Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268929
Imranali Panjwani
ABSTRACTIt is now well-documented that there is a global trend of right-wing nationalism that perceives minorities, particularly Muslims, as a threat to state identity. India is a pertinent example of this trend wherein its legislation and policies over the last ten years have led to Muslims in India being marginalised – either through their rights as citizens or in terms of the discrimination and violent attacks they experience at the hands of extremist mobs that believe in the Hindutva ideology. This article will critically explore the scriptural and theological presumptions behind India’s laws and assess whether or not these presumptions are true in light of 49:13 of the Qur’an. These presumptions involve a particular conception of religious identity, theological belief and nationalism. 49:13 is a useful verse in the Qur’an that deals with all of these conceptions and by investigating them, one may be able to cut through right-wing nationalist rhetoric and engage in fruitful and truthful dialogue about what exactly the Qur’an states about constructing a harmonious society that involves a majority and minority population.KEYWORDS: HindutvaIndiaLawMuslimsNationalismQur’an Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. See: Ashby, H (2021, January 15th). Far-right extremism is a global problem, Foreign Policy Magazine. https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/far-right-extremism-global-problem-worldwide-solutions/ and BBC News (2019, November 13th) Europe and right-wing nationalism: A country-by-country guide. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-361300062. For example, ‘Hafeznia believes that the rise of the far-right parties in European countries is based in the anti-immigration attitude towards the non- European (Asians, Africans, Muslims, etc.) migrants, the right-wing parties blame the refugees, especially those from the Islamic countries as a threat to their security, jobs, Christian identity and their European values, (Ahmadi,2017:372) Many scholars have indicated this as the principal figure of far right parties, which is sometimes followed by violent activities against migrants and minorities (Smith,2003:32)’: Nourbakhsh, S N, Ahmadi, S A, Yazdanpanah D, Qiuomars, F R, Abdolreza. (2023). Rise of the Far Right parties in Europe: from Nationalism to Euroscepticism, Geopolitics Quarterly, Volume: 18, No 4, Winter 2023, 47–70 at 56–5. http://journal.iag.ir/article_129481_6e23e152c58ba9f4e04dbf7072dbdcf0.pdf3. See: Ashby, H (2021, January 15th). Far-right extremism is a global problem, Foreign Policy Magazine. https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/far-right-extremism-global-problem-worldwide-solutions/4. See the numerous reports on Islamophobia produced by the Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC) which document interviews and statements from Muslims residing in the UK, US and Europe about their experiences of hate, discrimination and abuse either by government policies or treatment by fellow citize
摘要:现在有充分的证据表明，右翼民族主义在全球范围内出现了一种趋势，这种趋势将少数民族，特别是穆斯林，视为对国家认同的威胁。印度是这一趋势的一个相关例子，过去十年的立法和政策导致印度的穆斯林被边缘化——要么是通过他们作为公民的权利，要么是他们在信奉印度教至上主义意识形态的极端主义暴徒手中遭受的歧视和暴力袭击。本文将批判性地探讨印度法律背后的圣经和神学假设，并根据古兰经49:13评估这些假设是否正确。这些假设涉及宗教认同、神学信仰和民族主义的特定概念。49:13是《古兰经》中很有用的一节经文，它处理了所有这些概念，通过研究它们，人们可以突破右翼民族主义的修辞，进行富有成效的真实对话，探讨《古兰经》到底是如何构建一个包括多数和少数人口的和谐社会的。关键词:印度教、宗教、穆斯林、民族主义、古兰经披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。参见:Ashby, H(2021年1月15日)。极右极端主义是一个全球性问题，《外交政策》杂志。https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/far-right-extremism-global-problem-worldwide-solutions/和BBC新闻(2019年11月13日)欧洲和右翼民族主义:逐国指南。https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world -欧洲- 361300062。例如，Hafeznia认为，欧洲国家极右翼政党的崛起是基于对非欧洲人(亚洲人、非洲人、穆斯林等)移民的反移民态度，右翼政党指责难民，特别是来自伊斯兰国家的难民，对他们的安全、就业、基督徒身份和欧洲价值观构成威胁，(Ahmadi,2017:372)许多学者都将这一点作为极右翼政党的主要人物。有时随之而来的是针对移民和少数民族的暴力活动(Smith,2003:32): Nourbakhsh, S N, Ahmadi, S A, Yazdanpanah D, Qiuomars, F R, Abdolreza。(2023)。《欧洲极右翼政党的崛起:从民族主义到欧洲怀疑主义》，《地缘政治季刊》，第18卷第4期，2023年冬季，47-70页，第56-5页。http://journal.iag.ir/article_129481_6e23e152c58ba9f4e04dbf7072dbdcf0.pdf3。参见:Ashby, H(2021年1月15日)。极右极端主义是一个全球性问题，《外交政策》杂志。https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/far-right-extremism-global-problem-worldwide-solutions/4。请参阅伊斯兰人权委员会(IHRC)制作的大量关于伊斯兰恐惧症的报告，这些报告记录了居住在英国，美国和欧洲的穆斯林关于他们受到政府政策或同胞待遇的仇恨，歧视和虐待的经历和陈述:“报告和书籍”，伊斯兰人权委员会。https://www.ihrc.org.uk/reports/5。参见:Burke, J(2004年11月7日)。这场谋杀粉碎了霍兰德的自由梦想，《卫报》。https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/nov/07/terrorism.religion6。参见:Jasko, Katarzyna, Arie W. Kruglanski, Ahmad Saiful Rijal Bin Hassan和Rohan Gunaratna, 2018。ISIS:它的历史、意识形态和心理”。《当代伊斯兰教与穆斯林生活手册》，编辑。M. Woodward和R. Lukens-Bull。瑞士Cham: b施普林格。https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324279895_ISIS_Its_History_Ideology_and_Psychology7。少数群体权利组织(2021年3月3日)，MRG欢迎联合国关于伊斯兰恐惧症的报告https://minorityrights.org/2021/03/03/hrc46-mrg-hails-un-report-on-islamophobia-29398/8。民主、政府和法律。https://thecommonwealth.org/our-work/democracy-government-and-law9。参见:塔鲁尔，S(2018)《不光彩的帝国:英国对印度做了什么》。企鹅。半岛电视台(2022年12月2日):英国殖民主义如何在40年内杀死1亿印度人https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2022/12/2/how-british-colonial-policy-killed-100-million-indians10。塔鲁尔，第116.11页。如上,117.12。(2023)《世界人口评论- 2023年印度人口》https://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/india-population13。印度宪法(截至2020年9月9日)，序言，22。https://legislative.gov.in/sites/default/files/COI.pdf14。参见:The Spectator(2022年12月24日)印度对基督徒的战争https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/indias-war-on-christians/#:~:text=At%20least%20nine%20states%20have,according%20to%20Indian%20government%20data15。 例如，X先生(寻求庇护者的姓名为保密而匿名)离开印度前往英国的经历:“X先生还坚持认为，作为穆斯林少数民族的一员，他在进入劳动力市场和其他服务的权利方面将面临歧视，他甚至会受到迫害，因为穆斯林在印度的环境变得特别敌对。由于不受管制的移民身份给他带来了不安全感，他出现了一些心理健康问题。国家专家报告于2022年11月14日提交给ITN Solicitors，见:www.diverselegal.com16。参见:英国国家政策和信息说明:宗教少数群体和在册种姓和部落，印度，2021年11月(可查阅)。更新于2022年11月30日。https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/india -国家-政策- - - -信息- notes/country -政策- - - - -注意宗教少数派- -计划-种姓和部落-印度- 11 - 2021 - accessible17。参见:Panjwani, S (ed Panjwani, I)(2023)。东非的科贾什叶派伊什纳教派:他们对一种新的社会宗教身份的追求(1860-1960)觉醒项目和ksimc非洲联合会。参见《2019年公民身份(修订)法》第2条:https://egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2019/214646.pdf19。人权观察(2020年4月9日)
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268933
Sir Ronald Sanders
"Hugh Segal (1950-2023): departure of a Commonwealth champion." The Round Table, 112(5), pp. 553–554 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
休·西格尔(1950-2023):英联邦冠军的离去。The Round Table, 112(5)， pp. 553-554披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268934
Rupakjyoti Borah
"India and France: what’s bringing them closer?." The Round Table, 112(5), pp. 557–558 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
“印度和法国:是什么让它们走得更近?”The Round Table, 112(5)， pp. 557-558披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268936
Graham Kings
"Coronation and Commonwealth: heft and weft." The Round Table, 112(5), pp. 543–544 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
"加冕与联邦:重量与纬线"The Round Table, 112(5)， pp. 543-544披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268926
Farhana Nazir
ABSTRACTFreedom of religion and the application of blasphemy laws remain critical issues in Pakistan. The issues have deep historical roots in British India, where British administrators attempted to preserve peace between and within religious communities but, faced with growing challenges, occasionally misused such laws. This article juxtaposes the Angare case from the 1920s with that of Asia Bibi in the 2020s. It attempts to illustrate that religious minorities in Pakistan remain vulnerable.KEYWORDS: Pakistan penal codeblasphemylawwomenBritish IndiaAsia Bibi Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Sajjad Zaheer and Mahmuduzzafar, the writers of Angare, studied in London and gradually drifted towards socialism (Mahmud, Citation1996, p. 447).2. Muslim reformers such as Sayed Ahmad Khan from Aligarh (1817–1898), Molana Ashraf Ali Thanavi (1864–1943) of Deoband and Mumtaz Ali from Lahore (1860–1935) evolved a critique of a contemporary Muslim religious social life and British colonial rule. See Gail Minault, ‘Women, Legal Reform and Muslim Identity’ edited in Hasan (Citation1998), pp. 139–58. Islam, Communities and the Nation: M3. ‘Zanana’ women’s place, from the Persian word ‘zan’, a woman, and ‘ana’, place. It is the part of the house of native women, entirely separated from that occupied by men (Patel, Citation2002, p. 120; Weitbrecht, Citation1875, p. 94; 94).4. The statement was delivered by Winston Churchill and quoted in Fry (Citation2001), p. 437.5. ‘Pope Pleads for Life of Condemned Pakistani Woman’, BBC News, 17 November 2010, https://bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-117774826. United States Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, International Religious Freedom Report for 2011, available at http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/193145.pdf; M. A. Niazi, ‘Blasphemy Case Shakes the Nation’, published on 3 December 2010: www.pkarticleshub.com; Zahid Husain and Tom Write, ‘Pakistan’s Killers has Revealed Plans’, The Wall Street Journal, 5 January 2011.7. Mumtaz Qadri Charged with Salman Taseer Murder”, BBC News, 14 February 2011 available on http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia.8. The Express Tribune, 18 January 2013.9. For detail see Asia Bibi v. The State (available on www.supremecourt.gov.pk)10. In the book ‘Enfin libre!’ (Finally Free) published in French in January 2020. ‘Finally free’: Asia Bibi breaks silence after Pakistani death row hell’ Issued on: 29/01/2020–21:14 available online https://www.france24.com/11. Muhammad Sayyid Tantawi quoted in Sookhdeo, Freedom to Believe, 13.
在巴基斯坦，宗教自由和亵渎法的适用仍然是关键问题。这些问题在英属印度有着深刻的历史根源，在那里，英国管理者试图维护宗教团体之间和内部的和平，但面对越来越多的挑战，偶尔会滥用这些法律。本文将20世纪20年代的安格尔案与20世纪20年代的阿萨亚·比比案进行对比。它试图说明巴基斯坦的宗教少数群体仍然很脆弱。关键词:巴基斯坦刑法、亵渎法、女性、英属印度、亚洲比比披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。《安格尔》的作者萨贾德·扎希尔和马哈茂德·穆扎法在伦敦学习，并逐渐转向社会主义(马哈茂德，引文1996，第447页)。穆斯林改革者，如阿里加尔的赛义德·艾哈迈德·汗(1817-1898)、德奥班德的莫拉纳·阿什拉夫·阿里·塔纳维(1864-1943)和拉合尔的蒙塔兹·阿里(1860-1935)，对当代穆斯林宗教社会生活和英国殖民统治进行了批判。见盖尔·米诺特，《妇女、法律改革和穆斯林身份认同》，《哈桑》编辑(Citation1998)，第139-58页。伊斯兰教、社区和国家:M3。“Zanana”是女人的地方，来自波斯语“zan”，意思是女人，“ana”是地方。它是当地妇女的房子的一部分，完全与男人占据的房子分开(Patel, Citation2002, p. 120;Weitbrecht, Citation1875，第94页;94)。4。该声明由温斯顿·丘吉尔发表，引自Fry (Citation2001)，第437.5页。“教皇为巴基斯坦受刑妇女求饶”，BBC新闻，2010年11月17日，https://bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-117774826。美国国务院民主、人权和劳工事务局，《2011年国际宗教自由报告》，可在http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/193145.pdf查阅;M. A. Niazi，“亵渎案震撼国家”，2010年12月3日出版:www.pkarticleshub.com;Zahid Husain和Tom Write，“巴基斯坦杀手已透露计划”，华尔街日报，2011年1月5日。Mumtaz Qadri被控谋杀Salman Taseer”，BBC新闻，2011年2月14日，可在http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia.8上找到。论坛快报，2013年1月18日。详情见阿西亚·比比诉国家案(可在www.supremecourt.gov.pk上查阅)。在《Enfin libre!》(最终免费)于2020年1月以法语出版。“终于自由了”:阿萨亚·比比在巴基斯坦死囚室地狱后打破沉默发布:2020-01-29 - 21:14可在线查阅https://www.france24.com/11。穆罕默德·赛义德·坦塔维摘自苏赫迪欧，《信仰的自由》，13年。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268932
Geoffrey Troughton, Philip Fountain
The question of the location of religion in the public sphere is always a matter of the logics, practices, and politics of secularism.While mythologies of a linear secular teleology have been thoroughly critiqued, the ongoing trajectories for both religious and secular politics are contested and emergent. New Zealand provides an important context for examining these dynamics. While New Zealand is frequently referenced as among the most secular nations in the world, with census data tracking a precipitous disaffiliation from Christianity and a concomitant rapid increase in ‘non-religion’, the actual situation is in considerable flux. A crucial dynamic is the combination of an indigenous Māori cultural renaissance and state attempts to recognise the moral imperative of decolonisation which have resulted in new languages of spirituality shaping both law and politics. Diverse religious groups have also occupied prominent spaces in shaping public concern and setting new agendas for national life. This paper traces the emerging contours of this dynamic religious context and the contributions of religion and spirituality in shaping political leadership in Aotearoa New Zealand.
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268950
Renae Barker
"Australia’s high temperature debate about religion." The Round Table, 112(5), pp. 545–546 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
“澳大利亚关于宗教的激烈辩论。”The Round Table, 112(5)， pp. 545-546披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-03DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2268939
Richard Bourne
"Commonwealth and realpolitik." The Round Table, 112(5), pp. 547–548 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
"联邦与现实政治"The Round Table, 112(5)， pp. 547-548披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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