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India’s quest for security and its neutrality in the Russia–Ukraine war 印度对安全的追求以及在俄乌战争中的中立立场
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2165304
R. Verma
ABSTRACT This article argues that the Modi government in India is reluctant to publicly condemn Russia for invading Ukraine because it believes Russia can play an important role in meeting/enhancing India’s security. India is hugely dependent on Russian arms and Moscow is willing to provide advanced military equipment, transfer technology, and partake in co-production and co-development of weapon systems, which other countries are unwilling to do. Moreover, in India’s strategic calculus, non-condemnation of Russia will strengthen India–Russia bilateral ties and reduce India’s insecurity by preventing Moscow from establishing stronger relations with China and Pakistan, which are threats to India’s national security and territorial integrity and sovereignty.
本文认为,印度莫迪政府不愿公开谴责俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,因为它认为俄罗斯可以在满足/加强印度安全方面发挥重要作用。印度严重依赖俄罗斯的武器,莫斯科愿意提供先进的军事装备,转让技术,参与联合生产和共同开发武器系统,而其他国家不愿意这样做。此外,在印度的战略考量中,不谴责俄罗斯将加强印俄双边关系,并通过阻止莫斯科与中国和巴基斯坦建立更牢固的关系来减少印度的不安全感,这对印度的国家安全和领土完整和主权构成了威胁。
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引用次数: 3
India: navigating the challenges and opportunities of G20 leadership 印度:应对G20领导的挑战和机遇
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2165309
A. Shukla
India is now in charge of the G-20, a group of governments from 20 of the world’s largest economies. The theme of India’s G20 Presidency is Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam , which means ‘The World is One Family’. The phrase comes from the Maha Upanishad , an old Sanskrit text. The main idea of the theme is that all life, including humans, animals, plants, and even microorganisms, has value and is connected on Earth and in the wider universe. It is
印度现在是20国集团(g20)的负责人,该集团由世界上最大的20个经济体的政府组成。印度担任二十国集团轮值主席国的主题是“世界是一家”。这个短语来自《摩诃奥义书》,一部古老的梵文文本。主题的主要思想是,所有的生命,包括人类、动物、植物,甚至微生物,都有价值,在地球上和更广阔的宇宙中都是相互联系的。它是
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引用次数: 0
A bittersweet heritage: slavery, architecture and the British landscape 苦乐参半的遗产:奴隶制、建筑和英国景观
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2166223
J. Mackenzie
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引用次数: 0
Sub-imperial power: Australia in the international arena 次皇权:澳大利亚在国际舞台上
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2166220
D. McDougall
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引用次数: 1
Missing worldview in the economic agenda of Bharatiya Janata Party: what can be learned from Social and Solidarity Economy? 印度人民党经济议程中缺失的世界观:我们可以从社会与团结经济中学到什么?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2165300
A. Laha
ABSTRACT This article presents an overview of the transition of economic agenda of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which has been in power in India since 2014. This economic policy is often criticised for lack of a worldview of economic realities. This article seeks to draw lessons from Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE) in the shaping of a theoretical foundation for the economic agenda of the BJP. It critically analyses how the principles of SSE identify with the ideological currents of the BJP’s economic agenda in relation to the recognition of the third sector, cooperation, governance principles and edifying values.
摘要本文概述了自2014年以来在印度执政的印度人民党(BJP)经济议程的转变。这种经济政策经常被批评为缺乏对经济现实的世界观。本文试图从社会与团结经济(SSE)中汲取教训,为印度人民党的经济议程奠定理论基础。它批判性地分析了苏格兰和南方能源公司的原则如何与印度人民党经济议程中关于承认第三部门、合作、治理原则和启迪价值观的意识形态潮流相一致。
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引用次数: 0
Anwar’s long walk to power: the 2022 Malaysian general elections 安瓦尔漫长的执政之路:2022年马来西亚大选
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2165303
James Chin
ABSTRACT The 15th Malaysian General Elections (GE15), the first since the Covid pandemic lockdown, were supposed to bring back political stability, after three different prime ministers since 2018. The results were inconclusive with no single coalition winning the bare minimum to form a government. The King then asked Anwar Ibrahim to form a new government. The biggest surprise was the rise of Parti Islam Malaysia (PAS), which became the single largest party in Parliament. Another surprise was UMNO supporting Anwar to be prime minister. The role played by the King and the Malay rulers raised questions about the state of constitutional monarchy in Malaysia. PAS’s victory will have a profound impact on Malaysia’s reputation as a moderate Islamic country and will accelerate the trend towards Islamic identity politics.
摘要第15届马来西亚大选(GE15)是自新冠肺炎疫情封锁以来的首次大选,自2018年以来,在三位不同的总理之后,本应恢复政治稳定。结果没有定论,没有一个联盟赢得组建政府的最低票数。国王随后要求安瓦尔·易卜拉欣组建一个新政府。最大的意外是马来西亚伊斯兰党(PAS)的崛起,该党成为议会中最大的单一政党。另一个惊喜是巫统支持安瓦尔出任首相。国王和马来统治者所扮演的角色引发了人们对马来西亚君主立宪制的质疑。PAS的胜利将对马来西亚作为温和伊斯兰国家的声誉产生深远影响,并将加速伊斯兰身份政治的趋势。
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引用次数: 1
Managing ethnic and religious diversity in the United States and Malaysia 管理美国和马来西亚的种族和宗教多样性
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2166743
V. Iyer
Race relations in Malaysia – and the same goes for relations between religious groups – have raised perennial challenges for politicians, community leaders, policy-makers, and even judges. The same can be said, at least when it comes to matters of race, for the United States. Finding solutions to flashpoint issues has become particularly burdensome in recent years given that political polarisation and the rise of fundamentalist attitudes have shown a markedly upward trend in both countries. This book, based on papers presented at an international conference organised under the auspices of the Malaysian Association for American Studies (MAAS), attempts to identify and dissect some of the key factors relevant to an understanding of the problem. The eight substantive papers deal with, respectively: the role of the judiciary in protecting racial and religious minorities; understanding ethnicity in the context of culturally diverse societies; the integration of Asian immigrants in the United States; the management of ethnic and religious diversity in Malaysia; national security and governance implications of ethnic and religious divisions in the American population; the management of peace, inter-ethnic harmony and religious diversity in Malaysia; the promotion of stability and peace in American society; and the impact of globalisation on religious and cultural diversity, with particular emphasis on US-Malaysia co-operation in combating terrorism in Southeast Asia. There is also a useful summing up, by Professor K.S. Nathan, the current President of MAAS and a leading international relations expert in his own right, of the difficult and uncomfortable questions which need to be tackled in this increasingly fraught debate. One of those questions which Nathan does not shy away from raising is: ‘Can religious identity be harmonized with the requirements of being a global citizen?’ (p. 173). By itself, this may not seem to be a particularly controversial or provocative question, but he discusses it in the context of Malaysia where, as he notes, ‘there is a degree of ambivalence’ [p. 173] in the matter. His anxieties are based on certain ground realities:
马来西亚的种族关系——宗教团体之间的关系也是如此——给政治家、社区领袖、决策者甚至法官带来了长期的挑战。至少在种族问题上,美国也是如此。近年来,鉴于政治两极分化和原教旨主义态度的上升在两国都显示出明显的上升趋势,寻找热点问题的解决方案变得尤为繁重。这本书基于在马来西亚美国研究协会(MAAS)主办的一次国际会议上发表的论文,试图确定和剖析与理解这个问题相关的一些关键因素。八份实质性文件分别涉及:司法机构在保护种族和宗教少数群体方面的作用;在文化多样性社会背景下理解种族;亚洲移民在美国的融合;管理马来西亚的种族和宗教多样性;美国人口中种族和宗教分歧对国家安全和治理的影响;管理马来西亚的和平、种族间和谐和宗教多样性;促进美国社会的稳定与和平;全球化对宗教和文化多样性的影响,特别强调美马在东南亚打击恐怖主义方面的合作。MAAS现任主席、著名国际关系专家K.S.Nathan教授也对这场日益紧张的辩论中需要解决的困难和令人不安的问题进行了有益的总结。内森毫不避讳地提出的一个问题是:“宗教身份能否与作为全球公民的要求相协调?”(第173页)。就其本身而言,这似乎不是一个特别有争议或具有挑衅性的问题,但他在马来西亚的背景下讨论了这个问题,正如他所指出的,马来西亚在这个问题上“存在一定程度的矛盾心理”[第173页]。他的焦虑是基于某些基本现实:
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引用次数: 0
Caribbean exceptionalism and the rise of Sino-CARICOM relations in the post-bureaucratic era 加勒比例外论与后官僚时代中加关系的兴起
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2165752
Tavis D. Jules, R. Arnold, Abigail Smith
ABSTRACT This article explores the evolving relationship between China and CARICOM countries. It discusses how China has been using regional soft power to influence educational mobility. It speaks to the tensions inherent in debt diplomacy and educational mobility as economic and political regional integration (Caribbean exceptionalism) is engendered. As China pursues bilateral relations under South-South Cooperation rather than multilateral relations through CARICOM, we argue that China uses soft power through infrastructural loans and scholarships to influence regional educational policy. It concludes by suggesting that a common bilateral China-CARICOM policy of economic and political engagement is preferable for all CARICOM states.
本文探讨了中国与加勒比共同体国家关系的演变。它讨论了中国如何利用区域软实力影响教育流动。它说明随着经济和政治区域一体化(加勒比例外主义)的产生,债务外交和教育流动所固有的紧张关系。由于中国在南南合作下寻求双边关系,而不是通过加勒比共同体建立多边关系,我们认为中国通过基础设施贷款和奖学金利用软实力来影响地区教育政策。报告的结论是,共同的双边中国-加共体经济和政治接触政策对所有加共体国家都是可取的。
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引用次数: 0
China and the danger of local wars: why India should be cautious 中国与局部战争的危险:印度为何要谨慎
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2165306
Rupakjyoti Borah
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引用次数: 0
The Australians at Geneva: internationalist diplomacy in the interwar years 澳大利亚人在日内瓦:两次世界大战期间的国际主义外交
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00358533.2023.2166218
D. McDougall
railways. Perry examines these phenomena in contrasting properties such as Danson Park in Bexleyheath in London and the grandiloquent Harewood in Yorkshire. She also closely examines the slavery connections of Bath and the remarkable relationship with the Wye valley of the estate at Piercefield, Monmouthshire. Another of her ‘tainted landscapes’ as she calls them, is around Penrhyn Castle in North Wales. After these illuminatingly detailed chapters, she moves on to a relatively swift examination of some more ‘remote’ locations in the Lake District and Scotland. A notable characteristic of Perry’s work, as she follows these developments through many English, Welsh and Scottish country estates, is to link them to literary expressions in prose and poetry, to furniture and decorative styles (for example, in the use of the opulent tropical hard wood mahogany in doors and panelling) and even, in passing ways, to cuisine and diet. As an architect herself, she is strongly influenced by the contexts and framing of structures. This all makes for an impressive, highly readable, and beautifully illustrated book. It therefore may seem a little carping to indicate that if this reviewer has any criticism at all, it is that the material on Scotland, for example, is relatively so slight and, for the unwary reader, not always accurate. For example, she seems to give the (perhaps unintended) impression that Port Glasgow is equivalent to the port of Glasgow, two very different locations. The entire area of the remarkable ‘Merchant City’ in Glasgow, to the west of the city’s original medieval heartland (now largely destroyed apart from the cathedral), is every bit as much as Bath almost entirely based on the Atlantic trades. Moreover, her geographical focus is restricted to the west and the fact is that there are equally many examples of slave money that went into buildings, estates and landscapes in eastern Scotland. Some of these are familiar to me. She mentions the amazingly valuable Royal Holloway slavery compensation data base, but it does lie somewhat outside her period. If we carry the story forward, therefore, it becomes obvious that the extraordinary amounts of money that slave owners received from government for the liberation of their slaves was another massive way in which extensive funds were fed into country houses, landscapes and environmental developments. But that perhaps should be the subject of another book.
铁路。佩里在对比鲜明的房产中审视了这些现象,比如伦敦贝克斯利海斯的丹森公园和约克郡浮夸的哈雷伍德。她还仔细研究了巴斯的奴隶制关系,以及与蒙茅斯郡皮尔斯菲尔德庄园怀伊山谷的非凡关系。她称之为“污点景观”的另一处是北威尔士的彭林城堡周围。在这些生动详细的章节之后,她继续相对快速地研究湖区和苏格兰的一些更“偏远”的地方。佩里的作品的一个显著特点是,当她在许多英国、威尔士和苏格兰乡村庄园跟踪这些发展时,将它们与散文和诗歌中的文学表达、家具和装饰风格(例如,在门和镶板中使用华丽的热带硬木桃花心木)联系起来,甚至顺便与美食和饮食联系起来。作为一名建筑师,她深受环境和结构框架的影响。这一切造就了一本令人印象深刻、可读性强、插图精美的书。因此,如果这位评论家有任何批评的话,这似乎有点吹毛求疵,比如说,关于苏格兰的材料相对来说是如此的轻微,对于粗心的读者来说,并不总是准确的。例如,她似乎给人一种(也许是无意的)印象,格拉斯哥港相当于格拉斯哥港,两个截然不同的地方。格拉斯哥著名的“商人城”的整个区域,位于该市最初的中世纪中心地带的西部(现在除了大教堂外,大部分都被摧毁了),几乎完全基于大西洋贸易,与巴斯一样多。此外,她的地理重点仅限于西部,事实上,在苏格兰东部,同样有很多奴隶资金流入建筑、庄园和景观的例子。其中一些我很熟悉。她提到了价值惊人的皇家霍洛威奴隶制赔偿数据库,但它确实有点超出了她的时代。因此,如果我们继续讲述这个故事,很明显,奴隶主从政府获得的用于解放奴隶的巨额资金是将大量资金投入乡村住宅、景观和环境开发的另一种巨大方式。但这也许应该成为另一本书的主题。
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