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Union Democracy in Today's Labor Movement 当今劳工运动中的工会民主
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x211044903
Steven K. Ashby
Any discussion of union democracy should begin with the obvious: labor unions are the most important vehicle to defend workers’ rights in the world. The world would be a far better place if every worker who wanted to could, without fear, join a labor union. Unions negotiate better wages and benefits than comparable non-union workers receive. Unions bring some element of democracy into an otherwise undemocratic workplace where the boss has unlimited power. A union grievance procedure brings a version of the Bill of Rights’ sixth amendment into the workplace—a worker accused of doing something wrong has due process rights. Unions advocate values in the workplace such as justice, fairness, safety, and respect. Polls show that around half of American workers would join a union if they were free to do so—four and a half times the number who are currently members. Over the past century, unions have fought for every U.S. law benefitting workers. As well, unions are one of the most democratic institutions in the U. S., and unions are among the most interracial organizations in the U.S. Yet American unions are not perfect models of democracy. While all unions have constitutions and by-laws that outline democratic procedures, there is a tremendous range of democracy within the labor movement. The bulk of labor unions are somewhere on a spectrum between completely democratic, member-driven, transparent unions, and bureaucratic, top-down, secretive unions with no member involvement. Democracy is a goal. Democracy is not something a union achieves, congratulates itself, and then forgets about. Democracy, in a country or in a labor union, is not achieved by just passing good laws or rules. No set of rules, no constitution, no by-laws, and no elections guarantee union democracy. Democracy is achieved by the continual struggle to maintain it and to expand it. Democracy is maintained by the people holding elected leaders accountable for their actions.
任何关于工会民主的讨论都应该从一个显而易见的事实开始:工会是世界上捍卫工人权利的最重要的工具。如果每个想加入工会的工人都能毫无畏惧地加入工会,这个世界将会变得更加美好。工会协商的工资和福利比同等的非工会工人得到的要高。工会为老板拥有无限权力的不民主工作场所带来了一些民主元素。工会申诉程序为工作场所带来了《权利法案》第六修正案的一个版本——被指控做错事的工人享有正当程序权利。工会在工作场所倡导公正、公平、安全和尊重等价值观。民意调查显示,如果可以自由加入工会,大约一半的美国工人会加入工会,这是目前会员人数的4.5倍。在过去的一个世纪里,工会为每一项有利于工人的美国法律而斗争。此外,工会是美国最民主的机构之一,也是美国最多元种族的组织之一。然而,美国工会并不是完美的民主典范。虽然所有工会都有规定民主程序的宪法和章程,但在劳工运动中存在着广泛的民主。大多数工会都处于完全民主的、由会员驱动的、透明的工会和官僚主义的、自上而下的、没有会员参与的秘密工会之间。民主是一个目标。民主不是一个联盟取得成就,自我庆祝,然后就忘记的东西。民主,无论是在一个国家还是在一个工会,都不是仅仅通过好的法律或规则就能实现的。没有一套规则,没有宪法,没有章程,没有选举保证工会民主。民主是通过维护和扩大民主的不断斗争实现的。民主是通过人民要求民选领导人对其行为负责来维持的。
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引用次数: 0
Union Activism and the Baseball Hall of Fame Voting Process: Labor-Management Conflict and Media Bias 工会激进主义与棒球名人堂投票过程:劳资冲突与媒体偏见
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-29 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X211049252
Matt Hinkel, P. McHugh
Media bias is well documented in the industrial relations domain. This paper extends this research by exploring whether union participation among former professional baseball players affects the likelihood of moving through two stages of the selection process for the Major League Baseball Hall of Fame (HOF), a selection process controlled by sports media. At the HOF ballot inclusion stage, union activism increased position players’ and pitchers’ likelihoods of inclusion, regardless of time period. Conversely, at the HOF voting stage, position players who were union representatives during labor-management conflict (i.e., strikes and lockouts) received significantly less votes than non-activists, while position players who were representatives during labor-management cooperation received significantly more votes. Union activism did not affect pitchers at this stage. We conclude that union activists can be subject to negative media bias during labor-management conflict that, in turn, negatively affects post-employment outcomes.
媒体的偏见在劳资关系领域有充分的记录。本文通过探索前职业棒球运动员的工会参与是否影响美国职业棒球大联盟名人堂(HOF)选择过程的两个阶段的可能性来扩展该研究,这是一个由体育媒体控制的选择过程。在HOF投票纳入阶段,工会的积极行动增加了位置球员和投手被纳入的可能性,无论何时。相反,在HOF投票阶段,在劳资冲突(即罢工和停工)期间作为工会代表的位置球员获得的选票明显少于非积极分子,而在劳资合作期间作为工会代表的位置球员获得的选票明显多于非积极分子。在这个阶段,工会的激进主义并没有影响到投手。我们得出结论,工会积极分子在劳资冲突期间可能受到负面媒体偏见的影响,这反过来又会对离职后的结果产生负面影响。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: The Memoirs of Wendell W. Young III: A Life in Philadelphia Labor and Politics by Wendell W Young 书评:《温德尔·W·杨回忆录III:费城劳工与政治生活》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-18 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x211054138
James A. Young
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Dying for an iPhone: Apple, Foxconn, and the Lives of China's Workers by Chen, Jenny, Mark Selden and Pun Ngai 书评:为iPhone而死:苹果、富士康和中国工人的生活
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x211051284
J. Young
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: A Pandemic Nurse’s Diary by Nurse T and Timothy Sheard 书评:护士T和蒂莫西·谢尔德的《流行病护士日记》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x211039121
Timothy R. Libretti
Reading A Pandemic Nurse’s Diary, particularly against prevalent media representations of health care workers’ experiences during this pandemic, brought to mind for me the opening words of the sketch by the U.S. radical writer Jesús Colón, “Something to Read,” from his collection A Puerto Rican in New York, in which he describes “a piece of working class literature, a pamphlet, a progressive book or pamphlet” as “precious things.” Authored by a nurse who just goes by Nurse T, along with Timothy Sheard, himself a former nurse, A Pandemic Nurse’s Diary is in fact “something to read.” It provides not only an incisive record of health care workers’ experiences of the pandemic at this moment but also offers a deeper analysis from a worker’s perspective into U.S. class society and how it impacts people’s health and the delivery of health care in the United States. Additionally, what makes this work most “precious,” distinguishing it as working-class literature, is that it addresses workers and the workplace traumas they endure directly, an issue rarely covered in our nation’s literature. As the process of vaccinating the U.S. population against COVID-19 is underway, promising visibility and hope for an end to the pandemic, Nurse T’s diary stresses that while vaccinations may provide some protection from the virus, the pandemic has also exacerbated and drawn into relief longstanding and deeply rooted social ills, often structural in nature, that cannot be cured by any vaccination, no matter how powerful. I found Nurse T’s explanations and analyses of “hospital poverty” one of the most illuminating aspects of the diary. She, of course, highlights that “poor patients— especially Black and Hispanic patients—are way more likely to die from COVID than their White counterparts” because “poverty has given them multiple co-morbidities, like diabetes, hypertension, obesity, and asthma.”While I knew something of these health disparities conditioned by our racist class system, I was less aware of how the capitalist political economy and class system impacted the functioning of hospitals. At one point, one of Nurse T’s colleagues expresses not being bitter, but just tired: “Tired of the shortages and the outdated equipment. Tired of the politicians protesting they can’t afford to raise our reimbursement rates. Tired of the government —city, state, and federal—funneling resources to the gold-plated medical centers in Book Reviews
阅读《大流行病护士日记》,特别是针对媒体对医护人员在这场大流行病期间经历的普遍报道,让我想起了美国激进作家Jesús Colón的小品《读点什么》的开场白,这是他在纽约的合集《波多黎各人》,在书中,他将“一本工人阶级的文学作品、一本小册子、一本进步的书或小册子”描述为“珍贵的东西”。《流行病护士日记》由一位名叫T护士的护士和蒂莫西·希尔德(Timothy Sheard)共同撰写,他本人也是一名前护士。“它不仅深刻地记录了医护人员此刻对疫情的经历,还从工人的角度对美国阶级社会进行了更深入的分析,以及它如何影响人们的健康和美国的医疗服务。此外,这部作品之所以最“珍贵”,将其与工人阶级文学区分开来,是因为它直接讲述了工人和他们所遭受的工作创伤,这是我们国家文学中很少涉及的问题。随着为美国民众接种新冠肺炎疫苗的过程正在进行,有望看到并希望结束这场大流行,T护士的日记强调,虽然接种疫苗可能会提供一些免受病毒感染的保护,但这场大流行也加剧并缓解了长期根深蒂固的社会弊病,通常是结构性的,这是任何疫苗都无法治愈的,无论多么强大。我发现T护士对“医院贫困”的解释和分析是日记中最具启发性的方面之一。当然,她强调,“贫困患者——尤其是黑人和西班牙裔患者——比白人患者更容易死于新冠肺炎”,因为“贫困给他们带来了多种合并症,如糖尿病、高血压、肥胖和哮喘。”,我不太清楚资本主义政治经济和阶级制度如何影响医院的运作。有一次,T护士的一位同事表示并不痛苦,只是厌倦了:“厌倦了短缺和过时的设备。厌倦了政客们抗议他们负担不起提高我们的报销率。厌倦了市、州和联邦政府在书评中向镀金的医疗中心输送资源。”
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Re-Union: How Labor Reforms Can Repair, Revitalize, and Reunite the United States by David Madland 书评:《重新联合:劳工改革如何修复、振兴和重新统一美国》,作者:大卫·马德兰
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X211039123
César F. Rosado Marzán
In the United States, we debate how to rebuild our unions, but most of our discussions focus on improving the enterprise-based system that we have had since 1935. We talk about simplifying the National Labor Relations Board union election process, limiting employer opposition to unions during election campaigns, and extending National Labor Relations Act coverage to independent contractors and domestic workers, among others. But broader-based bargaining is seldom discussed. David Madland’s new book Re-Union: How Bold Labor Reforms Can Repair, Revitalize, and Reunite the United States fills this void of silence in our public debates. Madland’s book helps the reader understand how myopic our policy discussions regarding labor revitalization have been by addressing how many countries around the world, including most European Union countries, have had some form of “extension” practice, be it via law, policy, or autonomous bargaining, where collective bargaining agreements have been spread to whole sectors. Countries might also have wage boards, many times tripartite, to set minimum wages for workers laboring in more precarious sectors of the economy. In this sense, Re-Union opens up our national conversation to experiences from other countries where policymakers and governments have been more successful than the United States in protecting workers and the middle class. Chapter 3 specifically describes the experiences of Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. We learn that these countries have embarked on U.S.-style enterprise bargaining schemes with disastrous effects. The United Kingdom and Australia have also experimented at times with broader-based bargaining, yielding better results. The lessons are clear for the United States: we should also experiment with broader-based bargaining. Madland argues that broader-based bargaining can be instituted in the United States through a combination of various policies. Perhaps the most important policy change would include legislative action for the government to extend collectively bargained contracts to specific sectors of the economy. Another policy change would deputize labor unions to provide services that benefit all workers, for example, “workforce training, co-enforcement, and benefits navigation” (p.122). By providing public goods such as those, American unions would mimic aspects of the so-called “Ghent systems” of Belgium, Denmark, Finland, and Sweden (p.24). Ghent systems provide robust Book Reviews
在美国,我们讨论如何重建我们的工会,但我们的讨论大多集中在改进我们自1935年以来实行的以企业为基础的制度。我们讨论简化国家劳工关系委员会的工会选举程序,限制雇主在竞选期间反对工会,并将《国家劳工关系法》的覆盖范围扩大到独立承包商和家庭佣工等。但更广泛的讨价还价很少被讨论。大卫·马德兰的新书《重新团结:大胆的劳工改革如何修复、振兴和重新团结美国》填补了我们公共辩论中沉默的空白。Madland的书通过阐述世界上有多少国家,包括大多数欧盟国家,都有某种形式的“延伸”实践,无论是通过法律、政策还是自主谈判,集体谈判协议已经扩散到整个行业,帮助读者了解我们关于劳动振兴的政策讨论是多么短视。各国可能还会设立工资委员会(往往是三方委员会),为在更不稳定的经济部门工作的工人设定最低工资。从这个意义上说,《重新联合》开启了我们的全国性对话,借鉴了其他国家的经验,这些国家的政策制定者和政府在保护工人和中产阶级方面比美国更成功。第三章具体描述了加拿大、英国和澳大利亚的经验。我们了解到,这些国家已经开始了美国式的企业谈判方案,造成了灾难性的后果。英国和澳大利亚有时也尝试过更广泛的谈判,结果更好。美国从中得到的教训很清楚:我们也应该尝试更广泛的讨价还价。Madland认为,通过各种政策的结合,可以在美国建立更广泛的讨价还价。也许最重要的政策变化将包括政府采取立法行动,将集体谈判合同扩展到特定的经济部门。另一项政策改变将授权工会提供有益于所有工人的服务,例如“劳动力培训、联合执法和有益于导航”(临122)。通过提供诸如此类的公共产品,美国工会将模仿比利时、丹麦、芬兰和瑞典所谓的“根特制度”(临24)。根特系统提供强大的书评
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引用次数: 0
Gleaning the Fields of Higher Education: Exercises of an Adjunct Self and Instructional Precaritization 搜集高等教育领域:辅助自我与教学不稳定的实践
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X211038692
Stephen T. Sadlier
The use of adjunct faculty in higher education has become a widely discussed labor practice. The voices of adjuncts are largely absent in this inquiry and advocacy, an absence which wrongly suggests adjuncts a lack voice or of agency. In the first part of this piece, I argue that adjuncts should contribute to their field of inquiry to destabilize the notions of contingent instructional workers as mere classroom proctors, in need of others’ advocacy. In the second part, I relate episodes of adjuncts disregarded and embraced on their campuses. Stemming from years of teaching in higher education and adjunct organizing, this piece is written from an adjunct perspective, exploring the disregard and embrace adjuncts encounter in their institutional lives. Following Foucault's exercises of the self as part of a philosophical life, I call the academic productions of adjuncts “gleaning,” an exercise taken on by professors that enacts a philosophical project in the face of de-professionalization and precaritization. This critical and ethical intervention counterbalances managerial practices that dismiss adjunct labor and normalize the process of dismissal. Adjunct gleaning, I conclude, may never transform the two-tiered instructional system, though their cultural and intellectual production will hamper efforts to dismiss adjuncts’ presence and catalog them as agents of precarious survival.
在高等教育中使用兼职教师已经成为一个被广泛讨论的劳动实践。在这种调查和倡导中,辅佐者的声音在很大程度上是缺席的,这种缺席错误地表明辅佐者缺乏声音或能动性。在这篇文章的第一部分,我认为兼职教师应该为他们的研究领域做出贡献,以破坏临时教学工作者仅仅是课堂监考的概念,需要别人的支持。在第二部分中,我讲述了在他们的校园里被忽视和被拥抱的副教授的故事。由于多年在高等教育教学和兼职组织的经历,这篇文章是从兼职的角度来写的,探讨了兼职在他们的机构生活中遇到的漠视和拥抱。继福柯将自我作为哲学生活的一部分的练习之后,我把辅修的学术成果称为“拾掇”,这是教授们在面对去专业化和不稳定化时制定哲学项目的一种练习。这种关键的和道德的干预抵消了解雇辅助劳动力的管理实践,并使解雇过程正常化。我的结论是,辅助教师的收集可能永远不会改变两层教学体系,尽管他们的文化和智力生产将阻碍人们消除辅助教师的存在,并将他们归类为不稳定生存的代理人。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Great American Workforce: A Student’s Guide to Work and the Economy by Garrison Moore and Robert Bowman Garrison Moore和Robert Bowman的书评:《伟大的美国劳动力:工作与经济学生指南》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X211039136
Alicia Massie
insurance schemes typically administered by governments. Finally, the United States could reinstate workers’ boards to negotiate matters such as minimum wages. This was the system in place in the first decade of the Fair Labor Standards Act, before it was diluted in 1947 by the Portal-to-Portal Act amendments pushed by Republican legislators. Without a doubt, the political right and many business leaders will aggressively challenge Madland’s proposals. Madland recognizes that politics matter. He argues that for his plan to be viable, U.S. voters will need to support pro-labor policies, even those who vote Republican. While he thinks there is a chance this could happen, it is difficult to believe that under our present polarized political landscape such coming together has any chance of success—except, perhaps in some cities and states with large majorities of Democratic voters. That said, one should not give up the fight before it starts. Engaging with the ideas of Madland’s book is important for today’s labor movement, progressives, and everyone else thinking about bold and different institutions that can revitalize labor and rebalance the influence of money and power in all aspects of our country.
保险计划通常由政府管理。最后,美国可以恢复工人委员会,就最低工资等问题进行谈判。这是《公平劳动标准法》(Fair Labor Standards Act)第一个十年实施的制度,直到1947年被共和党议员推动的《门户对门户法案》(Portal-to-Portal Act)修正案削弱。毫无疑问,政治右翼和许多商界领袖将积极挑战马德兰的提议。马德兰认识到政治很重要。他认为,要使他的计划可行,美国选民需要支持亲劳工政策,即使是那些投票给共和党的选民。虽然他认为这有可能发生,但很难相信在我们目前两极分化的政治格局下,这样的联合有任何成功的机会——也许在一些民主党选民占多数的城市和州除外。也就是说,人们不应该在战斗开始之前就放弃。对今天的劳工运动、进步人士和其他思考大胆而不同的制度的人来说,参与马德兰的书中的观点是很重要的,这些制度可以振兴劳动力,并重新平衡金钱和权力在我们国家各个方面的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Time Theft in the Los Angeles Retail Sector: The Need for New Labor Standards and a Fair Workweek 洛杉矶零售业的时间盗窃:对新劳动标准和公平工作周的需求
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-16 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X211033664
Preeti Sharma, Lina Stepick, Janna Shadduck-Hernández, Saba Waheed
We argue that employers subject workers to time theft by controlling workers’ time—both on and off the clock. Time theft considers employer control of workers’ time without the promise of pay through unstable scheduling practices as well as beyond their scheduled work hours. We develop a typology of time theft through a discussion of survey and workshop data with retail workers in Los Angeles. We underscore how federal labor law is inadequate to address unstable scheduling and we discuss retail worker organizing and the implications of time theft for labor policy and worker movements.
我们认为,雇主通过控制员工的时间——无论是上班时间还是下班时间——使员工遭受时间盗窃。时间盗窃指的是雇主通过不稳定的日程安排以及超出员工的计划工作时间来控制员工的时间,而不承诺支付工资。我们通过对洛杉矶零售工人的调查和车间数据的讨论,开发了一种时间盗窃的类型学。我们强调联邦劳动法如何不足以解决不稳定的日程安排问题,我们讨论了零售工人的组织以及时间盗窃对劳工政策和工人运动的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Adjuncts Unite! The Struggle to Unionize, Administrative Response, and Building a Bigger Movement 辅助队员团结起来!统一斗争、行政对策与建设更大运动
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x211028660
Christian A. I. Schlaerth
In the last decade, adjuncts have become the dominant faculty type at most colleges and universities, making up to 80 percent of those teaching college courses. Their conditions and struggles have been well documented in terms of their compensation and working conditions. Adjuncts have begun to organize across the nation, while also fighting for a broader movement, most notably through Service Employees International Union’s (SEIU) Faculty Forward Campaign, along with others. However, institutions of higher learning have been fighting back against these efforts in the same manners that for-profit companies have done in the past. This paper demonstrates the conflict as well as providing a framework for something bigger.
在过去的十年里,副教授已经成为大多数学院和大学的主要教师类型,占教授大学课程的80%。从他们的报酬和工作条件来看,他们的状况和斗争都有很好的记录。兼职人员已经开始在全国各地组织起来,同时也在为一场更广泛的运动而战,最引人注目的是通过服务业员工国际联盟(SEIU)的教师前进运动,以及其他人。然而,高等教育机构一直在以营利性公司过去所做的同样方式反击这些努力。本文展示了这种冲突,并为更大的事情提供了一个框架。
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引用次数: 1
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