to the recessive value of ATR, supporting the characterization of dominance as markedness, and markedness as specification
{"title":"Dominance-as-markedness","authors":"Katherine Hout","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i2.118039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i2.118039","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines a formal consequence of the assumption that dominance is equivalent to markedness (Casali 2016): if dominant ATR values are marked and therefore specified, while recessive values are unmarked and unspecified, then no phonological process in a language with ATR dominance should require reference to the recessive value. This claim is examined in light of new data and analyses of ATR harmony and three other vowel assimilation patterns in Bari (Eastern Nilotic; BFA). I demonstrate that all four of these processes are analyzable without reference to the recessive value of ATR, supporting the characterization of dominance as markedness, and markedness as specification","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45518793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-13DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i2.118040
W. Haacke, J. Snyman
The present paper examines a corpus of some 1 130 Xri concepts collected by Jan Snyman (UNISA) in the early 1970s. This collection is by far the largest corpus of vocabulary of self-declared "Griekwa" speakers available, and is unlikely to be surpassed in future, as the language is moribund. 1096 concepts of this Xri corpus are compared dialectometrically to the equivalents in Namibian Khoekhoegowab (Khoekhoe, formerly “Nama/Damara”). According to this method the rate of cognation between the Xri corpus and its Khoekhoe equivalents is 69% and consequently sets Xri aside as a lect distinct from Khoekhoegowab. While the entire word list is provided in an appendix, distinctive correspondences of the segmental phonology are discussed. The crucial question whether Xri had a three-tone system like !Ora or a four-tone system like Khoekhoegowab cannot be investigated reliably because of the absence of tonal data for Xri. The fact, however, that Xri (like !Ora) distinguishes certain voiced and voiceless consonants permits the conclusion that it too had a pre-tonogenetic system where voicing still is distinctive and – assumedly - has not caused tonal depression as in Khoekhoegowab. Although no dialectomeric comparison of !Ora and Xri lexicon has been undertaken, certain systematic phonological contrasts between these two lects set Xri aside also from !Ora as a distinct lect in this dialect continuum
{"title":"Lexical proximity of a Xri corpus to Khoekhoegowab","authors":"W. Haacke, J. Snyman","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i2.118040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i2.118040","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper examines a corpus of some 1 130 Xri concepts collected by Jan Snyman (UNISA) in the early 1970s. This collection is by far the largest corpus of vocabulary of self-declared \"Griekwa\" speakers available, and is unlikely to be surpassed in future, as the language is moribund. 1096 concepts of this Xri corpus are compared dialectometrically to the equivalents in Namibian Khoekhoegowab (Khoekhoe, formerly “Nama/Damara”). According to this method the rate of cognation between the Xri corpus and its Khoekhoe equivalents is 69% and consequently sets Xri aside as a lect distinct from Khoekhoegowab. While the entire word list is provided in an appendix, distinctive correspondences of the segmental phonology are discussed. The crucial question whether Xri had a three-tone system like !Ora or a four-tone system like Khoekhoegowab cannot be investigated reliably because of the absence of tonal data for Xri. The fact, however, that Xri (like !Ora) distinguishes certain voiced and voiceless consonants permits the conclusion that it too had a pre-tonogenetic system where voicing still is distinctive and – assumedly - has not caused tonal depression as in Khoekhoegowab. Although no dialectomeric comparison of !Ora and Xri lexicon has been undertaken, certain systematic phonological contrasts between these two lects set Xri aside also from !Ora as a distinct lect in this dialect continuum","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47662111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i1.114929
J. Smolders
Opo (a.k.a. Opuuo, Tʼapo [lgn]), a Koman language spoken in Ethiopia and South Sudan, has complex and interesting systems of both NOMINAL NUMBER and VERBAL NUMBER. This paper provides a description and analysis of these systems as found in the Bilugu dialect of Ethiopia, using Corbett's (2000) model of number systems as a theoretical framework. In Bilugu Opo, NOMINAL NUMBER marking is divided along the animacy hierarchy into two systems. The TOP SYSTEM, encompassing all human referents, marks singular ~ plural opposition via a variety of morphological strategies (lexical, derivational, and inflectional) and patterns (marked plural, marked singular, and both marked). The SECOND SYSTEM, encompassing all non-human referents, encodes GENERAL NUMBER. In the Opo verb system, VERBAL NUMBER (Corbett 2000) or PLURACTIONALITY (Newman 1990) is attested for just under half of verbs. These verbs can be organized into two groups: a large group which derive a plural stem through morpho-phonemic means (tone modification, vowel gemination, and reduplication) with unpredictable semantics, and a small group which derive a plural stem through lexical means (suppletion and stem alternation) with more predictable semantics.
{"title":"Nominal and verbal number in Bilugu Opo","authors":"J. Smolders","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i1.114929","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i1.114929","url":null,"abstract":"Opo (a.k.a. Opuuo, Tʼapo [lgn]), a Koman language spoken in Ethiopia and South Sudan, has complex and interesting systems of both NOMINAL NUMBER and VERBAL NUMBER. This paper provides a description and analysis of these systems as found in the Bilugu dialect of Ethiopia, using Corbett's (2000) model of number systems as a theoretical framework. In Bilugu Opo, NOMINAL NUMBER marking is divided along the animacy hierarchy into two systems. The TOP SYSTEM, encompassing all human referents, marks singular ~ plural opposition via a variety of morphological strategies (lexical, derivational, and inflectional) and patterns (marked plural, marked singular, and both marked). The SECOND SYSTEM, encompassing all non-human referents, encodes GENERAL NUMBER. In the Opo verb system, VERBAL NUMBER (Corbett 2000) or PLURACTIONALITY (Newman 1990) is attested for just under half of verbs. These verbs can be organized into two groups: a large group which derive a plural stem through morpho-phonemic means (tone modification, vowel gemination, and reduplication) with unpredictable semantics, and a small group which derive a plural stem through lexical means (suppletion and stem alternation) with more predictable semantics.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45683523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i1.114931
A. Andrason
The present article analyzes the polysemy of the element ti in Kituba from the perspective of cognitive linguistics, by applying the framework of dynamic semantic maps and waves. The qualitative and quantitative corpus study, enhanced by evidence provided by Kituba native speakers, demonstrates the following: although ti spans most parts of the typological map of the polysemy of conjunctive coordinators, its center of prototypicality is located in the initial stage (comitative) and two intermediate stages (possessive and certain types of coordinate-hood) available along the grammaticalization pathway underlying the map. This suggests a semi-advanced grammaticalization profile for ti. The study also proposes certain changes in the typological map of the polysemy of conjunctive coordinators, postulating new components of the map (or grammaticalization stages), and alternative linking directions. Additionally, a possible manner of introducing quantitative data (related to prototypicality) to the qualitative map of polysemy is presented. The resulting model is argued to exhibit properties typical of complexity: structural intricacy, gradience, fuzziness, and multi-causality.
{"title":"The map of ti in Kituba - testing and expanding the typological model of the polysemy of conjunctive coordinators","authors":"A. Andrason","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i1.114931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i1.114931","url":null,"abstract":"The present article analyzes the polysemy of the element ti in Kituba from the perspective of cognitive linguistics, by applying the framework of dynamic semantic maps and waves. The qualitative and quantitative corpus study, enhanced by evidence provided by Kituba native speakers, demonstrates the following: although ti spans most parts of the typological map of the polysemy of conjunctive coordinators, its center of prototypicality is located in the initial stage (comitative) and two intermediate stages (possessive and certain types of coordinate-hood) available along the grammaticalization pathway underlying the map. This suggests a semi-advanced grammaticalization profile for ti. The study also proposes certain changes in the typological map of the polysemy of conjunctive coordinators, postulating new components of the map (or grammaticalization stages), and alternative linking directions. Additionally, a possible manner of introducing quantitative data (related to prototypicality) to the qualitative map of polysemy is presented. The resulting model is argued to exhibit properties typical of complexity: structural intricacy, gradience, fuzziness, and multi-causality.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44489292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i1.114928
Serge Sagna
This paper presents some of the most prominent properties of Eegimaa, a Jóola/Diola2 language spoken in the Basse-Casamance (Southern Senegal). The phonological features examined include [ATR] vowel harmony, backness harmony, lenition, and Eegimaa’s typologically unusual geminate consonants. Most of the paper, however, focuses on Eegimaa morphology. My analysis of the noun class system separates morphological classes from agreement classes (genders), and presents the most important principles of semantic categorization, including shape encoding. I also show that Eegimaa classifies nouns and verbs by the same overt linguistic means, namely, noun class prefixes. I argue that this overt classification of nouns and verbs reflects parallel semantic categorization of entities and events. Other prominent typological features include associative plural marking and nominal TAM marking with the inactualis suffix, which also expresses alienability contrasts.
{"title":"A typological overview of Eegimaa (Jóola Banjal)","authors":"Serge Sagna","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i1.114928","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i1.114928","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents some of the most prominent properties of Eegimaa, a Jóola/Diola2 language spoken in the Basse-Casamance (Southern Senegal). The phonological features examined include [ATR] vowel harmony, backness harmony, lenition, and Eegimaa’s typologically unusual geminate consonants. Most of the paper, however, focuses on Eegimaa morphology. My analysis of the noun class system separates morphological classes from agreement classes (genders), and presents the most important principles of semantic categorization, including shape encoding. I also show that Eegimaa classifies nouns and verbs by the same overt linguistic means, namely, noun class prefixes. I argue that this overt classification of nouns and verbs reflects parallel semantic categorization of entities and events. Other prominent typological features include associative plural marking and nominal TAM marking with the inactualis suffix, which also expresses alienability contrasts.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i1.114932
Hannah Gibson, L. Marten
The Bantu language Rangi is spoken at the northern borderlands of Tanzania, where Bantu, Cushitic and Nilotic languages meet. In many regards, Rangi exhibits the morphosyntax typically associated with East African Bantu: SVO word order, an extensive system of agreement and predominantly head-marking morphology. However, the language also exhibits a number of features which are unusual from a comparative and typological perspective, and which may have resulted from language contact. Four of these features are examined in detail in this paper: 1) Verb-auxiliary order found in the future tense, 2) clause-final negation, 3) a three-way distinction in verbal deictic markers, and 4) an inclusive/exclusive distinction in personal possessive pronouns. These features are assessed with reference to three criteria: syntactic structure, lexical/morphological form and geographic distribution. The examination shows that two of the unusual features result from a combination of internal and external factors, while the other two appear not to be related to external influence through contact. The results of the study show the complex interaction between internal and external factors in language change, and the importance of investigating potentially contact-induced change in detail to develop a more complex and fine-grained understanding of the morphosyntactic process of innovation involved.
{"title":"Probing the interaction of language contact and internal innovation","authors":"Hannah Gibson, L. Marten","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i1.114932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i1.114932","url":null,"abstract":"The Bantu language Rangi is spoken at the northern borderlands of Tanzania, where Bantu, Cushitic and Nilotic languages meet. In many regards, Rangi exhibits the morphosyntax typically associated with East African Bantu: SVO word order, an extensive system of agreement and predominantly head-marking morphology. However, the language also exhibits a number of features which are unusual from a comparative and typological perspective, and which may have resulted from language contact. Four of these features are examined in detail in this paper: 1) Verb-auxiliary order found in the future tense, 2) clause-final negation, 3) a three-way distinction in verbal deictic markers, and 4) an inclusive/exclusive distinction in personal possessive pronouns. These features are assessed with reference to three criteria: syntactic structure, lexical/morphological form and geographic distribution. The examination shows that two of the unusual features result from a combination of internal and external factors, while the other two appear not to be related to external influence through contact. The results of the study show the complex interaction between internal and external factors in language change, and the importance of investigating potentially contact-induced change in detail to develop a more complex and fine-grained understanding of the morphosyntactic process of innovation involved.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43561613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-11DOI: 10.32473/sal.v47i1.107654
Sylvester N. Osu
L’ikwere, une langue Benue-Congo parlée au sud-est du Nigeria, est une langue à tradition orale, très peu décrite et très mal documentée. C’est donc pour contribuer à une meilleure documentation de cette langue que j’ai entrepris la confection d’un dictionnaire trilingue ikwere-anglais-français. Or, ce projet de dictionnaire se veut le reflet de la culture ikwere. En prenant comme exemple quelques noms de personne et de lieu mais aussi le calendrier et le vocabulaire du mariage, cet article montre comment j’aborde des aspects de la culture ikwere dans les entrées de ce projet de dictionnaire sur lequel je travaille à l’aide du logiciel Toolbox depuis quelques années. Ainsi, je donne pour les entrées, et lorsque cela me paraît à la fois pertinent pour mieux cerner l’entrée en question, et illustratif pour la culture ikwere, des renseignements élaborés dans le champ « notes et commentaires ». Ce projet de dictionnaire comprend actuellement 2360 entrées.
{"title":"Quand le dictionnaire donne à voir la culture","authors":"Sylvester N. Osu","doi":"10.32473/sal.v47i1.107654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v47i1.107654","url":null,"abstract":"L’ikwere, une langue Benue-Congo parlée au sud-est du Nigeria, est une langue à tradition orale, très peu décrite et très mal documentée. C’est donc pour contribuer à une meilleure documentation de cette langue que j’ai entrepris la confection d’un dictionnaire trilingue ikwere-anglais-français. Or, ce projet de dictionnaire se veut le reflet de la culture ikwere. En prenant comme exemple quelques noms de personne et de lieu mais aussi le calendrier et le vocabulaire du mariage, cet article montre comment j’aborde des aspects de la culture ikwere dans les entrées de ce projet de dictionnaire sur lequel je travaille à l’aide du logiciel Toolbox depuis quelques années. Ainsi, je donne pour les entrées, et lorsque cela me paraît à la fois pertinent pour mieux cerner l’entrée en question, et illustratif pour la culture ikwere, des renseignements élaborés dans le champ « notes et commentaires ». Ce projet de dictionnaire comprend actuellement 2360 entrées.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46583149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-11DOI: 10.32473/sal.v47i1.107653
T. Cook
The aim of this paper is twofold: to introduce new data that show reduplication in Zulu admits inflectional morphemes to the left of the verb stem rather than within the stem on the right, and to give an analysis of Zulu reduplication that does not require access to underlying morphosyntactic structure. Instead, reduplication is a template-filling copying operation that interacts with linear phonological structures and does not target morphosyntactic objects. The data presented here argue for an analysis in which the crucial distinction is between morphemes within the scope of reduplication and those outside it; the left/right asymmetry in the appearance of inflectional morphemes in the reduplicant is attributable to a process of Local Dislocation (Embick 2007). Reduplication is treated as a copying operation that has indirect access only to morphosyntactic structure through phonological operations. Consequently, reified subconstituents of the verb complex, such as the Macrostem (Hyman, Inkelas, and Sibanda 2009), are not accessible as such to the process of reduplication. However, data from VCV stems show that morphosyntactic structure affects reduplication in certain constructions. Tonal data is used to show that the “prefixal” affiliation of prefixal morphemes is voided if these morphemes are reduplicated.
本文的目的有两个:引入新的数据，表明祖鲁语的重复允许词干左侧的屈折语素，而不是在右边的词干内，并给出祖鲁语重复的分析，不需要访问潜在的形态句法结构。相反，重复是一种模板填充复制操作，它与线性语音结构相互作用，不针对形态句法对象。这里提供的数据支持一种分析，其中关键的区别是在重复范围内的语素和在重复范围之外的语素;复制体中屈折语素出现的左右不对称可归因于局部错位过程(Embick 2007)。重复被视为一种拷贝操作，它只能通过语音操作间接访问形态句法结构。因此，动词复合体的具体化子成分，如Macrostem (Hyman, Inkelas, and Sibanda 2009)，在重复过程中是不可接近的。然而，来自VCV茎的数据表明，形态句法结构影响某些结构的重复。音调数据用于显示前缀语素的“前缀”从属关系，如果这些语素是重复的，则无效。
{"title":"The inclusion of prefixal material in Zulu reduplication","authors":"T. Cook","doi":"10.32473/sal.v47i1.107653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v47i1.107653","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is twofold: to introduce new data that show reduplication in Zulu admits inflectional morphemes to the left of the verb stem rather than within the stem on the right, and to give an analysis of Zulu reduplication that does not require access to underlying morphosyntactic structure. Instead, reduplication is a template-filling copying operation that interacts with linear phonological structures and does not target morphosyntactic objects. The data presented here argue for an analysis in which the crucial distinction is between morphemes within the scope of reduplication and those outside it; the left/right asymmetry in the appearance of inflectional morphemes in the reduplicant is attributable to a process of Local Dislocation (Embick 2007). Reduplication is treated as a copying operation that has indirect access only to morphosyntactic structure through phonological operations. Consequently, reified subconstituents of the verb complex, such as the Macrostem (Hyman, Inkelas, and Sibanda 2009), are not accessible as such to the process of reduplication. However, data from VCV stems show that morphosyntactic structure affects reduplication in certain constructions. Tonal data is used to show that the “prefixal” affiliation of prefixal morphemes is voided if these morphemes are reduplicated.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47455925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-11DOI: 10.32473/sal.v47i1.107656
D. Turner
The Kadu languages of Sudan’s Nuba Mountains have been the subject of an ongoing controversy regarding whether they should be classified as Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan, or as an independent family. Against this background, I present novel data from nouns in Katcha. I show that not only does the number system have elements typical of both NiloSaharan and Niger-Congo, but that in its interaction with gender it is strikingly reminiscent of Afro-Asiatic, in ways that are typologically unusual. Where nouns are morphologically marked for number, the affix and not the root determines gender, leading to the type of gender polarity more commonly observed in Semitic. More unusually, and more controversially, the semantic basis of the third gender appears to be plurality. ‘Plural gender’ has been argued to exist in some Cushitic languages, but has never previously been documented outside that family.
{"title":"The interaction of number and gender in Katcha","authors":"D. Turner","doi":"10.32473/sal.v47i1.107656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v47i1.107656","url":null,"abstract":"The Kadu languages of Sudan’s Nuba Mountains have been the subject of an ongoing controversy regarding whether they should be classified as Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan, or as an independent family. Against this background, I present novel data from nouns in Katcha. I show that not only does the number system have elements typical of both NiloSaharan and Niger-Congo, but that in its interaction with gender it is strikingly reminiscent of Afro-Asiatic, in ways that are typologically unusual. Where nouns are morphologically marked for number, the affix and not the root determines gender, leading to the type of gender polarity more commonly observed in Semitic. More unusually, and more controversially, the semantic basis of the third gender appears to be plurality. ‘Plural gender’ has been argued to exist in some Cushitic languages, but has never previously been documented outside that family.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43723265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：