Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219555
T. Barringer
The Colonial World: A History of European Empires 1780s to The Present, by Robert Aldrich and Andreas Stucki, London, Bloomsbury Academic, xii + 536 pp. ISBN(hardback) 9761350092419, (paperback) 9761350092402, (ebook) 9781350092433. Internal Empire: The Rise and Fall of English Imperialism, by Victor Bulmer-Thomas, London, Hurst, 2023, 392 pp. ISBN (hardback) 9781787389342. The Enduring Crown Commonwealth: The Past, Present and Future of the UK-CanadaANZ Alliance and Why It Matters, by Michael J. Smith and Stephen Klimczuk-Massion, Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 2023, xliii + 337 pp. ISBN 9781538170199.
{"title":"Commonwealth bookshelf","authors":"T. Barringer","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219555","url":null,"abstract":"The Colonial World: A History of European Empires 1780s to The Present, by Robert Aldrich and Andreas Stucki, London, Bloomsbury Academic, xii + 536 pp. ISBN(hardback) 9761350092419, (paperback) 9761350092402, (ebook) 9781350092433. Internal Empire: The Rise and Fall of English Imperialism, by Victor Bulmer-Thomas, London, Hurst, 2023, 392 pp. ISBN (hardback) 9781787389342. The Enduring Crown Commonwealth: The Past, Present and Future of the UK-CanadaANZ Alliance and Why It Matters, by Michael J. Smith and Stephen Klimczuk-Massion, Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 2023, xliii + 337 pp. ISBN 9781538170199.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45888954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219523
Chin-Huat Wong
ABSTRACT Malaysia’s 15th general election in November 2022 has produced a hung parliament and the second coalition government led by the multiethnic Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan, PH) party. Self-styled as the ‘Unity Government’, the new government also contains the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) coalition which led the outgoing government, the Sarawak Parties Alliance (GPS), the Sabah People’s Alliance (GRS) and the Heritage Party (Warisan). Holding one-third of federal seats, the predominantly Malay-Muslim National Alliance (Pakatan Nasional, PN) coalition challenges the new government from an ethnic flank position. This article aims to put in context the evolution of coalition politics in Malaysia, as national coalitions proliferate and Borneo politics denationalise, and to revisit issues like consociationalism, party-hopping, policy competition, patronage and identity politics.
{"title":"One, two and now several: the evolution of coalition politics in Malaysia","authors":"Chin-Huat Wong","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219523","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Malaysia’s 15th general election in November 2022 has produced a hung parliament and the second coalition government led by the multiethnic Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan, PH) party. Self-styled as the ‘Unity Government’, the new government also contains the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) coalition which led the outgoing government, the Sarawak Parties Alliance (GPS), the Sabah People’s Alliance (GRS) and the Heritage Party (Warisan). Holding one-third of federal seats, the predominantly Malay-Muslim National Alliance (Pakatan Nasional, PN) coalition challenges the new government from an ethnic flank position. This article aims to put in context the evolution of coalition politics in Malaysia, as national coalitions proliferate and Borneo politics denationalise, and to revisit issues like consociationalism, party-hopping, policy competition, patronage and identity politics.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44102794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219551
P. Cullen
{"title":"Strange and difficult times: notes on a global pandemic","authors":"P. Cullen","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219551","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219551","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48988130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219528
K. Ong
The 15 General Election (GE15) in Malaysia, which took place on the 19 November 2022, resulted in a second peaceful transition of power to a new governing coalition following Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) defeat of Barisan Nasional (BN) for the first time in Malaysia’s electoral history in the 14 General Election held on 9 May 2018. It marks Malaysia’s fulfilment of Huntington’s ‘two-turnover’ rule for a democracy. It also likely signals a transition away from studying Malaysia as a dominant party authoritarian regime to understanding it as a more ‘normal’ consolidating democracy like Taiwan and Mexico post-2000. The more competitive electoral and constantly evolving political landscape in Malaysia is a welcome development for political scientists who study politics in ethnically divided societies, democratic change and electoral reform in authoritarian regimes, and the dynamics of electoral coalitions, just to mention three areas in which Malaysia often finds itself, from a comparative politics perspective. The increase in data points and variations not only provides more room for academic research within Malaysia but also provides opportunities for useful comparisons with other countries that share similar characteristics with Malaysia in several aspects. The emergence of different configurations of coalition competition and cooperation at the state and federal levels can contribute interesting insights into how electoral incentives and political institutions shape and influence governing coalitions. For example, how much is PH willing to concede to BN at the upcoming state elections in terms of seat allocation as a means of stabilising the federal government and perhaps of establishing a longer-term alliance with the BN in future general elections? How willing is Gabungan Party Sarawak (GPS) to work with PH in government at the federal level but accept competition from PH at the state level in future elections? The intra and interparty dynamics within and between coalitions will provide fascinating opportunities to test various political science hypotheses on the behaviour of parties and political coalitions using Malaysia as a test case. Greater political competition has also increased the bargaining power of regional parties especially those in Sarawak and, to a lesser extent, in Sabah. The contribution of GPS in terms of the parliamentary seats it brought to the table post GE15 resulted in the nomination of the first East Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister in the country’s history. With its increase in their bargaining position, parties in Sabah and Sarawak will likely push for greater decentralisation on policy and fiscal matters. They may receive
{"title":"GE15: opening up new vistas for comparative research on Malaysian politics","authors":"K. Ong","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219528","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219528","url":null,"abstract":"The 15 General Election (GE15) in Malaysia, which took place on the 19 November 2022, resulted in a second peaceful transition of power to a new governing coalition following Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) defeat of Barisan Nasional (BN) for the first time in Malaysia’s electoral history in the 14 General Election held on 9 May 2018. It marks Malaysia’s fulfilment of Huntington’s ‘two-turnover’ rule for a democracy. It also likely signals a transition away from studying Malaysia as a dominant party authoritarian regime to understanding it as a more ‘normal’ consolidating democracy like Taiwan and Mexico post-2000. The more competitive electoral and constantly evolving political landscape in Malaysia is a welcome development for political scientists who study politics in ethnically divided societies, democratic change and electoral reform in authoritarian regimes, and the dynamics of electoral coalitions, just to mention three areas in which Malaysia often finds itself, from a comparative politics perspective. The increase in data points and variations not only provides more room for academic research within Malaysia but also provides opportunities for useful comparisons with other countries that share similar characteristics with Malaysia in several aspects. The emergence of different configurations of coalition competition and cooperation at the state and federal levels can contribute interesting insights into how electoral incentives and political institutions shape and influence governing coalitions. For example, how much is PH willing to concede to BN at the upcoming state elections in terms of seat allocation as a means of stabilising the federal government and perhaps of establishing a longer-term alliance with the BN in future general elections? How willing is Gabungan Party Sarawak (GPS) to work with PH in government at the federal level but accept competition from PH at the state level in future elections? The intra and interparty dynamics within and between coalitions will provide fascinating opportunities to test various political science hypotheses on the behaviour of parties and political coalitions using Malaysia as a test case. Greater political competition has also increased the bargaining power of regional parties especially those in Sarawak and, to a lesser extent, in Sabah. The contribution of GPS in terms of the parliamentary seats it brought to the table post GE15 resulted in the nomination of the first East Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister in the country’s history. With its increase in their bargaining position, parties in Sabah and Sarawak will likely push for greater decentralisation on policy and fiscal matters. They may receive","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43701270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2219540
Chang-Xi Wo
While many commentators have focused on the hung parliament outcome produced by Malaysia’s 15th General Election (GE15), the candidate selection process in each political party or coalition did not receive the attention it deserves. If democracy is likened to a market where mainstream parties are the major suppliers, customers (voters) are left with a poor choice if the major suppliers provide only defective goods. Notwithstanding market competition, democracy may be compromised by bad supply. Where descriptive representation is concerned, the goal to achieve 30% women’s representation in Dewan Rakyat was impossible from nomination day onwards, when none of the mainstream political coalitions offered at least 30% female candidates on their slates. The same applies to the representation in terms of ethnicity, age (youth), social classes and other demographic categorisation. Beyond group representation, the process of selecting individual candidates is opaque and arbitrary, often reflecting only the preferences of parties’ or coalitions’ top leadership. Unlike the Conservatives and Labour in the UK, Malaysian parties provide only limited and general information concerning candidate selection in their constitution or governing documents. There are no guidelines or criteria to decide the retention or replacement of incumbents, or the nomination of new candidates, let alone the participation of party members or the general public in candidate selection. Such lacunae lead to the concentration of power in the party leadership and inevitably also to accusations of personal or factional favouritism, as illustrated in the cases of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), People’s Justice Party (Parti Keadilan Rakyat, PKR) and Democratic Action Party (DAP). In UMNO, the list of potential candidates is to be submitted by division-level committees to state-level liaison committees for ‘consideration’ and finally the Supreme Council for ‘confirmation’. However, if the party President opines that the candidates proposed do not meet certain criteria, then this process is subject to ‘renegotiation’, even though the constitution does not explicitly describe what those criteria are. The ambiguity about the extent of President’s powers and the process’s timelines give the President enormous control and influence on the party and allow him to be the de facto sole decision-maker. In practice, according to UMNO Deputy President Mohamad
{"title":"Opaque and arbitrary candidate selection: parties, politicians and democracy under threat","authors":"Chang-Xi Wo","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219540","url":null,"abstract":"While many commentators have focused on the hung parliament outcome produced by Malaysia’s 15th General Election (GE15), the candidate selection process in each political party or coalition did not receive the attention it deserves. If democracy is likened to a market where mainstream parties are the major suppliers, customers (voters) are left with a poor choice if the major suppliers provide only defective goods. Notwithstanding market competition, democracy may be compromised by bad supply. Where descriptive representation is concerned, the goal to achieve 30% women’s representation in Dewan Rakyat was impossible from nomination day onwards, when none of the mainstream political coalitions offered at least 30% female candidates on their slates. The same applies to the representation in terms of ethnicity, age (youth), social classes and other demographic categorisation. Beyond group representation, the process of selecting individual candidates is opaque and arbitrary, often reflecting only the preferences of parties’ or coalitions’ top leadership. Unlike the Conservatives and Labour in the UK, Malaysian parties provide only limited and general information concerning candidate selection in their constitution or governing documents. There are no guidelines or criteria to decide the retention or replacement of incumbents, or the nomination of new candidates, let alone the participation of party members or the general public in candidate selection. Such lacunae lead to the concentration of power in the party leadership and inevitably also to accusations of personal or factional favouritism, as illustrated in the cases of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), People’s Justice Party (Parti Keadilan Rakyat, PKR) and Democratic Action Party (DAP). In UMNO, the list of potential candidates is to be submitted by division-level committees to state-level liaison committees for ‘consideration’ and finally the Supreme Council for ‘confirmation’. However, if the party President opines that the candidates proposed do not meet certain criteria, then this process is subject to ‘renegotiation’, even though the constitution does not explicitly describe what those criteria are. The ambiguity about the extent of President’s powers and the process’s timelines give the President enormous control and influence on the party and allow him to be the de facto sole decision-maker. In practice, according to UMNO Deputy President Mohamad","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46925335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2201056
James Chin
Singapore is widely regarded as a model city-state. On the surface, Singapore’s political system is no different from most western democracies – it has, among other things, the rule of law, a separation of powers between the three organs of state, and a parliamentary democracy. If the British wanted an example of an ex-colony benefiting from colonial rule, they need not look further than Singapore. In fact Singapore is so successful, its per capita income is now higher than that of the United Kingdom. All this was done in one generation, under the country’s first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. In reality, Lee Kuan Yew shaped the political system to be neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian. It has been called a soft authoritarian state, an electoral authoritarian state, a nation of consultative authoritarianism, an illiberal regime, a hybrid regime, etc., but what is clear is that the People’s Action Party did manipulate the electoral system to secure an overwhelming dominance in every election in Singapore since independence. Nevertheless, it is also widely accepted that Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party (PAP) did enjoy genuine support from a majority of Singapore’s polity. There is no dispute that Lee and the PAP did deliver on the economy, making Singapore the only First World country in Southeast Asia with the highest income per-capita. This was done through what most people would call ‘stateled capitalism’. The extensive control over Singapore society by the PAP has allowed the Singaporean government to place a disproportionate emphasis on meritocracy, competence, efficiency and largely anti-labour policies to stop the trade unions from challenging foreign and local capitalists. No real political opposition was allowed to grow to any significant size. The ‘Singapore Model’ places economic growth, political stability and the creation of wealth as its playbook. The commanding heights of the economy were owned and controlled by Government-linked companies (GLC) and Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds. Perhaps the most important element of the Lee Kuan Yew legacy was his succession plans from one generation to the next. It worked remarkably well for the two prime ministers after Lee: Lee Kuan Yew was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in 1990 as prime minister, while Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s eldest son, took over in 2004. Now we are in the middle of the transition to the fourth generation (4G). The candidate for the prime ministership, Lawrence Wong, has been chosen and is widely expected to take over just before or after the next general election. Elections must be held by the middle of 2025, although under the present system, they can be called earlier.
{"title":"Singapore in transition to fourth generation leadership","authors":"James Chin","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2201056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2201056","url":null,"abstract":"Singapore is widely regarded as a model city-state. On the surface, Singapore’s political system is no different from most western democracies – it has, among other things, the rule of law, a separation of powers between the three organs of state, and a parliamentary democracy. If the British wanted an example of an ex-colony benefiting from colonial rule, they need not look further than Singapore. In fact Singapore is so successful, its per capita income is now higher than that of the United Kingdom. All this was done in one generation, under the country’s first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. In reality, Lee Kuan Yew shaped the political system to be neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian. It has been called a soft authoritarian state, an electoral authoritarian state, a nation of consultative authoritarianism, an illiberal regime, a hybrid regime, etc., but what is clear is that the People’s Action Party did manipulate the electoral system to secure an overwhelming dominance in every election in Singapore since independence. Nevertheless, it is also widely accepted that Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party (PAP) did enjoy genuine support from a majority of Singapore’s polity. There is no dispute that Lee and the PAP did deliver on the economy, making Singapore the only First World country in Southeast Asia with the highest income per-capita. This was done through what most people would call ‘stateled capitalism’. The extensive control over Singapore society by the PAP has allowed the Singaporean government to place a disproportionate emphasis on meritocracy, competence, efficiency and largely anti-labour policies to stop the trade unions from challenging foreign and local capitalists. No real political opposition was allowed to grow to any significant size. The ‘Singapore Model’ places economic growth, political stability and the creation of wealth as its playbook. The commanding heights of the economy were owned and controlled by Government-linked companies (GLC) and Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds. Perhaps the most important element of the Lee Kuan Yew legacy was his succession plans from one generation to the next. It worked remarkably well for the two prime ministers after Lee: Lee Kuan Yew was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in 1990 as prime minister, while Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s eldest son, took over in 2004. Now we are in the middle of the transition to the fourth generation (4G). The candidate for the prime ministership, Lawrence Wong, has been chosen and is widely expected to take over just before or after the next general election. Elections must be held by the middle of 2025, although under the present system, they can be called earlier.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41435057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2201073
Bilveer Singh
ABSTRACT The 2020 Singapore General Election stood out on a number of counts, the most important being the decline in national votes for the ruling party, the People’s Action Party, and its historic loss of three wards, one single member seat and two group representation constituencies. Of its 27 new candidates, there were no Indian candidates. This article analyses the representation of Indians in Singapore’s politics, tracing this since the onset of general elections in 1948. Indian political presence in the ruling and opposition political parties will be looked at, and what this means for Singapore’s politics discussed in this article.
{"title":"Indian representation in Singapore’s national politics","authors":"Bilveer Singh","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2201073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2201073","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2020 Singapore General Election stood out on a number of counts, the most important being the decline in national votes for the ruling party, the People’s Action Party, and its historic loss of three wards, one single member seat and two group representation constituencies. Of its 27 new candidates, there were no Indian candidates. This article analyses the representation of Indians in Singapore’s politics, tracing this since the onset of general elections in 1948. Indian political presence in the ruling and opposition political parties will be looked at, and what this means for Singapore’s politics discussed in this article.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46277493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2201058
P. Marshall
{"title":"The coronation of King Charles III: an occasion for worldwide celebration","authors":"P. Marshall","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2201058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2201058","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46303955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2201085
G. Baldacchino
{"title":"Decolonising the Maltese mind: in search of identity","authors":"G. Baldacchino","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2201085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2201085","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46147941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2201072
Terri-Anne Teo, Norman Vasu
ABSTRACT The principle of consent is an essential factor for Gramsci’s conception of ideological hegemony. For Gramsci, there must be consensus between the dominant and subordinated groups for the successful maintenance of ideological hegemony. Of note, consensus for Gramsci is a dynamic and continuous process of readjustment to altering conditions. Hence, an exchange is required between rulers and ruled as norm-making for hegemony, rather than coercion alone or at all. This article argues that the ideological hegemony necessary for continued PAP dominance of politics and governance in Singapore may be fraying as the General Elections of 2020 show how the consensus required between the hegemonic class and polity may be weakening. However, the article concludes by holding that these results while challenging may not herald the end of its hegemony as consensus may be retrieved among the broad electorate by addressing several key issues that arose during the elections.
{"title":"Singapore GE2020: the beginning of a new-old order?","authors":"Terri-Anne Teo, Norman Vasu","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2201072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2201072","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The principle of consent is an essential factor for Gramsci’s conception of ideological hegemony. For Gramsci, there must be consensus between the dominant and subordinated groups for the successful maintenance of ideological hegemony. Of note, consensus for Gramsci is a dynamic and continuous process of readjustment to altering conditions. Hence, an exchange is required between rulers and ruled as norm-making for hegemony, rather than coercion alone or at all. This article argues that the ideological hegemony necessary for continued PAP dominance of politics and governance in Singapore may be fraying as the General Elections of 2020 show how the consensus required between the hegemonic class and polity may be weakening. However, the article concludes by holding that these results while challenging may not herald the end of its hegemony as consensus may be retrieved among the broad electorate by addressing several key issues that arose during the elections.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43511004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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