Pub Date : 2020-09-29DOI: 10.32473/sal.v49i2.117649
Torben Andersen
In Dinka, a Western Nilotic language, most adnominal modifiers follow the head noun. Before most of these modifiers, the head noun is in one of two construct states. One construct state, CS1, occurs before, among others, demonstratives, nominal possessors and relative clauses as CS1-modifiers. The other construct state, CS2, which is morphologically more complex, occurs before, among others, possessive pronouns, a few numerals and a diminutivizer as CS2-modifiers. When a construct-state triggering modifier is added to a CS2-modifier, the latter itself gets construct state marking, and the head noun changes from CS2 to CS1. Some CS1-modifiers also get construct state marking when followed by a construct-state triggering modifier. Multiple adnominal modification in Dinka may thus result in a chain of construct states, which is similar to what is found in Iranian languages with so-called ezafe marking.
{"title":"Multiple adnominal modification in Dinka","authors":"Torben Andersen","doi":"10.32473/sal.v49i2.117649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i2.117649","url":null,"abstract":"In Dinka, a Western Nilotic language, most adnominal modifiers follow the head noun. Before most of these modifiers, the head noun is in one of two construct states. One construct state, CS1, occurs before, among others, demonstratives, nominal possessors and relative clauses as CS1-modifiers. The other construct state, CS2, which is morphologically more complex, occurs before, among others, possessive pronouns, a few numerals and a diminutivizer as CS2-modifiers. When a construct-state triggering modifier is added to a CS2-modifier, the latter itself gets construct state marking, and the head noun changes from CS2 to CS1. Some CS1-modifiers also get construct state marking when followed by a construct-state triggering modifier. Multiple adnominal modification in Dinka may thus result in a chain of construct states, which is similar to what is found in Iranian languages with so-called ezafe marking.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43939326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-29DOI: 10.32473/sal.v49i2.125887
Ferdinand Mberamihigo, Gilles-Maurice de Schryver, K. Bostoen
In the Bantu language Kirundi (JD62), the verbal prefix oo- has traditionally been described as either conditional or potential. In this article, we show by means of a corpus-based analysis of its uses that it is first and foremost a modal prefix, and its conditional use is only a secondary development. Dans la langue bantoue kirundi (JD62), le préfixe verbal oo‑ a été décrit comme un marqueur soit du conditionnel, soit du potentiel. Dans cet article, nous montrons à partir d’une analyse de corpus qu’il est avant tout un préfixe modal et que son usage comme marque du conditionnel n’est qu’un développement secondaire
{"title":"Entre modalité et conditionnalité","authors":"Ferdinand Mberamihigo, Gilles-Maurice de Schryver, K. Bostoen","doi":"10.32473/sal.v49i2.125887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i2.125887","url":null,"abstract":"In the Bantu language Kirundi (JD62), the verbal prefix oo- has traditionally been described as either conditional or potential. In this article, we show by means of a corpus-based analysis of its uses that it is first and foremost a modal prefix, and its conditional use is only a secondary development. \u0000Dans la langue bantoue kirundi (JD62), le préfixe verbal oo‑ a été décrit comme un marqueur soit du conditionnel, soit du potentiel. Dans cet article, nous montrons à partir d’une analyse de corpus qu’il est avant tout un préfixe modal et que son usage comme marque du conditionnel n’est qu’un développement secondaire","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48413319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-29DOI: 10.32473/sal.v49i2.125886
M. Abdoulaye, Salifou Barmou, Saoudé Souley Bida
This article describes a type of non-verbal predication (NVP) with a single term called "deictic identification" (for example, Abdù nee 'it’s Abdu') and which, in its basic function, is used to identify a referent present in the immediate spatial environment of the speaker. The paper shows that the one-term sentences must be distinguished from ordinary two-term specificational or equative sentences (for example, ùban Muusaa Abdù nèe 'Musa’s father is Abdu' and wannàn Abdù nee 'this is Abdu'). Indeed, the paper in particular shows that when the two types of constructions are used in non-assertive contexts, they can select two different replacive copulas. The paper also shows how the basic one-term deictic constructions acquired extended, non-deictic uses, including uses in focus-fronting constructions, where the immediate external environment is not always relevant. The paper proposes that copula nee/ cee is the sentence predicate in one-term deictic identification and is hence comparable to other one-term non-verbal predicates in Hausa, such as the presentational gàa (for example, gàa Abdù ‘here is Abdu’).
本文描述了一种非言语预测(NVP)，它只有一个被称为“指示识别”的术语(例如，Abdù nee 'it ' s Abdu')，其基本功能是用于识别说话者所处的直接空间环境中的指涉物。本文表明，单词句必须与普通的双词说明句或等价句区分开来(例如，ùban Muusaa Abdù n 'Musa ' s father is Abdu'和wannàn Abdù nee 'this is Abdu')。事实上，这篇论文特别表明，当这两种结构在非断言语境中使用时，它们可以选择两种不同的替代连词。本文还展示了基本的单词指示结构如何获得扩展的非指示用法，包括在直接外部环境并不总是相关的焦点前置结构中的用法。本文提出，联系词nee/ cee是单词指示识别中的句子谓语，因此可以与豪萨语中的其他单词非言语谓语相媲美，例如表征性谓语gàa(例如gàa Abdù ' here is Abdu ')。
{"title":"one-term predication for deictic identification in Hausa","authors":"M. Abdoulaye, Salifou Barmou, Saoudé Souley Bida","doi":"10.32473/sal.v49i2.125886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i2.125886","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes a type of non-verbal predication (NVP) with a single term called \"deictic identification\" (for example, Abdù nee 'it’s Abdu') and which, in its basic function, is used to identify a referent present in the immediate spatial environment of the speaker. The paper shows that the one-term sentences must be distinguished from ordinary two-term specificational or equative sentences (for example, ùban Muusaa Abdù nèe 'Musa’s father is Abdu' and wannàn Abdù nee 'this is Abdu'). Indeed, the paper in particular shows that when the two types of constructions are used in non-assertive contexts, they can select two different replacive copulas. The paper also shows how the basic one-term deictic constructions acquired extended, non-deictic uses, including uses in focus-fronting constructions, where the immediate external environment is not always relevant. The paper proposes that copula nee/ cee is the sentence predicate in one-term deictic identification and is hence comparable to other one-term non-verbal predicates in Hausa, such as the presentational gàa (for example, gàa Abdù ‘here is Abdu’).","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47785587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122263
Helga Schröder
Some languages make extensive use of clause-chaining. According to Payne (1997: 312), clause-chaining has been documented for languages in the highlands of New Guinea, Australia and the Americas. In Africa it is found in Ethiopia (Völlmin et al. 2007), in Kiswahili, a Bantu language (Hopper 1979: 213-215, Mungania 2018), in Anuak, a Western Nilotic language (Longacre 1990: 88-90 and 2007: 418) and in Toposa, a VSO language of South Sudan (Schröder 2011). Clause-chaining is characterized by a long combination of non-finite clauses that have operator dependency on a finite clause, and it usually signals foregrounded information in discourse (see also Dooley 2010: 3). Besides its discourse function, clause-chaining exhibits morpho-syntactic and semantic properties as demonstrated in this paper with examples from Toposa, an Eastern Nilotic language.
{"title":"The Syntax and Semantics of Clause-Chaining in Toposa","authors":"Helga Schröder","doi":"10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122263","url":null,"abstract":"Some languages make extensive use of clause-chaining. According to Payne (1997: 312), clause-chaining has been documented for languages in the highlands of New Guinea, Australia and the Americas. In Africa it is found in Ethiopia (Völlmin et al. 2007), in Kiswahili, a Bantu language (Hopper 1979: 213-215, Mungania 2018), in Anuak, a Western Nilotic language (Longacre 1990: 88-90 and 2007: 418) and in Toposa, a VSO language of South Sudan (Schröder 2011). Clause-chaining is characterized by a long combination of non-finite clauses that have operator dependency on a finite clause, and it usually signals foregrounded information in discourse (see also Dooley 2010: 3). Besides its discourse function, clause-chaining exhibits morpho-syntactic and semantic properties as demonstrated in this paper with examples from Toposa, an Eastern Nilotic language.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48171136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.32473/sal.v49i1.122270
Antje Casaretto, G. Dimmendaal, B. Hellwig, Uta Reinöhl, Gertrud Schneider-Blum
In the literature, it is often assumed that ergative constructions originate in passive constructions. The present contribution explores the likelihood of such a passive-to-ergative analysis for one language (Tima, Niger-Congo, Sudan), showing that this analysis cannot be substantiated and suggesting an origin in active constructions instead. This study is situated in its areal context (outlining similarities to split case marking systems across the region, especially in the Southern branch of Eastern Sudanic) and against the background of discussions in the Indo-Iranian family (from where the passive-to-ergative hypothesis presumably spread).
{"title":"Roots of Ergativity in Africa (and Beyond)","authors":"Antje Casaretto, G. Dimmendaal, B. Hellwig, Uta Reinöhl, Gertrud Schneider-Blum","doi":"10.32473/sal.v49i1.122270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i1.122270","url":null,"abstract":"In the literature, it is often assumed that ergative constructions originate in passive constructions. The present contribution explores the likelihood of such a passive-to-ergative analysis for one language (Tima, Niger-Congo, Sudan), showing that this analysis cannot be substantiated and suggesting an origin in active constructions instead. This study is situated in its areal context (outlining similarities to split case marking systems across the region, especially in the Southern branch of Eastern Sudanic) and against the background of discussions in the Indo-Iranian family (from where the passive-to-ergative hypothesis presumably spread).","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43928480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122261
J. Wal, Allen Asiimwe
The Bantu language Rukiga (JE14, Uganda) shows tonal reduction on the verb in a subset of tenses, similar to the conjoint/disjoint alternation in Haya. Whereas in other languages the conjoint/disjoint alternation is usually marked by segmental morphology in at least one tense, Rukiga is unique in showing only tonal reduction. Nevertheless, our analysis shows that tonal reduction in Rukiga is not merely a phonological rule, but it encodes the conjoint/disjoint alternation. Furthermore, we show that tonal reduction in Rukiga is determined by constituent-finality, and there is no direct relation to focus
{"title":"The Tonal Residue of the Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation in Rukiga","authors":"J. Wal, Allen Asiimwe","doi":"10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122261","url":null,"abstract":"The Bantu language Rukiga (JE14, Uganda) shows tonal reduction on the verb in a subset of tenses, similar to the conjoint/disjoint alternation in Haya. Whereas in other languages the conjoint/disjoint alternation is usually marked by segmental morphology in at least one tense, Rukiga is unique in showing only tonal reduction. Nevertheless, our analysis shows that tonal reduction in Rukiga is not merely a phonological rule, but it encodes the conjoint/disjoint alternation. Furthermore, we show that tonal reduction in Rukiga is determined by constituent-finality, and there is no direct relation to focus","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43738375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper describes the morphosyntactic and semantic characteristics of clausal object complementation in the Great Lakes Bantu Language Ruuli (JE103). In addition to providing an overview of the complementation strategies in Ruuli, parallels will be drawn to constructions described for related languages as well as common cross-linguistic patterns in clausal complementation. Ruuli employs several different complementation strategies, including indicative, subjunctive, and infinitive constructions. Complement clauses can be either unmarked or marked with a complementizer, the most common of which is nti. These two options are also available for direct speech. Other less common complementizers, which cannot be used to introduce direct speech complements include oba, nga and ni. As individual complement-taking predicates do not allow for every complementation strategy, we will explore the semantic and morphosyntactic conditions which predict the choice of complement. To this end, we consider several predictors. We investigate the restrictions imposed by various complement-taking predicate types, e.g. knowledge predicates, phasal predicates and utterance predicates. Then we consider whether the complement expresses a proposition (a truth-valued meaning unit) or a state-of-affairs (a non-truth valued meaning unit) and whether the subject arguments in the two clauses are identical.
{"title":"Clausal complementation in Ruuli (Bantu, JE103)","authors":"Marie-Louise Lind Sørensen, Alena Witzlack-Makarevich","doi":"10.32473/sal.v49i1.122264","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i1.122264","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes the morphosyntactic and semantic characteristics of clausal object complementation in the Great Lakes Bantu Language Ruuli (JE103). In addition to providing an overview of the complementation strategies in Ruuli, parallels will be drawn to constructions described for related languages as well as common cross-linguistic patterns in clausal complementation. Ruuli employs several different complementation strategies, including indicative, subjunctive, and infinitive constructions. Complement clauses can be either unmarked or marked with a complementizer, the most common of which is nti. These two options are also available for direct speech. Other less common complementizers, which cannot be used to introduce direct speech complements include oba, nga and ni. As individual complement-taking predicates do not allow for every complementation strategy, we will explore the semantic and morphosyntactic conditions which predict the choice of complement. To this end, we consider several predictors. We investigate the restrictions imposed by various complement-taking predicate types, e.g. knowledge predicates, phasal predicates and utterance predicates. Then we consider whether the complement expresses a proposition (a truth-valued meaning unit) or a state-of-affairs (a non-truth valued meaning unit) and whether the subject arguments in the two clauses are identical.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46990181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122272
Carmen Pérez-Sabater, Ginette Maguelouk-Moffo
The objective of this research is to analyse current written practices within the global South. Specifically, we examine language mixing phenomena in written online texts publicly displayed on the official Facebook page of one of the two most important football players in the history of Cameroon, Samuel Eto’o. By means of a quantitative and languaging analysis proposed by Androutsopoulos (2014), we see that indigenous Cameroonian languages are now being written in public spaces. Instances of lexical items in these languages are sometimes inserted in Facebook comments to establish local/national identity, to emphasise the fact that the player is a Cameroonian. However, Cameroonian national identity still is usually constructed through the exclusive use of English and French. Interestingly, the study shows that code-switching (CS) to a particular language may function as a distancing technique, an impoliteness strategy towards the player.
{"title":"Online Multilingualism in African Written Conversations","authors":"Carmen Pérez-Sabater, Ginette Maguelouk-Moffo","doi":"10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/SAL.V49I1.122272","url":null,"abstract":"The objective of this research is to analyse current written practices within the global South. Specifically, we examine language mixing phenomena in written online texts publicly displayed on the official Facebook page of one of the two most important football players in the history of Cameroon, Samuel Eto’o. By means of a quantitative and languaging analysis proposed by Androutsopoulos (2014), we see that indigenous Cameroonian languages are now being written in public spaces. Instances of lexical items in these languages are sometimes inserted in Facebook comments to establish local/national identity, to emphasise the fact that the player is a Cameroonian. However, Cameroonian national identity still is usually constructed through the exclusive use of English and French. Interestingly, the study shows that code-switching (CS) to a particular language may function as a distancing technique, an impoliteness strategy towards the player.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43624178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.32473/sal.v49i1.122257
Irina Monich
The tonal system of Nuer has been a matter of much uncertainty. Here we present empirical evidence in favor of a three toneme system with some typologically rare features. One of them is an intriguing case of allotony based on the phonation of the vowel: the High toneme has a falling allotone over modal vowels. Moreover, the Rising toneme has four allotones: a rising, a mid, a low and a falling allotone. The falling allotone of the Rising toneme also occurs only on modal vowels in specific contexts. We suggest that some of the allotonic variation is motivated by tonal contour simplification. We also point out the role of free variation in some of the allotonic alternations, and the constraints that put limits on the free variation between allotones.
{"title":"Nuer Tonal inventory","authors":"Irina Monich","doi":"10.32473/sal.v49i1.122257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i1.122257","url":null,"abstract":"The tonal system of Nuer has been a matter of much uncertainty. Here we present empirical evidence in favor of a three toneme system with some typologically rare features. One of them is an intriguing case of allotony based on the phonation of the vowel: the High toneme has a falling allotone over modal vowels. Moreover, the Rising toneme has four allotones: a rising, a mid, a low and a falling allotone. The falling allotone of the Rising toneme also occurs only on modal vowels in specific contexts. We suggest that some of the allotonic variation is motivated by tonal contour simplification. We also point out the role of free variation in some of the allotonic alternations, and the constraints that put limits on the free variation between allotones.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43553629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-13DOI: 10.32473/sal.v48i2.118043
W. Mkochi
Many Bantu languages have the plural-honorific suffix *-Vni and the imperfective morpheme *-a(n)g-. In most of these languages, *-Vni is reported to be clearly encoded at POST-FINAL position. On the other hand, *-a(n)g- is said to be ambiguously encoded, either at EXT (extension) in one language or FV (final vowel) in another language. Still in others it coexists at both EXT and FV; there has also been a suggestion that it is encoded at POST-FINAL in several others. This article argues that the status of both the plural-honorific suffix -ani (*-Vni) and the imperfective -anga (*-a(n)g)- in CiTonga is fluid, it prevaricates between EXTENSION (suffix), FV (the commonest), and POST-FINAL (clitic). Although these formatives can be encoded at these positions, they are shown to be functionally different from extensions, inflectional vowel suffixes and clitics
{"title":"Encoding the plural-honorific suffix -ani and the imperfective anga in Malawian CiTonga (N.15)","authors":"W. Mkochi","doi":"10.32473/sal.v48i2.118043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i2.118043","url":null,"abstract":"Many Bantu languages have the plural-honorific suffix *-Vni and the imperfective morpheme *-a(n)g-. In most of these languages, *-Vni is reported to be clearly encoded at POST-FINAL position. On the other hand, *-a(n)g- is said to be ambiguously encoded, either at EXT (extension) in one language or FV (final vowel) in another language. Still in others it coexists at both EXT and FV; there has also been a suggestion that it is encoded at POST-FINAL in several others. This article argues that the status of both the plural-honorific suffix -ani (*-Vni) and the imperfective -anga (*-a(n)g)- in CiTonga is fluid, it prevaricates between EXTENSION (suffix), FV (the commonest), and POST-FINAL (clitic). Although these formatives can be encoded at these positions, they are shown to be functionally different from extensions, inflectional vowel suffixes and clitics","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42602795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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