Pub Date : 2023-02-22DOI: 10.32473/sal.51.2.127839
D. Agyepong
Cross-linguistically, verbs have combinatorial patterns. When the semantics of a verb combines with the semantics of its internal arguments, different interpretations are derived. These interpretations can be literal or non-literal (Ameka 2019; Spalek 2015; Rappaport Hovav 2014; Bobuafor 2013, 2018; Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2013; Ameka and Essegbey 2007; Levin 1993). Using data collected from written texts, video-stimuli descriptions, spontaneous utterances and native-speaker intuitions, this paper explores the potential combinatorial patterns of twá ‘to cut’ in Asante-Twi (Akan, Kwa-Niger Congo). I show that the verb combines with different types of internal arguments, in different argument structure constructions to derive multiple interpretations. Taking into consideration the fact that “natural language tries to minimize polysemy” (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2013: 2), I propose a univocal lexical semantics for twá ‘to cut’ and show that its basic semantics is kept constant even in non-prototypical contexts. I argue that the use of twá ‘to cut’ in non-prototypical contexts represent contextual modulations of the verb’s single meaning. Following Spalek (2015) and Ameka (2019), I suggest that such contextual interpretations should be analysed compositionally, paying attention to the verb’s internal arguments as well as the argument structure constructions in which it occurs.
{"title":"The combinatorial patterns of twá 'to cut' in Asante-Twi (Akan):","authors":"D. Agyepong","doi":"10.32473/sal.51.2.127839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.51.2.127839","url":null,"abstract":"Cross-linguistically, verbs have combinatorial patterns. When the semantics of a verb combines with the semantics of its internal arguments, different interpretations are derived. These interpretations can be literal or non-literal (Ameka 2019; Spalek 2015; Rappaport Hovav 2014; Bobuafor 2013, 2018; Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2013; Ameka and Essegbey 2007; Levin 1993). Using data collected from written texts, video-stimuli descriptions, spontaneous utterances and native-speaker intuitions, this paper explores the potential combinatorial patterns of twá ‘to cut’ in Asante-Twi (Akan, Kwa-Niger Congo). I show that the verb combines with different types of internal arguments, in different argument structure constructions to derive multiple interpretations. Taking into consideration the fact that “natural language tries to minimize polysemy” (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2013: 2), I propose a univocal lexical semantics for twá ‘to cut’ and show that its basic semantics is kept constant even in non-prototypical contexts. I argue that the use of twá ‘to cut’ in non-prototypical contexts represent contextual modulations of the verb’s single meaning. Following Spalek (2015) and Ameka (2019), I suggest that such contextual interpretations should be analysed compositionally, paying attention to the verb’s internal arguments as well as the argument structure constructions in which it occurs. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48400752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.32473/sal.51.2.129396
Larry M. Hyman
In this paper I examine eleven different processes of deverbal nominalization in Runyankore, a Lacustrine Bantu language spoken in Uganda. After establishing both general and Runyankore-specific properties that distinguish nouns from verbs, I test each of these nominalizations against 13 phonological, morphological, and syntactic criteria. Although all eleven nominalization constructions can take the determiner-like initial vowel “augment”, and all can be derived from verb bases that include derivational suffixes (“extensions”), e.g. causative, applicative, and reciprocal, only some of the nominalizations allow a pronominal object prefix or a following noun phrase object or adverbial. The various properties are tabulated to show that the different nominalizations vary along a cline, meeting all, some, or none of the nine most discriminating criteria in defining “noun” vs. “verb”.
{"title":"Deverbal nominalization in Runyankore","authors":"Larry M. Hyman","doi":"10.32473/sal.51.2.129396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.51.2.129396","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I examine eleven different processes of deverbal nominalization in Runyankore, a Lacustrine Bantu language spoken in Uganda. After establishing both general and Runyankore-specific properties that distinguish nouns from verbs, I test each of these nominalizations against 13 phonological, morphological, and syntactic criteria. Although all eleven nominalization constructions can take the determiner-like initial vowel “augment”, and all can be derived from verb bases that include derivational suffixes (“extensions”), e.g. causative, applicative, and reciprocal, only some of the nominalizations allow a pronominal object prefix or a following noun phrase object or adverbial. The various properties are tabulated to show that the different nominalizations vary along a cline, meeting all, some, or none of the nine most discriminating criteria in defining “noun” vs. “verb”.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45146249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.32473/sal.51.2.129687
Aron Zahran, Eva-Marie Bloom Ström
This article provides a first analysis of the expression of phasal polarity in Swahili. Phasal polarity (henceforth PhP) refers to linguistic concepts which express the phase of a given situation in relation to a prior and/or subsequent phase, as well as expressing whether a certain situation holds or not. These concepts, represented here in English as a meta-language with already, no longer, still and not yet, are interrelated in interesting ways and form a semantic sub-system. In contrast to many other Eastern Bantu languages, we show that the dedicated expressions for PhP concepts in Swahili are mainly adverbs, with limited use of verbal affixes. It also stands out in the area by not having any gaps in the expressibility of PhP concepts, and by making use of internal negation. In order to target present-day spoken Swahili, the results are based on speaker interviews, through the use of carefully introduced contexts. The main strategy for expressing already was through the verbal affix sha-. There is also an adverb tayari ‘ready’ to express this concept, which occurs not infrequently in our results. We show that there are differences in their distribution, and hypothesize that this could be related to an ongoing change in the use of (me)sha- in relation to perfective me-. For all other PhP concepts, adverbs are used as the main strategy. There was variability in speaker responses in the use of constructions which we have considered contextual paraphrases rather than dedicated PhP expressions. The current work is inspired by a recent increase in interest in PhP systems in languages of the African continent, previously relatively unexplored (Kramer 2021). The analysis is based on the parameters for cross-linguistic comparison as presented by Kramer (2017)
{"title":"Against expectations – the rise of adverbs in Swahili phasal polarity","authors":"Aron Zahran, Eva-Marie Bloom Ström","doi":"10.32473/sal.51.2.129687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.51.2.129687","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides a first analysis of the expression of phasal polarity in Swahili. Phasal polarity (henceforth PhP) refers to linguistic concepts which express the phase of a given situation in relation to a prior and/or subsequent phase, as well as expressing whether a certain situation holds or not. These concepts, represented here in English as a meta-language with already, no longer, still and not yet, are interrelated in interesting ways and form a semantic sub-system. In contrast to many other Eastern Bantu languages, we show that the dedicated expressions for PhP concepts in Swahili are mainly adverbs, with limited use of verbal affixes. It also stands out in the area by not having any gaps in the expressibility of PhP concepts, and by making use of internal negation. In order to target present-day spoken Swahili, the results are based on speaker interviews, through the use of carefully introduced contexts. The main strategy for expressing already was through the verbal affix sha-. There is also an adverb tayari ‘ready’ to express this concept, which occurs not infrequently in our results. We show that there are differences in their distribution, and hypothesize that this could be related to an ongoing change in the use of (me)sha- in relation to perfective me-. For all other PhP concepts, adverbs are used as the main strategy. There was variability in speaker responses in the use of constructions which we have considered contextual paraphrases rather than dedicated PhP expressions. The current work is inspired by a recent increase in interest in PhP systems in languages of the African continent, previously relatively unexplored (Kramer 2021). The analysis is based on the parameters for cross-linguistic comparison as presented by Kramer (2017)","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42747210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.32473/sal.51.2.129805
J. Van der Wal, A. Lusekelo
In addition to the stem and noun class prefix, the structure of nouns in Bantu languages may contain an augment. This augment typically is a vowel, but some languages show a CV augment. Interestingly, the Bantu language Kinyakyusa shows nouns with a V as well as with a CV prefix, both of which have been analysed as augments (De Blois 1970). In this short paper we clarify the formal and functional properties of the ‘CV augment’ in Kinyakyusa. First we show that it does not behave like the V augment, but is a separate marker that is attached to the noun phrase. Second, we narrow down the previous analyses of the CV marker that describe it as ‘emphatic’ (De Blois 1970, Persohn 2020): On the basis of a range of focus tests, we argue that the CV marker functions as a marker of exhaustivity. This is remarkable, as exhaustive focus is in Bantu languages typically associated with marking in the clause and not on the noun itself.
{"title":"The V and CV augment and exhaustivity in Kinyakyusa","authors":"J. Van der Wal, A. Lusekelo","doi":"10.32473/sal.51.2.129805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.51.2.129805","url":null,"abstract":"In addition to the stem and noun class prefix, the structure of nouns in Bantu languages may contain an augment. This augment typically is a vowel, but some languages show a CV augment. Interestingly, the Bantu language Kinyakyusa shows nouns with a V as well as with a CV prefix, both of which have been analysed as augments (De Blois 1970). In this short paper we clarify the formal and functional properties of the ‘CV augment’ in Kinyakyusa. First we show that it does not behave like the V augment, but is a separate marker that is attached to the noun phrase. Second, we narrow down the previous analyses of the CV marker that describe it as ‘emphatic’ (De Blois 1970, Persohn 2020): On the basis of a range of focus tests, we argue that the CV marker functions as a marker of exhaustivity. This is remarkable, as exhaustive focus is in Bantu languages typically associated with marking in the clause and not on the noun itself.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44850566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.32473/sal.51.2.124793
Sarah Marjie
Communication could be oral and written. These forms of communication may be formal or informal depending on the setting, people involved, age and class. Codeswitching is an informal form of communication. It is used most at times in oral communication. However, in recent times, its has been used extensively in written communication. This has raised issues as to whether written communication can also be a possible platform for informal communication. This study investigates codeswitching on public signage by Kiswahili –English bilinguals. The study examines how Kiswahili –English bilinguals use the two languages on public signage by structurally analysing how Kiswahili and English words are distributed in a given mixed constituent. To achieve this, Kiswahili-English codeswitched data was gathered from tokens of public signage from Kenya specifically, Nairobi. Using the Matrix Language Frame Model of Myers-Scotton, the study observes that theories propounded for oral codeswitching data could be used to analyse written communication (public signage texts) data because writers adhere to the syntax of both Kiswahili and English as stipulated by the tenets of the Matrix Language Frame Model. This is possible when the aim is to solely look at text items on public signage without keen considerations to the graphics therein that is, if the analysis is based purely on syntax. The study therefore recommends that the importance of codeswitching especially on public signage is evidence of how language is used and as accepted by members of a speech community.
{"title":"Kiswahili-English on Public Signage: A Morpheme- By -Morpheme Approach","authors":"Sarah Marjie","doi":"10.32473/sal.51.2.124793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.51.2.124793","url":null,"abstract":"Communication could be oral and written. These forms of communication may be formal or informal depending on the setting, people involved, age and class. Codeswitching is an informal form of communication. It is used most at times in oral communication. However, in recent times, its has been used extensively in written communication. This has raised issues as to whether written communication can also be a possible platform for informal communication. This study investigates codeswitching on public signage by Kiswahili –English bilinguals. The study examines how Kiswahili –English bilinguals use the two languages on public signage by structurally analysing how Kiswahili and English words are distributed in a given mixed constituent. To achieve this, Kiswahili-English codeswitched data was gathered from tokens of public signage from Kenya specifically, Nairobi. Using the Matrix Language Frame Model of Myers-Scotton, the study observes that theories propounded for oral codeswitching data could be used to analyse written communication (public signage texts) data because writers adhere to the syntax of both Kiswahili and English as stipulated by the tenets of the Matrix Language Frame Model. This is possible when the aim is to solely look at text items on public signage without keen considerations to the graphics therein that is, if the analysis is based purely on syntax. The study therefore recommends that the importance of codeswitching especially on public signage is evidence of how language is used and as accepted by members of a speech community.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43289453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.32473/sal.51.2.125156
M. Yakub, Cecilia Tomekyin
Verbs of separation and material disintegration are a category of verbs commonly referred to as ‘CUT and BREAK’ (C&B) verbs (Guerssel et al., 1985). This class of verbs has sparked a lot of arguments and discussions in the literature (cf. Guerssel et al., 1985; Levin, 1993; Essegbey, 2007; Lüpke, 2007; Majid et al., 2007; 2008; Hsiao, 2015; Agyepong, 2017). In Nzema, pɛ ‘to cut’ is the prototypical CUT- verb which describes actions that result in object separation/disintegration; usually carried out by using bladed instruments. This paper discusses the semantic extensions of pɛ ‘to cut’ in Nzema discourse. The paper employs the Cognitive Approach of Semantic Change (Sweetser, 1990) in exploring the semantic properties of pɛ, based on the cognitive-conceptual, environmental, and socio-cultural experiences of the people of Nzema. Data were obtained from primary and secondary sources. The paper demonstrates that the various extended usages have a close relationship with the original meaning of the verb. The paper also finds that the primary sense of pɛ ‘to cut’ evokes several contextual interpretations, such as pɛ awolɛ ‘cut childbearing’ (to stop procreation), pɛ azule ‘cut river’ (to travel overseas), pɛ ɔ nli ‘cut his/her mother’ (to insult one’s mother) among others. We note that the various meaning extensions of the verb are dependent on the context of use and/or communication.
分离和物质分解动词是通常被称为“CUT and BREAK”(C&B)动词的一类动词(Guerssel et al.， 1985)。这类动词在文献中引发了很多争论和讨论(cf. Guerssel et al.， 1985;莱文,1993;Essegbey, 2007;Lupke, 2007;Majid et al.， 2007;2008;萧,2015;Agyepong, 2017)。在Nzema中，p æ“to cut”是典型的cut动词，用来描述导致物体分离/解体的动作;通常用带刃的器械进行。本文讨论了“to cut”在恩济马语篇中的语义引申。本文采用语义变化的认知方法(Sweetser, 1990)，基于恩泽马人的认知概念、环境和社会文化经验来探索p æ的语义特性。数据来自一手和二手来源。本文论证了动词的各种引申用法与动词的原意有着密切的关系。该论文还发现，p æ '切割'的主要意义引起了几种上下文解释，例如p æ awol ' '切断生育'(停止生育)，p æ azule '切断河流'(出国旅行)，p æ nli '切断他/她的母亲'(侮辱某人的母亲)等等。我们注意到，动词的各种意义延伸取决于使用和/或交流的语境。
{"title":"Semantics and Metaphorical Extensions of \"PԐ\" (To cut) in Nzema Communication","authors":"M. Yakub, Cecilia Tomekyin","doi":"10.32473/sal.51.2.125156","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.51.2.125156","url":null,"abstract":"Verbs of separation and material disintegration are a category of verbs commonly referred to as ‘CUT and BREAK’ (C&B) verbs (Guerssel et al., 1985). This class of verbs has sparked a lot of arguments and discussions in the literature (cf. Guerssel et al., 1985; Levin, 1993; Essegbey, 2007; Lüpke, 2007; Majid et al., 2007; 2008; Hsiao, 2015; Agyepong, 2017). In Nzema, pɛ ‘to cut’ is the prototypical CUT- verb which describes actions that result in object separation/disintegration; usually carried out by using bladed instruments. This paper discusses the semantic extensions of pɛ ‘to cut’ in Nzema discourse. The paper employs the Cognitive Approach of Semantic Change (Sweetser, 1990) in exploring the semantic properties of pɛ, based on the cognitive-conceptual, environmental, and socio-cultural experiences of the people of Nzema. Data were obtained from primary and secondary sources. The paper demonstrates that the various extended usages have a close relationship with the original meaning of the verb. The paper also finds that the primary sense of pɛ ‘to cut’ evokes several contextual interpretations, such as pɛ awolɛ ‘cut childbearing’ (to stop procreation), pɛ azule ‘cut river’ (to travel overseas), pɛ ɔ nli ‘cut his/her mother’ (to insult one’s mother) among others. We note that the various meaning extensions of the verb are dependent on the context of use and/or communication.\u0000 ","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45982020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-14DOI: 10.32473/sal.v51i1.121556
A. N. Hien
This paper examines how number is marked in Dagara (Gur, Nige-Congo) and French. It argues that number occupies a syntactic position in Dagara and French and that the difference between the two languages resides in the syntactic operation through which number is marked. Following previous studies, the paper mentions that the status of number in Dagara and French can be assumed to be similar to that in English and that the difference among the three languages is the operation involved in number marking and the syntactic position of number in the structure of nominal phrases. This difference is responsible for the morphological manifestation of number on all the constituents of a nominal phrase in French but on only one constituent in Dagara and English. Besides, the paper claims that the difference between Dagara and English in number marking is in the syntactic position of number and that this difference explains why the plural marker is always on nouns but not on adjectives in English. In contrast, nouns do not take the plural marker in the presence of an adjective in Dagara.
{"title":"Number marking in Dagara and French","authors":"A. N. Hien","doi":"10.32473/sal.v51i1.121556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v51i1.121556","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines how number is marked in Dagara (Gur, Nige-Congo) and French. It argues that number occupies a syntactic position in Dagara and French and that the difference between the two languages resides in the syntactic operation through which number is marked. Following previous studies, the paper mentions that the status of number in Dagara and French can be assumed to be similar to that in English and that the difference among the three languages is the operation involved in number marking and the syntactic position of number in the structure of nominal phrases. This difference is responsible for the morphological manifestation of number on all the constituents of a nominal phrase in French but on only one constituent in Dagara and English. Besides, the paper claims that the difference between Dagara and English in number marking is in the syntactic position of number and that this difference explains why the plural marker is always on nouns but not on adjectives in English. In contrast, nouns do not take the plural marker in the presence of an adjective in Dagara.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46378217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-14DOI: 10.32473/sal.v51i1.128145
Hazel Gray, S. Nicolle
The interaction of grammatical aspect and lexical aspect has been a topic of interest to linguists for many years, yet only recently has more attention been focused on this topic specifically in relation to Bantu languages. The difficulty of mapping Bantu actional types onto the commonly accepted categorizations has resulted in new frameworks being proposed to take these complex lexicalisations into account. In this paper, we use Croft’s (2012) two-dimensional diagrammatic representations of events to represent the aspectual contour encoded by certain predicates in the South Tanzanian Bantu language Bungu [wun]. We investigate the semantics of the Progressive, Anterior, and Resultative aspects in Bungu, and by identifying the phases within each aspectual contour that are profiled by each of these grammatical aspects, we show that the particular interpretation of each aspect depends on the type of predicate that it modifies. By using Croft’s diagrammatic representations of events to identify the semantic contribution made by different grammatical aspects in Bungu, we illustrate its potential as a descriptive tool.
{"title":"Diagramming Grammatical and Lexical Aspect","authors":"Hazel Gray, S. Nicolle","doi":"10.32473/sal.v51i1.128145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v51i1.128145","url":null,"abstract":"The interaction of grammatical aspect and lexical aspect has been a topic of interest to linguists for many years, yet only recently has more attention been focused on this topic specifically in relation to Bantu languages. The difficulty of mapping Bantu actional types onto the commonly accepted categorizations has resulted in new frameworks being proposed to take these complex lexicalisations into account. In this paper, we use Croft’s (2012) two-dimensional diagrammatic representations of events to represent the aspectual contour encoded by certain predicates in the South Tanzanian Bantu language Bungu [wun]. We investigate the semantics of the Progressive, Anterior, and Resultative aspects in Bungu, and by identifying the phases within each aspectual contour that are profiled by each of these grammatical aspects, we show that the particular interpretation of each aspect depends on the type of predicate that it modifies. By using Croft’s diagrammatic representations of events to identify the semantic contribution made by different grammatical aspects in Bungu, we illustrate its potential as a descriptive tool.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41357124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-14DOI: 10.32473/sal.v51i1.127967
A. Shluinsky
The paper deals with conjoined subjects and verbal agreement resolution in Akebu and contributes to the typology of noun phrase coordination and agreement resolution in Niger-Congo. Akebu demonstrates both inclusory and compositional coordination with pronominal conjuncts, the former being typical for animate conjuncts, the latter being obligatory for inanimate conjuncts. Semantic person agreement resolution of the verb is possible, and semantic noun class agreement resolution is obligatory with animate conjoined 3rd person subjects, while inanimate conjoined 3rd person subjects trigger syntactic or mixed agreement resolution.
{"title":"Conjoined subjects and verbal agreement resolution in Akebu","authors":"A. Shluinsky","doi":"10.32473/sal.v51i1.127967","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v51i1.127967","url":null,"abstract":"The paper deals with conjoined subjects and verbal agreement resolution in Akebu and contributes to the typology of noun phrase coordination and agreement resolution in Niger-Congo. Akebu demonstrates both inclusory and compositional coordination with pronominal conjuncts, the former being typical for animate conjuncts, the latter being obligatory for inanimate conjuncts. Semantic person agreement resolution of the verb is possible, and semantic noun class agreement resolution is obligatory with animate conjoined 3rd person subjects, while inanimate conjoined 3rd person subjects trigger syntactic or mixed agreement resolution.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47111140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-14DOI: 10.32473/sal.v51i1.124229
Nicholas Rolle
This paper investigates linear and non-linear morphology in verbal inflection in Ebira, a Benue-Congo language of Nigeria. The non-linear morphology does not target the root, but rather occurs within pre-verbal auxiliary-like satellite units called a STAMP (Anderson 2011, 2015, 2016), a mnemonic for subject agreement, tense, aspect, mood, and polarity. This paper deconstructs Ebira STAMPs and identifies individual sub-STAMP morphs based on the extensive description in Adive (1989) and Scholz (1976). The individual inflectional categories for subject agreement (1S, 2, 3S, 1P, 3P), TAM (HABITUAL, COMPLETIVE, SUBJUNCTIVE, CONTINUOUS, and PERFECT), polarity (NEGATIVE), and clause-level meanings (INTERROGATIVE, 'IF', and 'WHEN') are decomposed (in part) as non-linear floating tones, floating moras, unassociated segments, and underspecified segments. While Anderson characterizes STAMPs as fused portmanteaux found widely in West and Central Africa (the Macro-Sudan Belt), we hold that 'STAMP' as a typological category may be too crude to assess areal typology. Instead we propose to investigate areality based on whether STAMP categories form a constituent before and to the exclusion of the verb root (requiring arguments independent of transcription practices). In concluding this paper, we ask why non-linear morphology such as grammatical tone does not target the root, and tie this to the pronounced functional load of lexical tone on roots in Ebira.
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