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‘Cancel’ culture and book publishing “取消”文化和图书出版
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219537
Nigel Biggar
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Undi18, youth empowerment in Malaysia now needs electoral system reform 除了第18年,马来西亚的青年赋权现在需要改革选举制度
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219532
Amir Aziz
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引用次数: 0
Voting behaviour after the collapse of a dominant party regime in Malaysia: ethno-religious backlash or economic grievances? 马来西亚执政党政权垮台后的投票行为:种族-宗教反弹还是经济不满?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219524
Hidekuni Washida
ABSTRACT The rise of an Islamist party (PAS) in the 2022 general election caused concern that a massive shift towards an ethno-religious backlash was under way in Malaysia. This paper argues that this is not necessarily the case. First, the number of PAS’s seats was inflated by malapportionment. More important, analyses of original surveys reveal that PAS benefitted from the last-minute, pro-PN swing of undecided voters, who were mainly motivated by economic concerns. This paper illustrates how economic, distributive, and governance grievances affected voting behaviour and discusses how to balance competing demands after the collapse of a dominant party regime.
伊斯兰党(PAS)在2022年大选中的崛起引起了人们的担忧,即马来西亚正在发生大规模的民族-宗教反弹。本文认为,情况并非如此。首先,伊斯兰党的席位数量因分配不当而膨胀。更重要的是,对原始调查的分析显示,PAS受益于最后一刻支持pn的未决定选民,他们主要是出于对经济的担忧。本文阐述了经济、分配和治理方面的不满如何影响投票行为,并讨论了在执政党政权崩溃后如何平衡竞争需求。
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引用次数: 3
Biafra in the news: the Nigerian Civil War seen from a London news desk 新闻中的比夫拉:从伦敦新闻台看到的尼日利亚内战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219552
M. Mulligan
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引用次数: 0
Haldane: the forgotten statesman who shaped modern Britain 霍尔丹:塑造现代英国的被遗忘的政治家
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219548
Andrew J. Williams
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引用次数: 0
Youth vote shattered old shibboleths in Malaysia’s GE15 青年投票打破了马来西亚GE15的陈词滥调
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219530
Wan Ahmad Kamal
In Malaysia’s 15th General Election (GE15), our young National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) had performed well beyond expectation over the two older coalitions, National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) and Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan, PH), Many analysts had predicted that the incumbent BN would return to power. Even the Royal Malaysian Police’s intelligence unit, the Special Branch, could not accurately predict the undercurrents amongst the youth and the protest votes of the Malay population against both BN and PH. Buoyed by poll numbers and landslides in the state elections of Malacca (November 2021) and Johor (March 2022), BN’s anchor party, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) successfully pressured Ismail Sabri to dissolve Parliament on 10 October 2022But UMNO’s president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi could not have been more wrong. What initially appeared to be a masterstroke quickly turned into his Achilles’ heel. The strongest revolt came from the country’s youth who happened to be the voters’ largest block. The mobilisation of youth since 2018 had continued in 2022. As compared to 2018, the electorate had increased by six million thanks to automatic voter registration and the lowering of voting age from 21 to 18, effective December 2021. What was initially predicted to be a walkover by PH in the Peninsula’s west coast also did not materialise. Meanwhile, in the Malay heartlands, young faces swarmed to PN rallies as the Malays were growingly becoming disillusioned by UMNO’s perceived unbridled hunger for power. As the results poured in, even I was surprised by PN’s overwhelming support from young electorates. I unseated Kelantan’s UMNO chief Ahmad Jazlan Yaakub in his party’s stronghold Machang with a margin of 10,154 votes (15.59% of the total valid votes), fuelled by overwhelming youth support in all 36 polling districts. Other traditional UMNO seats in the Malay belt like Penang’s Kepala Batas and Kedah’s Baling also flipped to PN, leaving UMNO with only 26 seats nationwide. Even PH leader Anwar Ibrahim’s daughter Nurul Izzah failed to keep her family’s impregnable fortress of Permatang Pauh. Nurul Izzah fell alongside Anwar’s old guards such as Abdullah Sani (Kapar) and Saifuddin Nasution (Kulim-Bandar Baru). Analysts call PN’s victory in 74 or one-third of parliamentary seats a ‘green wave’, referring to the colour of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, PAS), PN’s largest component party which won 43 seats on its own. I respectfully disagree.
在马来西亚第15届大选(GE15)中,我们年轻的国民联盟(Perikatan Nasional,PN)的表现远远超出了对国民阵线(Barisan Nasional)和希望联盟(Pakatan Harapan,PH)这两个老联盟的预期。许多分析人士预测,现任国阵将重新掌权。即使是马来西亚皇家警察局的情报部门,特别部门,也无法准确预测年轻人的暗流以及马来民众对国阵和菲律宾的抗议投票。在马六甲(2021年11月)和柔佛(2022年3月)州选举的民调数字和滑坡的推动下,马来民族联合组织(巫统)于2022年10月10日成功向伊斯梅尔·萨布里施压,要求其解散议会,但巫统主席艾哈迈德·扎希德·哈米迪大错特错。起初看似神来之笔的东西很快变成了他的致命弱点。最强烈的反抗来自这个国家的年轻人,他们恰好是选民最大的群体。自2018年以来,青年动员工作在2022年继续进行。与2018年相比,由于自动选民登记和自2021年12月起将投票年龄从21岁降至18岁,选民人数增加了600万。最初预测的PH在半岛西海岸的徒步旅行也没有实现。与此同时,在马来的中心地带,年轻的面孔涌向PN集会,因为马来人对巫统对权力的无限渴望越来越失望。当选举结果纷至沓来时,就连我也对PN在年轻选民中的压倒性支持感到惊讶。我在吉兰丹党的大本营马场以10154票(占有效选票总数的15.59%)的优势击败了吉兰丹的巫统主席艾哈迈德·贾兹兰·亚库布,这得益于所有36个投票区压倒性的青年支持。马来地带的其他传统巫统席位,如槟城的Kepala Batas和吉打的Baling,也转为PN,使巫统在全国只有26个席位。就连人民党领袖安瓦尔·易卜拉欣的女儿努鲁尔·伊扎赫也没能守住她家坚不可摧的堡垒佩马坦堡。Nurul Izzah与安瓦尔的老卫士Abdullah Sani(Kapar饰)和Saifuddin Nasution(Kulim Bandar Baru饰)并肩作战。分析人士称PN在74个或三分之一议会席位中的胜利是“绿色浪潮”,指的是泛马来西亚伊斯兰党(Parti Islam Se Malaysia,PAS)的颜色,该党是PN最大的组成政党,独立赢得43个席位。我谨此表示不同意。
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引用次数: 0
Anti-hopping law saved Malaysia from post-election chaos 反跳票法将马来西亚从选举后的混乱中拯救了出来
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219542
Thomas Fann
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引用次数: 0
Resurgence of regional coalitions in Sarawak and Sabah since the federal elections of 2018 and 2022 自2018年和2022年联邦选举以来,砂拉越和沙巴地区联盟的复兴
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2221913
Arnold Puyok, Hafizan Mohamad Naim
ABSTRACT This article examines the resurgence of regional coalitions in Sarawak and Sabah following the 14th and 15th General Elections, respectively. It shows how federal-level government changes in Malaysia can result in the realignment of regional parties in Sarawak and Sabah, which had significantly shaped Malaysia’s political landscape as BN’s frontline states. The resurgence of the regional coalitions, Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), demonstrates not only the fragmentation of national politics and the rise of regionalism but also the ease with which regional parties dominated by strongmen and aided by patronage can realign, enter and exit coalitions.
摘要本文分别考察了第14届和第15届大选后砂拉越和沙巴地区联盟的复兴。它表明了马来西亚联邦政府的变化如何导致砂拉越和沙巴地区政党的重组,这对马来西亚作为国阵前线州的政治格局产生了重大影响。砂拉越加邦根党(GPS)和沙巴加邦根人民党(GRS)这两个地区联盟的复兴,不仅表明了国家政治的分裂和区域主义的兴起,还表明了由强人主导并得到庇护的地区政党可以轻松地重新结盟、进入和退出联盟。
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引用次数: 1
UMNO in GE15: factionalism and its effects 巫统在GE15:派系斗争及其影响
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219536
M. M. Nadzri, A. Azlan
ABSTRACT The ‘green wave theory’ has haunted the explanation of the rise of the Malay-Muslim coalition – the National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) – in the 15th Malaysian general election held in November 2022. PN mainly consists of two political parties, the Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS) and the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu), a splinter of the former dominant party – the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). Although PN was not able to form a national government after the election, it has more than doubled the number of seats won by PAS and Bersatu in the last election in 2018. Expressing caution over the general belief that the ‘green wave’ reflected entirely the Malays’ positive support to PN, this article offers another side of the story: PN’s gain was UMNO’s further decline due to factionalism and elite break-up, manifested in disengagement, sabotage and party switching among its estranged leaders.
摘要在2022年11月举行的第15届马来西亚大选中,“绿色浪潮理论”一直困扰着马来穆斯林联盟——民族联盟(Perikatan Nasional,PN)的崛起。PN主要由两个政党组成,泛马来西亚伊斯兰党(PAS)和马来西亚统一土著党(Bersatu),后者是前主导党马来民族联合组织(UMNO)的一个分支。尽管PN在选举后未能组建国家政府,但它已经使PAS和Bersatu在2018年上次选举中赢得的席位增加了一倍多。这篇文章对人们普遍认为“绿色浪潮”完全反映了马来人对PN的积极支持表示谨慎,并提供了故事的另一面:PN的收获是巫统由于派系斗争和精英分裂而进一步衰落,表现在其疏远的领导人之间的脱离接触、破坏和政党更迭。
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引用次数: 2
Migrants: the story of us all 移民:我们所有人的故事
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2221144
Rita Payne
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引用次数: 0
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