Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107245
Mamadou Bassene
The present study documents and analyzes conditional constructions in Jóola Eegimaa (Eegimaa, henceforth). On the surface, Eegimaa has morphemes which denote conditionality. However, these morphemes, me and éni, do not exclusively mark conditional clauses. They are also found in various other subordinate constructions where they introduce various clauses. The heart of my argument is that in Eegimaa, intonation is the most reliable indicator of conditionality. The data has clearly shown that the morphemes me and éni can be omitted in conditional constructions. The analysis has revealed two shared acoustic features between morphologically marked conditional sentences and those conditional sentences which do not contain any conditional morphemes. These features are (1) an intonation break separating the antecedent from the consequent, and (2) the antecedent consistently ending with a falling pitch.
{"title":"Conditionals in Jóola Eegimaa: A descriptive analysis","authors":"Mamadou Bassene","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107245","url":null,"abstract":"The present study documents and analyzes conditional constructions in Jóola Eegimaa (Eegimaa, henceforth). On the surface, Eegimaa has morphemes which denote conditionality. However, these morphemes, me and éni, do not exclusively mark conditional clauses. They are also found in various other subordinate constructions where they introduce various clauses. The heart of my argument is that in Eegimaa, intonation is the most reliable indicator of conditionality. The data has clearly shown that the morphemes me and éni can be omitted in conditional constructions. The analysis has revealed two shared acoustic features between morphologically marked conditional sentences and those conditional sentences which do not contain any conditional morphemes. These features are (1) an intonation break separating the antecedent from the consequent, and (2) the antecedent consistently ending with a falling pitch.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44263351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107244
Paul Solomiac
L'examen des phrases conditionnelles du dzùùngoo et des différents encodages de l'expression de la condition et de l'irréel révèle dans cet article une grande variété de structures et de sens. L'auteur fait le tour des différents types de constructions associés au morphème du conditionnel, ainsi qu'aux différents types d'encodage à l'expression de la condition.
{"title":"Le conditionnel en Dzuungoo de Somogohiri","authors":"Paul Solomiac","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107244","url":null,"abstract":"L'examen des phrases conditionnelles du dzùùngoo et des différents encodages de l'expression de la condition et de l'irréel révèle dans cet article une grande variété de structures et de sens. L'auteur fait le tour des différents types de constructions associés au morphème du conditionnel, ainsi qu'aux différents types d'encodage à l'expression de la condition.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107243
T. Williamson, Eric D. Larson
This paper describes not only the forms of the limited number of conditional constructions in Gumuz [guk] but also their various functions as found primarily in natural texts collected from a variety of districts within Metekel Zone in northwestern Ethiopia.
{"title":"Form and function of conditional constructions in the Gumuz language of Metekel zone","authors":"T. Williamson, Eric D. Larson","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107243","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes not only the forms of the limited number of conditional constructions in Gumuz [guk] but also their various functions as found primarily in natural texts collected from a variety of districts within Metekel Zone in northwestern Ethiopia.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107247
Gaston Bessala, Francine Moguo
This paper sets out to examine the conditional mood in Ghɔmálá’, a Grassfields Bantu language spoken in the Western Region of Cameroon. This article shows that the elements used to build conditionals can play other roles in the language; they can play the role of focus particle, relativizer and even copula. Two main conditional markers are used in Ghɔmálá’ and are found at clause initial position. Contrary to other languages where the future and present tenses express unreal conditionals and past tenses express reality conditionals, Ghɔmálá’ uses past tenses for unreality conditionals and present and future tenses for reality conditionals. Conditionals in Ghɔmálá’ have many pragmatic uses and their use must be judicious due to the numerous functions they assume.
{"title":"The conditional mood in Ghomálaʼ","authors":"Gaston Bessala, Francine Moguo","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107247","url":null,"abstract":"This paper sets out to examine the conditional mood in Ghɔmálá’, a Grassfields Bantu language spoken in the Western Region of Cameroon. This article shows that the elements used to build conditionals can play other roles in the language; they can play the role of focus particle, relativizer and even copula. Two main conditional markers are used in Ghɔmálá’ and are found at clause initial position. Contrary to other languages where the future and present tenses express unreal conditionals and past tenses express reality conditionals, Ghɔmálá’ uses past tenses for unreality conditionals and present and future tenses for reality conditionals. Conditionals in Ghɔmálá’ have many pragmatic uses and their use must be judicious due to the numerous functions they assume.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107248
Mohamed Mwamzandi
In this paper I analyze Swahili conditional constructions via corpus analysis. Previous works on Swahili conditional markers categorize ki as a high possibility marker and ikiwa as a low possibility marker. In this corpus based study, I show that Swahili conditional markers cannot be imbued with specific pragmatic implicatures. Further, I extend the analysis to include the relationship between the protasis and apodosis and how this relationship impacts the choice of Swahili conditional markers. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of the results indicate that both ki and ikiwa may be used in conditionals with a high as well as neutral possibility of realization. However, the conditional conjunction ikiwa significantly differs from the ki conditional morpheme in the analysis based on the relationship between the protasis and apodosis. While ki is more frequently used in content and speech act conditionals, ikiwa is more frequently used in epistemic conditionals. The study is also extended to include the Swahili subjunctive morphemes nge, used in conditionals with a low possibility of realization (hypotheticals) as well as counterfactuals, and ngeli/ngali, predominantly used in counterfactuals.
{"title":"A corpus study of Swahili conditionals","authors":"Mohamed Mwamzandi","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107248","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I analyze Swahili conditional constructions via corpus analysis. Previous works on Swahili conditional markers categorize ki as a high possibility marker and ikiwa as a low possibility marker. In this corpus based study, I show that Swahili conditional markers cannot be imbued with specific pragmatic implicatures. Further, I extend the analysis to include the relationship between the protasis and apodosis and how this relationship impacts the choice of Swahili conditional markers. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of the results indicate that both ki and ikiwa may be used in conditionals with a high as well as neutral possibility of realization. However, the conditional conjunction ikiwa significantly differs from the ki conditional morpheme in the analysis based on the relationship between the protasis and apodosis. While ki is more frequently used in content and speech act conditionals, ikiwa is more frequently used in epistemic conditionals. The study is also extended to include the Swahili subjunctive morphemes nge, used in conditionals with a low possibility of realization (hypotheticals) as well as counterfactuals, and ngeli/ngali, predominantly used in counterfactuals.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v46i1.107249
D. Ngonyani
Ndendeule, a Bantu language spoken in southern Tanzania, has six conditional constructions identified by conditional markers. Construction I is marked by the subordinating conjunction anda ‘if,’ while Construction II is characterized by the conditional prefix nga- which appears on both the protasis and apodosis. The dependent -aka- in the if-clause marks Construction III. Construction IV is a negative conditional where the negative is marked in the subordinated clause. Construction V is identified as a directive conditional in which the protasis is either imperative or subjunctive and the main clause is subjunctive. Construction VI is a concessive conditional characterized by biclausal subjunctive protasis. It is argued that reality or unreality is expressed by the choice of the conditional marker on the protasis. Conditional markers express the speaker’s assumption about whether is factual or counterfactual. Constructions marked by anda ‘if’ and the dependent prefix -aka-, and the negative conditional express factual and probable conditions, while the use of nga- expresses counterfactual conditions. Tense, aspect and mood markers do not contribute to the conditional interpretation. They relate the protasis the time and completion of the event. Semantically, Ndendeule conditionals appear on Taylor’s (1997) gradient on three points, namely, factual, hypothetical and counterfactual.
{"title":"Conditionals in Ndendeule","authors":"D. Ngonyani","doi":"10.32473/sal.v46i1.107249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v46i1.107249","url":null,"abstract":"Ndendeule, a Bantu language spoken in southern Tanzania, has six conditional constructions identified by conditional markers. Construction I is marked by the subordinating conjunction anda ‘if,’ while Construction II is characterized by the conditional prefix nga- which appears on both the protasis and apodosis. The dependent -aka- in the if-clause marks Construction III. Construction IV is a negative conditional where the negative is marked in the subordinated clause. Construction V is identified as a directive conditional in which the protasis is either imperative or subjunctive and the main clause is subjunctive. Construction VI is a concessive conditional characterized by biclausal subjunctive protasis. It is argued that reality or unreality is expressed by the choice of the conditional marker on the protasis. Conditional markers express the speaker’s assumption about whether is factual or counterfactual. Constructions marked by anda ‘if’ and the dependent prefix -aka-, and the negative conditional express factual and probable conditions, while the use of nga- expresses counterfactual conditions. Tense, aspect and mood markers do not contribute to the conditional interpretation. They relate the protasis the time and completion of the event. Semantically, Ndendeule conditionals appear on Taylor’s (1997) gradient on three points, namely, factual, hypothetical and counterfactual.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.32473/sal.v45i1.107253
Didier Demolin
This paper shows that differences in timing and coordination of articulatory gestures in Kinyarwanda’s complex consonants trigger the emergence of epiphenomenal clicks. Acoustic and aerodynamic data show that click bursts of weak intensity appear in sequences of front (bilabial or alveolar) and velar nasals. The possible consequences of this phenomenon for sound change are briefly discussed. The emergence of short vocoids due a different timing of articulatory gestures allows discussing the status of syllabic constituents in complex nasal consonants. Keyword: Kinyarwanda, clicks, phonetics, vocoids, articulatory gestures
{"title":"Clicks, stop bursts, vocoids and the timing of articulatory gestures in Kinyarwanda","authors":"Didier Demolin","doi":"10.32473/sal.v45i1.107253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v45i1.107253","url":null,"abstract":"This paper shows that differences in timing and coordination of articulatory gestures in Kinyarwanda’s complex consonants trigger the emergence of epiphenomenal clicks. Acoustic and aerodynamic data show that click bursts of weak intensity appear in sequences of front (bilabial or alveolar) and velar nasals. The possible consequences of this phenomenon for sound change are briefly discussed. The emergence of short vocoids due a different timing of articulatory gestures allows discussing the status of syllabic constituents in complex nasal consonants. Keyword: Kinyarwanda, clicks, phonetics, vocoids, articulatory gestures","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69689920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.32473/sal.v45i1.107256
R. K. Asante, Qiuwu Ma
This paper provides a systematic descriptive account of relative clause constructions (RCCs) of Nkami, an endangered Ghanaian language, based on synchronic data. It addresses issues that are of general interest in relativization, typology, syntax and grammaticalization. Among other things, it is observed that in Nkami’s RCCs both the head noun and its referent within the relative clause (RC) are explicitly stated, save when the referent is inanimate in non-subject function. Thus, Nkami is among the very few languages that employ the pronoun retention strategy to obligatorily state relativized NPs in subject position within RCs. It also departs from the norm of some Kwa linguists by recognizing a marker, which is similar in distribution and function to what is so-called ‘Clause (final) Determiner (CD)’, as a Relative Marker (cf. Lefebvre 1993, Saah 2010). Hence, Nkami’s RCC is couched as one that employs a ‘bracket strategy’, where two enclosing relative makers are simultaneously placed at the ends of the RC (cf. Kuteva and Comrie 2005). Moreover, unlike most Kwa languages, the head noun is never flanked by a definite determiner. Lastly, we suggest that both relativizers evolved from demonstratives.
{"title":"Relative clause constructions in Nkami","authors":"R. K. Asante, Qiuwu Ma","doi":"10.32473/sal.v45i1.107256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v45i1.107256","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides a systematic descriptive account of relative clause constructions (RCCs) of Nkami, an endangered Ghanaian language, based on synchronic data. It addresses issues that are of general interest in relativization, typology, syntax and grammaticalization. Among other things, it is observed that in Nkami’s RCCs both the head noun and its referent within the relative clause (RC) are explicitly stated, save when the referent is inanimate in non-subject function. Thus, Nkami is among the very few languages that employ the pronoun retention strategy to obligatorily state relativized NPs in subject position within RCs. It also departs from the norm of some Kwa linguists by recognizing a marker, which is similar in distribution and function to what is so-called ‘Clause (final) Determiner (CD)’, as a Relative Marker (cf. Lefebvre 1993, Saah 2010). Hence, Nkami’s RCC is couched as one that employs a ‘bracket strategy’, where two enclosing relative makers are simultaneously placed at the ends of the RC (cf. Kuteva and Comrie 2005). Moreover, unlike most Kwa languages, the head noun is never flanked by a definite determiner. Lastly, we suggest that both relativizers evolved from demonstratives.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.32473/sal.v45i1.107252
Angelika Jakobi, .. El-Guzuuli
Case markers are usually associated with nouns or noun phrases but, as shown in Aikhenvald’s (2008) cross-linguistic study on “versatile cases”, case markers are also used as clause-linkers in a wide range of genetically diverse languages. However, African languages are not found in Aikhenvald’s sample. Our paper shows that in some subgroups of Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic case markers are, in fact, attested on subordinate clauses. Focusing on Andaandi, a Nubian language classified as a member of the Eastern Sudanic subgroup of Nilo-Saharan, we first present an outline of the system of grammatical relations and an overview over the use of core and peripheral case markers on noun phrases. This overview serves as a background for our study of case markers. While the Accusative case marker is employed as subordinator of object complement clauses, various peripheral case markers are used as subordinators of adverbial clauses. The different morphosyntactic contexts in which the case markers occur, i.e. on noun phrases and on verbs of subordinate clauses, determine their functional change and heterosemy.
{"title":"Heterosemy of case markers and clause-linkers in Andaandi (Nile Nubian)","authors":"Angelika Jakobi, .. El-Guzuuli","doi":"10.32473/sal.v45i1.107252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v45i1.107252","url":null,"abstract":"Case markers are usually associated with nouns or noun phrases but, as shown in Aikhenvald’s (2008) cross-linguistic study on “versatile cases”, case markers are also used as clause-linkers in a wide range of genetically diverse languages. However, African languages are not found in Aikhenvald’s sample. Our paper shows that in some subgroups of Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic case markers are, in fact, attested on subordinate clauses. Focusing on Andaandi, a Nubian language classified as a member of the Eastern Sudanic subgroup of Nilo-Saharan, we first present an outline of the system of grammatical relations and an overview over the use of core and peripheral case markers on noun phrases. This overview serves as a background for our study of case markers. While the Accusative case marker is employed as subordinator of object complement clauses, various peripheral case markers are used as subordinators of adverbial clauses. The different morphosyntactic contexts in which the case markers occur, i.e. on noun phrases and on verbs of subordinate clauses, determine their functional change and heterosemy.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-04-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v45i1.107251
Lameen Souag, Marijn van Putten
Recent documentation has established that the Siwi language of western Egypt, unlike most other Berber languages, has two phonemic mid vowels appearing not only in Arabic loanwords but also in inherited vocabulary: /e/ and /o/. This article examines their origin. Proto-Berber originally had a single mid vowel *e, which appears to have been retained in Siwi only before word-final /n/. In all other environments the contrast between *i and *e has been neutralized, although word-finally this contrast seems to have survived into the 19th century. Instances of /e/ in other environments are phonetically conditioned, deriving variously from *i, *ăy, or *ă in appropriate contexts. The few attestations of /o/ are irregular, but occur in environments paralleling those in which /e/ is attested synchronically. Modern Siwi mid vowels are thus mostly secondary developments; except in final /-en/, they provide no direct evidence for the reconstruction of mid vowels in earlier intermediate stages of Berber.
{"title":"The origin of mid vowels in Siwi","authors":"Lameen Souag, Marijn van Putten","doi":"10.32473/sal.v45i1.107251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v45i1.107251","url":null,"abstract":"Recent documentation has established that the Siwi language of western Egypt, unlike most other Berber languages, has two phonemic mid vowels appearing not only in Arabic loanwords but also in inherited vocabulary: /e/ and /o/. This article examines their origin. Proto-Berber originally had a single mid vowel *e, which appears to have been retained in Siwi only before word-final /n/. In all other environments the contrast between *i and *e has been neutralized, although word-finally this contrast seems to have survived into the 19th century. Instances of /e/ in other environments are phonetically conditioned, deriving variously from *i, *ăy, or *ă in appropriate contexts. The few attestations of /o/ are irregular, but occur in environments paralleling those in which /e/ is attested synchronically. Modern Siwi mid vowels are thus mostly secondary developments; except in final /-en/, they provide no direct evidence for the reconstruction of mid vowels in earlier intermediate stages of Berber.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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