Pub Date : 2018-12-11DOI: 10.32473/sal.v47i1.107655
Bastian Persohn
This paper gives a descriptive account of the lexical semantics of seven basic verbs of translational motion in Nyakyusa (Bantu, M31), together with a description of the meaning and use of another motion verb that has grammaticalized to a marker of associated motion. The findings include, among other things, that Nyakyusa’s most simple verb of motion encodes solely a motion path and that only the ʻcomeʼ-verb, but none of the ʻgoʼ-verbs, encodes reference to the deictic centre. Applying a microcomparative perspective, the choice of ʻgoʼ-verb that has grammaticalized to a marker of associated motion is explained based on the relative salience assigned to the goal vis-àvis the path.
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Pub Date : 2018-12-11DOI: 10.32473/sal.v47i1.107652
Richard L. Boutwell
Ncane is an underdocumented Bantoid language, which offers speakers multiple choices for referring to aforementioned participants. Anaphoric reference is usually made through a noun and an accompanying anaphoric demonstrative. Two anaphoric demonstratives are observed in the language and a speaker’s choice of demonstrative often reflects the speaker’s attitude toward the participant. This article presents examples illustrating the expression of various kinds of speaker judgments of participants through the use of anaphoric demonstratives. Accounting for such expression of attitude appears to be lacking in proposed demonstrative typologies like that of Diessel (1999). Therefore, the article concludes with a suggestion for expanding typological categories to address such subjective encoding.
{"title":"Speaker attitude and demonstrative choice in Ncane (Beboid)","authors":"Richard L. Boutwell","doi":"10.32473/sal.v47i1.107652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v47i1.107652","url":null,"abstract":"Ncane is an underdocumented Bantoid language, which offers speakers multiple choices for referring to aforementioned participants. Anaphoric reference is usually made through a noun and an accompanying anaphoric demonstrative. Two anaphoric demonstratives are observed in the language and a speaker’s choice of demonstrative often reflects the speaker’s attitude toward the participant. This article presents examples illustrating the expression of various kinds of speaker judgments of participants through the use of anaphoric demonstratives. Accounting for such expression of attitude appears to be lacking in proposed demonstrative typologies like that of Diessel (1999). Therefore, the article concludes with a suggestion for expanding typological categories to address such subjective encoding.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44527262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-11DOI: 10.32473/sal.v47i1.107650
M. Bobuafor
Separation events differ in lexicalisation patterns (Talmy 2000) and in argument realisation (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2005) cross-linguistically. There are different types of separation events. “Cutting” and “breaking” events involve a non-reversible change in object integrity and have been systematically researched cross-linguistically in recent times (Guerssel et al 1985; Bohnemeyer 2008; Majid et al. 2008; Schaefer and Egbokhare 2012). In this paper, some of the generalisations that have been made concerning CUT and BREAK verbs are tested based on data from Tafi, a Ghana-Togo Mountain language. I investigate the morpho-syntactic properties of Tafi CUT and BREAK verbs in relation to a suggested generalisation by Guerssel et al. that BREAK verbs have a transitive/intransitive argument structure and participate in the causative/inchoative alternation; while CUT verbs are transitive and they are not expected to occur without their external argument. The types of events referred to by the CUT and BREAK verbs and the combinatorial capacity of the individual verbs are also explored. Based on an analysis of stimulus-elicitations and spontaneous language performances recorded in the field, I show that the Tafi verb bhui ‘cut’ can be used in an intransitive/resultative construction in which the theme, the internal argument, occurs as the subject. Drawing on the behaviour of bhui ‘cut’ I interrogate the explanations that have been offered in the literature with respect to such deviations from the generalisation. I argue that the verb argument alternation potential of a verb depends on the verb semantics as well as the type of (internal) argument it collocates with. Moreover, I explore the semantic interpretations of the verb when it combines with non-typical objects such as ‘water’. I show that such patterns and collocations such as ‘the water cut’ = ‘the water stopped running’, ‘cut a village’ = ‘establish a village’ are areal in nature (cf. Huttar et al. 2007).
{"title":"Separation events in Tafi language and culture","authors":"M. Bobuafor","doi":"10.32473/sal.v47i1.107650","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v47i1.107650","url":null,"abstract":"Separation events differ in lexicalisation patterns (Talmy 2000) and in argument realisation (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2005) cross-linguistically. There are different types of separation events. “Cutting” and “breaking” events involve a non-reversible change in object integrity and have been systematically researched cross-linguistically in recent times (Guerssel et al 1985; Bohnemeyer 2008; Majid et al. 2008; Schaefer and Egbokhare 2012). In this paper, some of the generalisations that have been made concerning CUT and BREAK verbs are tested based on data from Tafi, a Ghana-Togo Mountain language. I investigate the morpho-syntactic properties of Tafi CUT and BREAK verbs in relation to a suggested generalisation by Guerssel et al. that BREAK verbs have a transitive/intransitive argument structure and participate in the causative/inchoative alternation; while CUT verbs are transitive and they are not expected to occur without their external argument. The types of events referred to by the CUT and BREAK verbs and the combinatorial capacity of the individual verbs are also explored. Based on an analysis of stimulus-elicitations and spontaneous language performances recorded in the field, I show that the Tafi verb bhui ‘cut’ can be used in an intransitive/resultative construction in which the theme, the internal argument, occurs as the subject. Drawing on the behaviour of bhui ‘cut’ I interrogate the explanations that have been offered in the literature with respect to such deviations from the generalisation. I argue that the verb argument alternation potential of a verb depends on the verb semantics as well as the type of (internal) argument it collocates with. Moreover, I explore the semantic interpretations of the verb when it combines with non-typical objects such as ‘water’. I show that such patterns and collocations such as ‘the water cut’ = ‘the water stopped running’, ‘cut a village’ = ‘establish a village’ are areal in nature (cf. Huttar et al. 2007).","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42749992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-26DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i2.118041
Yvonne Treis, Deginet Wotango Doyiso
This paper is an analysis of the basic and extended meanings of temperature lexemes and the grammar of temperature expressions in Kambaata in comparison to related Highland East Cushitic languages of Ethiopia. Globally, Kambaata has a system of two opposing temperature values, ‘cold’ vs. ‘warm/hot’. The lexeme iib- ‘be(come) warm/hot’ contrasts with caal- ‘be(come) tactile cold’ in the tactile frame of temperature evaluation, while it contrasts with gid- ‘be(come) non-tactile cold’ in the domain of ambient (weather) and personal-feeling (inner) temperature. In addition to these central lexemes, Kambaata has a number of terms that are semantically more restricted, are less frequent and/or have an unequivocal positive or negative connotation, including, e.g., sigg- ‘be(come) comfortably cold or warm, cool’ and buss- ‘burn (tr.); be dangerously, excessively hot’. Irrespective of the temperature value, the expression of personal-feeling temperature is constructionally different from that of ambient temperature and tactile temperature; for the former a transitive, for the latter an intransitive construction is used. As for the extended uses of temperature terms, Kambaata maps warmth/heat onto freshness, busyness, and anger, and links burning heat to anger, spiciness and raging thirst. Unlike many other languages in the world, Kambaata does not relate warmth/heat to affection. Furthermore, Kambaata conceptualizes inactivity, ineptness and fear as tactile cold but the absence of emotional and physical pain as non-tactile cold. Coolness is linked metaphorically to calmness and absence of thirst. In the Highland East Cushitic branch of languages, ‘warm/hot’ is the most stable term, whereas six seemingly non-cognate roots are used for ‘tactile cold’ and/or ‘non-tactile cold'.
本文通过与埃塞俄比亚高地-东库欣提语的比较,分析了坎巴阿塔语中温度词的基本含义和扩展含义以及温度表达的语法。在全球范围内,Kambaata有一个由两个相反的温度值组成的系统,“冷”与“暖/热”。在温度评估的触觉框架中,词位iib-“be(come)warm/hot”与caal-“be[come]tactical cold”形成对比,而在环境(天气)和个人感觉(内心)温度领域,词位iib-“be[come)non-contacticular cold”与gid形成对比。除了这些中心词外,Kambaata还有许多术语在语义上更受限制,频率更低,和/或具有明确的积极或消极含义,包括sigg-“be(come)pleasy cold or warm,cool”和buss-“burn(tr.);“非常危险、过热”。无论温度值如何,个人感觉温度的表达在结构上与环境温度和触觉温度的表达不同;前者使用及物结构,后者使用不及物结构。至于温度术语的扩展使用,Kambaata将温暖/热量映射到新鲜、忙碌和愤怒上,并将灼热与愤怒、辛辣和极度口渴联系起来。与世界上许多其他语言不同,坎巴塔语并不将温暖/热度与情感联系起来。此外,Kambaata将不活跃、无能和恐惧概念化为触觉上的寒冷,而将缺乏情感和身体疼痛概念化为非触觉上的严寒。冷静比喻为平静和不口渴。在高地-东库欣支的语言中,“温暖/炎热”是最稳定的术语,而六个看似不同源的词根用于“触觉寒冷”和/或“非触觉寒冷”。
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Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107241
S. Allison
Kotoko is a Chadic language spoken in Cameroon, in the region just south of Lake Chad. Based on an analysis of a corpus of texts with helpful input from a mother tongue speaker of the language, this paper presents the forms and functions of conditional constructions. Like other Chadic languages (Frajzyngier 1996: 313, 327), conditionals are formally indistinguishable from certain types of temporal constructions. However, unlike other Chadic languages (e.g. Hausa, Baraïn, Lamang, Miya, Goemai, Buwal), Makary Kotoko has no overt marker for the protasis comparable to ‘if’ in English. Instead, the protasis and apodosis are joined by the marker aro ‘then’ which is semantically linked to the apodosis, but is often prosodically realized at the end of the protasis. Conditional constructions are categorized by their semantics based on classifications by Taylor (1997) and Thompson, Longacre & Hwang (2007), and the function of conditional constructions within discourse is explored.
{"title":"Conditional constructions in Makary Kotoko","authors":"S. Allison","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107241","url":null,"abstract":"Kotoko is a Chadic language spoken in Cameroon, in the region just south of Lake Chad. Based on an analysis of a corpus of texts with helpful input from a mother tongue speaker of the language, this paper presents the forms and functions of conditional constructions. Like other Chadic languages (Frajzyngier 1996: 313, 327), conditionals are formally indistinguishable from certain types of temporal constructions. However, unlike other Chadic languages (e.g. Hausa, Baraïn, Lamang, Miya, Goemai, Buwal), Makary Kotoko has no overt marker for the protasis comparable to ‘if’ in English. Instead, the protasis and apodosis are joined by the marker aro ‘then’ which is semantically linked to the apodosis, but is often prosodically realized at the end of the protasis. Conditional constructions are categorized by their semantics based on classifications by Taylor (1997) and Thompson, Longacre & Hwang (2007), and the function of conditional constructions within discourse is explored.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42709151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107246
Matthew Harley
This article examines the forms and functions of conditional clauses in Tuwuli, a Kwa language spoken in South-Eastern Ghana. It reveals how the traditional categories of conditionals (e.g. hypothetical, counterfactual, concessive) do not match up very well with the formal categories found in Tuwuli, and attempts to provide semantic characterisations for each distinct construction. The article also investigates the distribution and functions of conditional clauses in Tuwuli discourse, showing how some text types and genres use conditionals much more than others, and in some cases, for quite distinct purposes.
{"title":"Conditionals in Tuwuli","authors":"Matthew Harley","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107246","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the forms and functions of conditional clauses in Tuwuli, a Kwa language spoken in South-Eastern Ghana. It reveals how the traditional categories of conditionals (e.g. hypothetical, counterfactual, concessive) do not match up very well with the formal categories found in Tuwuli, and attempts to provide semantic characterisations for each distinct construction. The article also investigates the distribution and functions of conditional clauses in Tuwuli discourse, showing how some text types and genres use conditionals much more than others, and in some cases, for quite distinct purposes.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46826031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107250
Rozenn Guérois
This paper provides a syntactico-semantic characterisation of conditional structures in Cuwabo, a Bantu language spoken in northern Mozambique. The different types of conditionals attested in the language are compared on the basis of several parameters such as semantic interpretation (including degrees of hypotheticality), morphological marking of conditionality, time reference, and interaction with the tense/aspect system.
{"title":"Conditional constructions in Cuwabo","authors":"Rozenn Guérois","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107250","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides a syntactico-semantic characterisation of conditional structures in Cuwabo, a Bantu language spoken in northern Mozambique. The different types of conditionals attested in the language are compared on the basis of several parameters such as semantic interpretation (including degrees of hypotheticality), morphological marking of conditionality, time reference, and interaction with the tense/aspect system.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46385739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107240
M. Viljoen
This study examines the structure of conditional constructions in Buwal and their functions. Conditionals in Buwal can be divided into four major categories according to how they are marked: possible, counterfactual, necessary and concessive. Possible conditionals include both reality and unreality conditionals. The usual order is for the protasis to precede the apodosis, but the reverse order is also possible. All types of tense/aspect marking are possible in both the protasis and the apodosis with variations arising from semantic rather than grammatical restrictions. The possible conditional marker can also function as a temporal marker in certain contexts. In a conditional construction, the protasis provides a framework or background for the apodosis.
{"title":"Conditional constructions in Buwal","authors":"M. Viljoen","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107240","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the structure of conditional constructions in Buwal and their functions. Conditionals in Buwal can be divided into four major categories according to how they are marked: possible, counterfactual, necessary and concessive. Possible conditionals include both reality and unreality conditionals. The usual order is for the protasis to precede the apodosis, but the reverse order is also possible. All types of tense/aspect marking are possible in both the protasis and the apodosis with variations arising from semantic rather than grammatical restrictions. The possible conditional marker can also function as a temporal marker in certain contexts. In a conditional construction, the protasis provides a framework or background for the apodosis.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44799249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107242
J. Moodie
Lopit is an Eastern Nilotic language of South Sudan. It has a number of ways of expressing conditionals. The most common way involves the use of the subordinate clause marker l- on the clause-initial verb which introduces the protasis. This marker is also used in other clauses which are not conditionals. There is also the conjunction lojo, ‘if, when’, which can introduce the protasis. Another method is the use of the irrealis, the conditional and the potential mode of the verb in the protasis. The first method appears not to be used in other Eastern Nilotic languages.
{"title":"Conditional constructions in Lopit, an Eastern Nilotic language","authors":"J. Moodie","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107242","url":null,"abstract":"Lopit is an Eastern Nilotic language of South Sudan. It has a number of ways of expressing conditionals. The most common way involves the use of the subordinate clause marker l- on the clause-initial verb which introduces the protasis. This marker is also used in other clauses which are not conditionals. There is also the conjunction lojo, ‘if, when’, which can introduce the protasis. Another method is the use of the irrealis, the conditional and the potential mode of the verb in the protasis. The first method appears not to be used in other Eastern Nilotic languages.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46209021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107239
S. Nicolle
This paper serves as an introduction to the special issue of Studies in African Linguistics devoted to conditional constructions in African languages. I first describe the motivation for this volume and the common terminological conventions used in the papers, before discussing some of the more influential attempts to categorize conditional constructions together with some of the functions of conditional constructions. I then present an overview of conditional constructions in African languages, noting the various kinds of conditional meanings that are distinguished grammatically in different languages, and types of isomorphism between conditional constructions and other categories. I conclude with a note on concessive conditionals.
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