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Law and religion in the Commonwealth Law and religion in the Commonwealth , edited by Renae Barker, Paul T. Babie, and Neil Foster, Oxford, Hart, 2022, pp., xvi + 334, £85 (hbk), ISBN: 978-1-5099-5014-0 《联邦中的法律与宗教》,由Renae Barker, Paul T. Babie和Neil Foster编辑,牛津,Hart, 2022,第16 + 334页,85英镑(hbk), ISBN: 978-1-5099-5014-0
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268955
Venkat Iyer
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引用次数: 0
How the English language newspapers in India weathered a pandemic 印度的英文报纸是如何度过流行病的
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244274
Soumyadipta Banerjee, Aditya Kumar Shukla
ABSTRACT The Covid-19 pandemic posed a tough challenge for Indian English language newspapers. During the Covid lockdowns in India, the production processes of newspapers were severely disrupted as the editorial, sales and production staff found it difficult to report to offices. Faced with a crisis, newspaper organisations had little choice but to rapidly augment their production systems, processes and employee workflows to ensure the continuity of publication. Even though many employees worked from home, most Indian newspapers survived the pandemic and eventually designed a more effective and efficient production process. This study documents the survival strategies of English language Indian newspapers during the Covid lockdowns in India.
新冠肺炎疫情给印度英语报纸带来了严峻挑战。在印度新冠肺炎疫情封锁期间,报纸的生产过程受到严重影响,编辑、销售和生产人员难以到办公室报到。面对危机,报业机构别无选择,只能迅速扩大其生产系统、流程和员工工作流程,以确保出版的连续性。尽管许多员工在家工作,但大多数印度报纸在疫情中幸存下来,并最终设计出了更有效、更高效的生产流程。本研究记录了印度英语报纸在疫情封锁期间的生存策略。
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引用次数: 0
Dominion over Palm and Pine: a history of Canadian aspirations in the British Caribbean 棕榈和松树上的自治领:加拿大在英属加勒比地区的抱负史
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244295
Stefano Tijerina
The historical analysis of the pursuit of geopolitical power and influence of Western middle powers as well as their contribution to the preservation of white racial dominance is of critical importance in understanding the dynamics of this current era of globalisation that has led to the sharp divide between the global north and south. Paula Hastings’ Dominion over Palm and Pine centres on the case of Canada, as it incrementally challenged the status quo established by Western powers in the English-speaking Caribbean throughout the last quarter of the 19th century and into the 21st century. Her description of the failed aspirations of Canadian ‘unionist’ politicians and business leaders interested in annexing parts of the Caribbean sheds light on this overlooked aspect of Canada’s long-term nation building and economic development goals, an analysis that has been overshadowed by the conventional historical narrative of Canada as a ‘peaceable kingdom’. Hastings argues that the never-ending aspiration of the consolidation of an ‘overseas maritime province’ (p. 217) was, and continues to be, ‘extinguished’ (p. 212) by powerful interests in Canada that remain deeply concerned about issues of racial integration that could result from territorial expansion into the Caribbean. In doing so, her work challenges the U.S. and British-centric narratives of imperialism, thus contributing to a more holistic vision of the social, economic, international, and political history of the Caribbean, while shedding light on the expansionist desires of middle powers
对西方中等强国追求地缘政治权力和影响力的历史分析,以及它们对维护白人种族主导地位的贡献,对于理解当前全球化时代的动态至关重要,全球化时代导致了全球南北之间的尖锐分歧。葆拉·黑斯廷斯(Paula Hastings)的《对棕榈和松树的统治》(Dominion over Palm and Pine)以加拿大为中心,从19世纪最后25年到21世纪,加拿大逐渐挑战西方列强在讲英语的加勒比地区建立的现状。她对加拿大“联合派”政客和商界领袖企图吞并加勒比海部分地区的失败愿望的描述,揭示了加拿大长期国家建设和经济发展目标中被忽视的一个方面,这一分析被加拿大作为“和平王国”的传统历史叙述所掩盖。黑斯廷斯认为,加拿大的强大利益集团对加勒比海地区的领土扩张可能导致的种族融合问题深感担忧,因此加拿大对巩固一个“海外海上省份”(第217页)的永不停息的渴望,已经并将继续被“消灭”(第212页)。在此过程中,她的作品挑战了以美国和英国为中心的帝国主义叙事,从而为加勒比地区的社会、经济、国际和政治历史提供了更全面的视角,同时也揭示了中等大国的扩张主义欲望
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引用次数: 1
New world order in the Indo-Pacific: challenges and prospects for India 印度-太平洋地区的世界新秩序:印度面临的挑战和前景
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244292
Ramnath Reghunadhan
The Indo-Pacific region has been at the centre of competition between different world powers, being the hub of interaction between state and non-state actors from time immemorial. It is a geopolitical area that spans the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, stretching from the west coast of the US to the west coast of India and beyond. It comprises a 24-nation regional framework taking in the tropical waters of the Indian Ocean, the western and central Pacific Ocean, and the seas connecting the two in the general area of Indonesia. The Indo-Pacific region plays an important role in the economic, social and political life of its littoral countries, and the interest of major powers. Since 2011, the term Indo-Pacific has been used increasingly in the global strategic/geopolitical discourse; and, as a framework, the Indo-Pacific is expected to create a connected multipolar region that must be governed by commonly agreed international norms, rules, and practices.
印太地区自古以来就处于不同世界大国之间竞争的中心,是国家和非国家行为者之间互动的中心。这是一个横跨印度洋和太平洋的地缘政治区域,从美国西海岸一直延伸到印度西海岸及其他地区。它包括一个由24个国家组成的区域框架,涵盖印度洋、西太平洋和中太平洋的热带水域,以及在印度尼西亚一般地区连接这两个海域的海域。印太地区在沿岸国家的经济、社会和政治生活以及大国利益中发挥着重要作用。自2011年以来,印太一词在全球战略/地缘政治话语中的使用越来越多;而且,作为一个框架,印太地区有望创建一个相互连接的多极地区,该地区必须由共同商定的国际规范、规则和实践来管理。
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引用次数: 0
Centres of power: my years in the Prime Minister’s Office and Security Council 权力中心:我在首相办公室和安全委员会的岁月
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244294
V. Iyer
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引用次数: 0
‘#SayNoToRohingya’: a critical study on Malaysians’ amplified resentment towards Rohingya refugees on Twitter during the 2020 COVID-19 crisis “#SayNoToRohingya”:一项关于2020年新冠肺炎危机期间马来西亚人在推特上放大对罗兴亚难民不满的批判性研究
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244287
Nadhirah Zainal Rashid, M. Saidin
ABSTRACT This article investigates how resentment among Malaysians towards Rohingya refugees become amplified on social media during the COVID-19 crisis. The focus of this article is the public discourse of Malaysians on Twitter, regarding Rohingya refugee issues. Through a qualitative content analysis of Tweets from Malaysian users during the country’s Movement Control Order, this article argues that the cause of Malaysians’ grievances was due to the citizens’ echo chambering of implicit insecurities. A deeper problem was also rooted in the nation where the distinction between refugees and undocumented migrants does not exist, and the inconsistencies of government policies towards refugees.
本文调查了在2019冠状病毒病危机期间,马来西亚人对罗兴亚难民的怨恨如何在社交媒体上被放大。本文的重点是马来西亚人在Twitter上关于罗兴亚难民问题的公共话语。通过对马来西亚用户在行动控制令期间的推文进行定性内容分析,本文认为马来西亚人不满的原因是公民隐性不安全感的回声室。一个更深层次的问题也植根于这个国家,在这个国家,难民和无证移民之间不存在区别,政府对难民的政策也不一致。
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引用次数: 1
Contesting China in the Maldives: India’s foreign policy challenge 马尔代夫与中国较量:印度外交政策面临挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244286
H. Thakur
ABSTRACT India’s foreign policy in South Asia has recently suffered revisions following increased Chinese presence in the region. Since 2007 the Maldives has also witnessed a tremendous change in its foreign policy from the ‘India First’ to the ‘India Out’ campaign. Islamic fundamentalism is on the rise in the Maldives and is impacting its foreign policy choices. China has shown great interest in the Maldives. While the Maldives has signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with China and recorded enormous Chinese investments in various projects, the Indian ground in the island state has shrunk in the last decade. This article discusses how the Maldives has realised its geostrategic significance in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and how India has succeeded in restoring its traditional clout in Malé after the return of President Ibrahim Solih in 2018. It also discusses the Indian role in the Maldives during the pandemic and the signing of several Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs), maritime security understandings and partnerships with the United States in the Indo-Pacific in view of groupings such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF). Also examined is how the sharing of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision (FOIP) has brightened the scope of India’s relations with the Maldives.
摘要:随着中国在南亚地区的存在增加,印度在南亚的外交政策最近发生了变化。自2007年以来,马尔代夫的外交政策也发生了巨大变化,从“印度优先”运动转变为“印度退出”运动。伊斯兰原教旨主义在马尔代夫兴起,并正在影响其外交政策选择。中国对马尔代夫表现出极大的兴趣。尽管马尔代夫与中国签署了自由贸易协定,并记录了中国在各种项目上的巨额投资,但印度在这个岛国的地盘在过去十年中已经缩小。本文讨论了马尔代夫如何实现其在印度洋地区的地缘战略意义,以及印度如何在2018年易卜拉欣·索利赫总统回国后成功恢复其在马累的传统影响力。它还讨论了印度在疫情期间在马尔代夫的作用,以及鉴于四方安全对话(QUAD)和印太繁荣经济框架(IPEF)等组织,印度与美国在印太签署了几项谅解备忘录、海上安全谅解和伙伴关系。还研究了自由开放的印度-太平洋愿景(FOIP)如何扩大了印度与马尔代夫的关系范围。
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引用次数: 0
Government and judiciary in Pakistan 巴基斯坦的政府和司法部门
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244289
Naazir Mahmood
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引用次数: 0
‘Wandering on a foreign strand!’ - foreign relations and trade policies of Malta and Iceland, 1964-2004 “在异国他乡游荡!”-马耳他和冰岛的外交关系和贸易政策,1964-2004
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244285
Sigfus Jonsson
ABSTRACT The paper compares the foreign relations and trade policies of Iceland and Malta and policy reforms in 1964–2004, and the global economic and political context within which they evolved. In a historical comparative perspective, Malta and Iceland exhibited contrasting political processes and electoral systems, dissimilar economic structures and natural resource abundancies and antipodal locations with different foreign security considerations. Their economic structures, policies and institutions became more akin in the 21st century as a result of their participation in the growing economic and political cooperation of Europe.
本文比较了1964-2004年冰岛和马耳他的对外关系和贸易政策以及政策改革,以及它们演变的全球经济和政治背景。从历史比较的角度来看,马耳他和冰岛表现出截然不同的政治进程和选举制度、不同的经济结构、丰富的自然资源和相对的地理位置以及不同的外交安全考虑。由于参与欧洲日益增长的经济和政治合作,它们的经济结构、政策和制度在21世纪变得更加相似。
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引用次数: 0
The Coronation, the Commonwealth and government integrity 加冕典礼,联邦和政府的完整性
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2244282
Anne Twomey
ABSTRACT The Coronation of King Charles III is not just a British pageant. In his Coronation oath, King Charles will swear to govern the peoples of each Commonwealth Realm, including Australia, according to their laws and customs. Amidst the glitter of the Coronation regalia we find the Sword of Mercy, the Sword of Temporal Justice, the Sceptre with the Cross, which symbolises legal power and justice, and the Sceptre with the Dove, which represents equity and mercy. Fundamental to the ceremony is the notion that executive power must be exercised with justice, mercy, equity and in accordance with the rule of law. In times when governments often act with stark disregard to these fundamental principles, what action can be taken to restore government integrity within Australia and across the Commonwealth?
摘要:英国国王查理三世的加冕典礼不仅仅是一场盛大的庆典。在加冕宣誓中,查尔斯国王将宣誓根据包括澳大利亚在内的每个英联邦国家的法律和习俗治理其人民。在加冕礼的华丽装饰中,我们发现了仁慈之剑、时间正义之剑、象征法律权力和正义的带十字架的权杖,以及代表公平和仁慈的带鸽子的权杖。仪式的基本理念是,行政权力必须以公正、仁慈、公平和法治的方式行使。当政府的行为往往完全无视这些基本原则时,可以采取什么行动来恢复澳大利亚国内和整个英联邦的政府诚信?
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