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On becoming a teen mom: life before pregnancy 成为少女妈妈:怀孕前的生活
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1057110
H. Sipsma
On Becoming a Teen Mom: Life Before Pregnancy, by Mary Patrice Erdmans and Timothy Black, is a much-needed examination of the lives of teenage mothers. Too often the dialogue surrounding teen mothe...
玛丽·帕特里斯·厄德曼斯和蒂莫西·布莱克的《成为少女妈妈:怀孕前的生活》是对少女妈妈生活的一次急需的审视。围绕青少年母亲的对话太多了……
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引用次数: 0
Measuring poverty and inequality in northern Canada 衡量加拿大北部的贫困和不平等
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1089147
A. Daley, P. Burton, S. Phipps
We provide the first direct comparisons of poverty and inequality in the North (i.e. Yukon, Northwest Territories, Nunavut) with elsewhere in Canada. We do so by first constructing a northern equivalence scale. Based on an Engel methodology, we estimate the extra income needed by families in the North to devote the same share to necessities as those in southern Canada. Using econometric techniques and public use microdata from the Survey of Household Spending, we find that cost of living is 1.46 times higher in the North. We use this scale to adjust the incomes of northern residents so that purchasing power is, for the purposes of our model, equal to that in the South. We subsequently measure poverty and inequality in northern versus southern Canada over the period 1997–2009. Our findings indicate that incidence of poverty is much higher in the North. For example, 31.1% of northern families with children are poor, compared with 9.9% in the South. Moreover, while approximately 10% of the southern population is represented in each income decile, 31.1% of northern families with children are in the bottom 10%. Only 3% have incomes that would place them among the richest 10% of Canadians.
我们提供了北部(即育空地区,西北地区,努纳武特)与加拿大其他地方的贫困和不平等的第一次直接比较。为此,我们首先构建一个北方等效尺度。根据恩格尔方法,我们估计了加拿大北部家庭在生活必需品上所占的份额与加拿大南部家庭相同所需的额外收入。使用计量经济学技术和来自家庭支出调查的公共使用微观数据,我们发现北方的生活成本高出1.46倍。我们用这个比例来调整北方居民的收入,使其购买力在我们的模型中与南方相等。随后,我们测量了1997年至2009年期间加拿大北部与南部的贫困和不平等。我们的研究结果表明,北方的贫困发生率要高得多。例如,北方有孩子的家庭中有31.1%是贫困家庭,而南方只有9.9%。此外,南方大约有10%的人口处于收入水平的10%,而北方有孩子的家庭中有31.1%处于收入水平最低的10%。只有3%的人的收入达到加拿大最富有的10%。
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引用次数: 14
Effects of a summer emergent literacy intervention for rising kindergarteners 初中生夏季紧急读写干预的效果
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1074167
Sara C. McDaniel, C. Carter, R. McLeod, C. Robinson
This study examined the effectiveness of a nine-week summer emergent literacy program implemented in a Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) summer program that serves families from low socioeconomic backgrounds. Participants were four- and five-year-old children attending a YMCA summer camp. After being placed in appropriate respective skill-level groups, children received one-hour, daily emergent literacy instruction from their camp counselors, who were trained as novice reading teachers. The teachers used emergent literacy activities to support letter-naming fluency and growth in letter-sound correspondence recognition in addition to mastery of read-aloud texts. The 28 participants experienced positive growth on both dependent measures (letter-naming fluency and letter-sound fluency), indicating the efficiency of the intervention as a tool for improving school readiness for children from low-income families. Additionally, the results suggest that beginning reading teachers may be able to conduct effective emergent literacy instruction, making the intervention replicable. Limitations and associated future research directions are discussed.
本研究考察了在基督教青年协会(YMCA)暑期项目中实施的为期九周的紧急识字计划的有效性,该计划为来自低社会经济背景的家庭提供服务。参与者是参加基督教青年会夏令营的四五岁的孩子。在被分配到相应的技能水平小组后,孩子们每天从营地辅导员那里接受一小时的紧急识字指导,这些辅导员被训练成新手阅读教师。除了掌握朗读文本外,教师还使用紧急识字活动来支持字母命名的流畅性和字母-声音对应识别的增长。28名参与者在两项依赖指标(字母命名流畅性和字母发音流畅性)上都经历了积极的增长,表明干预作为提高低收入家庭儿童入学准备的工具的效率。此外,研究结果表明,初学阅读教师可能能够进行有效的应急读写教学,使干预可复制。讨论了局限性和未来的研究方向。
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引用次数: 4
The relationship between motherhood and re-incarceration 母性和再次入狱之间的关系
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1092950
Haeil Jung, R. Lalonde
Using matched administrative records from the Illinois Department of Corrections and the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services, this paper finds that mothers' rates of re-incarceration are higher than those of women without children. It is also found that incarcerated mothers whose children have been in foster care have a higher re-incarceration rate than do women without children. The re-incarceration rate is particularly higher among mothers whose children were placed in foster care at the time of their first incarceration and mothers who had children in foster care but lost their custody before their first incarceration. These findings are more pronounced among white women with records of drug-related offenses or drug addiction than among their African-American counterparts.
根据伊利诺斯州惩教局和伊利诺斯州儿童和家庭服务部的行政记录,本文发现母亲的再监禁率高于没有孩子的妇女。研究还发现,孩子被寄养的被监禁母亲的再监禁率高于没有孩子的母亲。在孩子第一次入狱时被寄养的母亲和孩子被寄养但在第一次入狱前失去监护权的母亲中,再监禁率尤其高。这些发现在有毒品相关犯罪或毒瘾记录的白人女性中比在非裔美国女性中更为明显。
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引用次数: 1
Increasing parental involvement of English Language Learner families: What the research says 增加英语学习者家庭的父母参与:研究表明
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1058243
Beth Tarasawa, J. Waggoner
The nearly 10 million English Language Learners (ELLs) represent the fastest-growing segment of the US's public school student population. While research continually finds that ELL parents, generally speaking, place a high value on their children's education, many immigrant, refugee, and ELL parents experience their relationships with their children's schools very differently from mainstream English-speaking families. Schools often struggle to meet the unique instructional and linguistic needs of these students, and communities with large ELL populations face the additional challenge of communicating with parents, who may have limited fluency in English and comparatively low levels of literacy in their native languages [Arias, M. B., and M. Morillo-Campbell. 2008. Promoting ELL Parental Involvement: Challenges in Contested Times. Education Policy Research Unit. http://epsl.asu.edu/epru/documents/EPSL-0801-250-EPRU.pdf.]. Additionally, immigrant and ELL parents may have had negative experiences with educational institutions or less exposure to formal schooling. Thus, for schools to increase parental involvement most effectively, both traditional and nontraditional approaches to family engagement must be implemented within practices that are culturally and linguistically appropriate. This article provides an overview of the barriers that limit ELL parental involvement, recommends strategies that promote family engagement, and concludes with a case study of one public school district's successful outreach efforts.
近1000万英语学习者是美国公立学校学生人数中增长最快的一部分。虽然研究不断发现,一般来说,英语母语的父母非常重视孩子的教育,但许多移民、难民和英语母语的父母与主流英语家庭的关系非常不同。学校经常努力满足这些学生独特的教学和语言需求,而拥有大量ELL人口的社区面临着与父母沟通的额外挑战,他们可能英语流利程度有限,母语读写水平相对较低[Arias, M. B.和M. Morillo-Campbell]。2008. 促进ELL家长参与:竞争时代的挑战。教育政策研究小组。http://epsl.asu.edu/epru/documents/epsl - 0801 - 250 - epru.pdf。]。此外,移民和ELL父母可能在教育机构有过负面经历,或者接受正规学校教育的机会较少。因此,学校要想最有效地增加家长的参与,传统和非传统的家庭参与方法都必须在文化和语言上适当的实践中实施。本文概述了限制ELL家长参与的障碍,推荐了促进家庭参与的策略,并以一个公立学区成功推广工作的案例研究作为结论。
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引用次数: 22
Failing our fathers: confronting the crisis of economically vulnerable nonresident fathers 让我们的父亲失望:面对经济上脆弱的非居民父亲的危机
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1070812
Damian M. Waters
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引用次数: 0
Addressing racial disproportionality and disparities in human services 解决人类服务中的种族不成比例和不平等问题
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1057109
Monique Constance-Huggins
authors argue for policy changes aimed at promoting men’s economic stability, including those that would ensure that child support orders do not imperil fathers’ financial solvency, and those that would make nonresident fathers eligible to receive tax credits for child support contributions. Whereas the authors acknowledge the benefits that children receive from child support payments, fathers’ financial contributions often do not directly benefit children whose parents receive public assistance on their behalf. Most states limit the amount of child support that is passed to children receiving public aid, instead using child support funds to reimburse the state’s outlays for that child. The book might have been strengthened by an analysis of the implications of such state policies for economically vulnerable families. On balance, Failing Our Fathers offers a succinct overview of the challenges facing economically vulnerable fathers. This book would be especially useful for scholars, policy-makers, and others aiming to gain an understanding of recent research on nonresidential fathers. The research and analyses presented here offer a solid starting point for dialogue about policy changes that would better support vulnerable fathers and their families.
作者主张改变政策,以促进男性的经济稳定,包括确保子女抚养令不会危及父亲的财务偿付能力,以及使非居民父亲有资格获得子女抚养费的税收抵免。虽然作者承认孩子们从子女抚养费中得到了好处,但父亲的经济贡献通常不会直接使父母代表他们接受公共援助的孩子受益。大多数州都限制拨给接受公共援助的儿童的抚养费数额,而是用儿童抚养费来偿还国家对该儿童的支出。如果对这些国家政策对经济上脆弱的家庭的影响进行分析,这本书可能会得到加强。总而言之,《失败的父亲》一书简明扼要地概述了经济上脆弱的父亲们所面临的挑战。这本书将特别有用的学者,政策制定者,和其他人的目的是获得最近的研究对非居住的父亲的理解。这里提出的研究和分析为有关政策变化的对话提供了一个坚实的起点,这些政策变化将更好地支持弱势父亲及其家庭。
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引用次数: 5
The workfare state: public assistance politics from the New Deal to the New Democrats 工作福利国家:从新政到新民主党的公共援助政治
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1065474
Robin L. Phinney
inequalities. This book represents an important step in destigmatizing teen pregnancy and is a call to action to protect and empower our teenage girls. The authors advocate for public discourse and political action and recommend several policies that have yet to garner widespread, bipartisan support. They acknowledge this uphill battle but unfortunately offer few novel approaches to fighting it. Nonetheless, this book is a must-read for anyone committed to supporting and understanding the plight of teenage mothers, and for those dedicated to empowering teenage girls through structural and systemic change. These stories represent a starting point for dialogues among families, educational systems, healthcare providers, and government leaders. The authors – and I – hope that this exploration of the lives of teenage mothers will help shift the blame away from individual behavior and improve lives through engaging families, workplaces, schools, and communities.
不平等。这本书代表了重要的一步去污名青少年怀孕,并呼吁采取行动保护和赋予我们的少女权力。作者提倡公共话语和政治行动,并建议了几项尚未获得广泛的两党支持的政策。他们承认这是一场艰苦的战斗,但不幸的是,他们没有提出什么新颖的方法来对抗它。尽管如此,对于任何致力于支持和理解少女母亲困境的人,以及那些致力于通过结构性和系统性变革赋予少女权力的人来说,这本书都是必读的。这些故事是家庭、教育系统、卫生保健提供者和政府领导人之间对话的起点。作者和我都希望,对青少年母亲生活的探索将有助于转移对个人行为的指责,并通过家庭、工作场所、学校和社区的参与来改善生活。
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引用次数: 10
Beyond civil rights: the Moynihan report and its legacy 超越民权:莫伊尼汉报告及其遗产
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1069262
Mary Phillips
grams in the 1970s eroded political support for welfare while challenging the underlying logic of needs-based assistance. Workfare principles became firmly entrenched in the 1990s with the dismantling of the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (or welfare) program and expansion of the EITC. Bertram shows that at each critical moment of reform, the real political battle lines were drawn between Democrats with opposing conceptions of public assistance, rather than between opposing political parties. While liberal Democrats emphasized a ‘welfarist’ conception of assistance based on need, conservative southern Democrats pushed forth a ‘workfarist’ conception of assistance tied to employment. Though Republicans were at times partners in this effort, the primary architects of workfare were congressional southern Democrats intent on maintaining the existing structure of the low-wage labor market in the South. ‘Workfare was, in short,’ the author argues, ‘a Democratic project’ (244). Bertram’s decision to situate the political story of workfare’s evolution amidst a backdrop of broader regional and national economic conditions adds to the depth of her analysis and extends the relevance of her findings to a broad audience. Drawing out the unique features of the southern economy provides context for understanding conservative Democrats’ opposition to needs-based welfare programs as well as their support for work-oriented reform. Moreover, through her analysis of national economic trends and the changing structure of low-wage labor market, Bertram identifies the broader implications of the workfare state. Specifically, the author argues that a move away from stable and long-term jobs for low-wage workers is ultimately inconsistent with an antipoverty approach that conditions public assistance on work activity. In an economy characterized by contingent and short-term employment, assistance is denied precisely when it is needed most. Rather than offering families a path out of poverty, the workfare state ultimately traps the working poor in the low-wage labor market while failing to provide for those unable to find work. By expertly weaving political and economic stories into one, Bertram uncovers both the causes and consequences of the workfare state – findings that will be of interest to a broad range of scholars of the American welfare state.
20世纪70年代的Grams削弱了对福利的政治支持,同时挑战了基于需求的援助的基本逻辑。20世纪90年代,随着对有受抚养子女家庭的援助(或福利)计划的废除和EITC的扩大,工作福利原则变得根深蒂固。伯特伦指出,在改革的每一个关键时刻,真正的政治战线都是在持反对公共援助观念的民主党人之间划定的,而不是在对立的政党之间。自由民主党人强调基于需求的“福利主义”援助概念,而保守的南方民主党人则提出了与就业挂钩的“工人主义”援助概念。虽然共和党人有时是这项努力的合作伙伴,但工作福利的主要设计者是国会南方民主党人,他们打算维持南方低工资劳动力市场的现有结构。“简而言之,”作者认为,“工作福利是一个民主党的项目”(244页)。伯特伦决定将劳动福利演变的政治故事置于更广泛的地区和国家经济状况的背景下,这增加了她分析的深度,并将她的发现与更广泛的受众相关联。勾勒出南方经济的独特特征,为理解保守派民主党人反对以需求为基础的福利计划以及支持以工作为导向的改革提供了背景。此外,通过她对国家经济趋势和低工资劳动力市场结构变化的分析,伯特伦确定了工作福利状态的更广泛含义。具体来说,作者认为,让低薪工人放弃稳定和长期的工作,最终与将公共援助以工作活动为条件的反贫困方法不一致。在以临时和短期就业为特征的经济中,援助恰恰在最需要的时候被拒绝。而不是为家庭提供一条摆脱贫困的道路,工作福利国家最终将工作贫困人口困在低工资的劳动力市场,而无法为无法找到工作的人提供帮助。通过熟练地将政治和经济故事交织在一起,伯特伦揭示了工作福利国家的原因和后果——这些发现将引起广泛的美国福利国家学者的兴趣。
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引用次数: 18
It's not like I'm poor: how working families make ends meet in a post-welfare world 这并不是说我很穷:在后福利时代,工薪家庭是如何维持生计的
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10796126.2015.1071243
K. Wagner
illuminates the disparities that exist within racial groups. This investigation conveys the important message that not all Asians, for example, have the same experiences. This analysis of within-group differences, the authors suggest, is critical to improving cultural competency/cultural sensitivity among those working with racial minorities. Another of the book’s contributions to the disparity discourse is its cross-system approach to analyzing and addressing racial disparities. The authors acknowledge that the poor outcomes of racial minorities are not restricted to one system, such as education; therefore, their comprehensive analysis takes into account the child welfare, juvenile justice, education, mental health, and healthcare systems. Given the intersection of systems, approaches to bridging social and economic gaps must also be cross-system in nature. This approach is different from that of many other discussions of disparity, which focus their interventions on a single system. Rather than merely describing the problem of racial disproportionality and disparities, the book offers suggestions for improving practice for racial minorities in various systems. The suggestions for future direction are practical and provide a framework for practitioners and policy-makers to mitigate racial disproportionality and disparities in human services. One area of human services that is noticeably absent from the book’s analysis is the public cash-assistance program. It is well established that racial disproportionality and disparity exist in public welfare and that children whose parents receive welfare have poorer outcomes in many areas, such as education and child welfare. The inclusion of this system – a means-tested program – would have further illuminated the role of poverty in shaping outcomes for racial minorities across various systems. Further, it would have provided another point of intervention for improving the outcomes of racial minorities. Overall, Addressing Racial Disproportionality and Disparities in Human Services makes a strong contribution to the literature on this topic. An awareness of the disparities within social services should inspire social workers and policy-makers to improve the conditions of racial minorities. This move to action is a critical step in meeting what the authors call ‘needs of the changing demographics in the United States.’
说明了种族群体内部存在的差异。这项调查传达了一个重要的信息,例如,并不是所有的亚洲人都有同样的经历。作者认为,这种对群体内差异的分析对于提高那些与少数民族打交道的人的文化能力/文化敏感性至关重要。这本书对差异论述的另一个贡献是其分析和解决种族差异的跨系统方法。作者承认,少数种族的不良结果并不局限于一个系统,比如教育;因此,他们的综合分析考虑了儿童福利、少年司法、教育、心理健康和医疗保健系统。鉴于系统的交叉,弥合社会和经济差距的方法也必须是跨系统的。这种方法不同于许多其他关于差距的讨论,这些讨论将干预重点放在单一系统上。这本书不仅描述了种族不成比例和不平等的问题,还提出了在各种制度中改善少数种族实践的建议。对未来方向的建议是实际的,并为从业者和决策者提供了一个框架,以减轻人类服务中的种族不成比例和差异。在这本书的分析中,人类服务的一个明显缺失的领域是公共现金援助计划。众所周知,在公共福利领域存在种族不均衡和不平等现象,父母接受福利的孩子在教育和儿童福利等许多领域的表现都较差。纳入这一制度——一项经济状况调查计划——将进一步阐明贫困在各种制度中塑造少数族裔结果的作用。此外,它将为改善少数种族的结果提供另一个干预点。总体而言,解决人类服务中的种族不成比例和差异对这一主题的文献做出了重大贡献。认识到社会服务内部的差异应能激励社会工作者和决策者改善少数种族的状况。这一行动是满足作者所说的“美国不断变化的人口结构需求”的关键一步。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Children and Poverty
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